Emanuel's parents met during the 1950s in Chicago. Emanuel was born on November 29, 1959, in Chicago, Illinois. His first name, Rahm (רם) means high or lofty in Hebrew. He attended Bernard Zell Anshe Emet Day School in Lakeview for elementary school. He has been described by his older brother Ezekiel, an oncologist and bioethicist at the University of Pennsylvania, as "quiet and observant" as a child. Ari, his younger brother, is the CEO of Endeavor, an entertainment agency with headquarters in Beverly Hills, California. Emanuel also has a younger adopted sister, Shoshana.
Rahm was encouraged by his mother to take ballet lessons, and is a graduate of the Evanston School of Ballet, as well as a student of the Joel Hall Dance Center, where his children later took lessons. He won a scholarship to the Joffrey Ballet, but turned it down to attend Sarah Lawrence College, a liberal arts school with a strong dance program. While an undergraduate, Emanuel was elected to the Sarah Lawrence Student Senate. He graduated from Sarah Lawrence in 1981 with a bachelor of arts in liberal arts, and went on to receive a master of arts in speech and communication from Northwestern University in 1985.
Emanuel is known for his "take-no-prisoners style" that has earned him the nickname "Rahmbo." Emanuel sent a dead fish in a box to a pollster who was late delivering polling results. On the night after the 1992 election, angry at Democrats and Republicans who "betrayed" them in the 1992 election, Emanuel stood up at a celebratory dinner with colleagues from the campaign and began plunging a steak knife into the table and began rattling off names while shouting "Dead! Dead! Dead!". Before Tony Blair gave a pro-Clinton speech during the impeachment crisis, Emanuel reportedly screamed at Blair "Don't fuck this up!" while Clinton was present. Blair and Clinton both burst into laughter. However, by 2007 friends of Emanuel were saying that he has "mellowed out". Stories of his personal style have entered the popular culture, inspiring articles and websites that chronicle these and other quotes and incidents. The character Josh Lyman in The West Wing was said to be based on Emanuel, though executive producer Lawrence O'Donnell denied this.
After serving as an advisor to Bill Clinton, in 1998 Emanuel resigned from his position in the administration and joined the investment banking firm Wasserstein Perella, where he worked for 2.5 years. Although he did not have an MBA or prior banking experience, he became a managing director at the firm's Chicago office in 1999, and according to congressional disclosures, made $16.2 million in his 2.5 years as a banker. At Wasserstein Perella, he worked on eight deals, including the acquisition by Commonwealth Edison of Peco Energy and the purchase by GTCR Golder Rauner of the SecurityLink home security unit from SBC Communications.
In 2002, Emanuel pursued the U.S. House seat in the 5th district of Illinois, previously held by Rod Blagojevich, who successfully ran for governor of Illinois. His strongest opponent in the crowded primary of eight was former Illinois state representative Nancy Kaszak. During the primary, Edward Moskal, president of the Polish American Congress, a political action committee endorsing Kaszak, called Emanuel a "millionaire carpetbagger". Emanuel won the primary and defeated Republican candidate Mark Augusti in the general election. Emanuel's inaugural election to the House with 67% was the closest he ever had for this seat, as he subsequently won more than 70% in all of his re-election bids.
However, Emanuel also faced some criticism for his failure to support some progressive candidates, as Howard Dean advocated. Emanuel had "aggressively recruited right-leaning candidates, frequently military veterans, including former Republicans". Many of the Representatives that Rahm had recruited, such as Heath Shuler, ended up "[voting] against important Obama administration priorities, like economic stimulus, banking reform, and health care". Progressive activist Howie Klein has suggested that Emanuel's congressional campaign strategy was short-sighted, as it "contributed to the massive G.O.P. majorities we have now, the biggest since the nineteen-twenties" when the Democrats lost control of the House in the 2010 mid-term elections.
After his role in helping the Democrats win the 2006 elections, Emanuel was believed to be a leading candidate for the position of Majority Whip. Nancy Pelosi, who became the next Speaker of the House of Representatives, persuaded him not to challenge Jim Clyburn, but instead to succeed Clyburn in the role of Democratic Caucus Chairman. In return, Pelosi agreed to assign the caucus chair more responsibilities, including "aspects of strategy and messaging, incumbent retention, policy development, and rapid-response communications". Caucus vice-chair John Larson remained in his role instead of running for the chairman position. After Vice President Dick Cheney asserted that he did not fall within the bounds of orders set for the executive branch, Emanuel called for cutting off the $4.8 million the Executive Branch provides for the Vice President's office.
Some Republican leaders criticized Emanuel's appointment because they believed it went against Obama's campaign promises of less divisive politics, given Emanuel's reputation as a partisan Democrat. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham disagreed, saying: "This is a wise choice by President-elect Obama. He's tough, but fair, honest, direct, and candid." Ira Forman, executive director of the National Jewish Democratic Council, said that the choice indicated that Obama would not listen to the "wrong people" regarding the U.S.–Israel relationship. Some commentators opined that Emanuel would be good for the Israeli–Palestinian peace process because if Israeli leaders made excuses for not dismantling settlements, Emanuel would be tough and pressure the Israelis to comply. Some Palestinians expressed dismay at Emanuel's appointment.
Weeks after accepting the appointment, Emanuel participated on a panel of corporate chief executive officers sponsored by the Wall Street Journal, and said, "You never want a serious crisis to go to waste." Emanuel explained later, "... what I said was, never allow a good crisis to go to waste when it's an opportunity to do things that you had never considered, or that you didn't think were possible." In a 2009 article in The New York Times, Emanuel was characterized as being "perhaps the most influential chief of staff of a generation".
Emanuel has a reputation for his no-holds-barred negotiation style that involves "his share of shouting and cursing". Ezekiel Emanuel has written, "The impatient, pushy Emanuel style is so well known that during a recent job interview I was asked, point-blank, whether I had the level-headed temperament the position required. ... . [A]s obvious as our flaws are to others, it's difficult to recognize them in ourselves." At a January 2010 closed-door meeting in the White House with liberal activists, Emanuel called them "fucking retarded" for planning to run TV ads attacking conservative Democrats who didn't support Obama's health-care overhaul. After the remarks were quoted in a front-page story of the Wall Street Journal, and after he was criticized by Sarah Palin, Emanuel apologized to organizations for mentally disabled people for using the word "retarded".
As chief of staff, Emanuel would make his staff laugh. During a staff meeting, when Chief Technology Officer Aneesh Chopra gave uniformly upbeat reports, Emanuel is said to have looked at him and said: "Whatever you're taking, I want some." Emanuel had a hand in war strategy, political maneuvering, communications and economic policy. Bob Woodward wrote in Obama's Wars that Emanuel made a habit of telephoning CIA Director Leon Panetta and asking about the lethal drone strikes aimed at Al Qaeda, asking, "Who did we get today?".
In 2010, Emanuel was reported to have conflicts with other senior members of the president's team and ideological clashes over policy. He was also the focal point of criticism from left-leaning Democrats for the administration's perceived move to the center. By September 2010, with the Democrats anticipating heavy losses in mid-term elections, this was said to precipitate Emanuel's departure as chief of staff.
On September 30, 2010, it was announced that Emanuel would leave his post as White House Chief of Staff to run for Mayor of Chicago. He was replaced by Pete Rouse on October 2, 2010. Emanuel entered the race with high-name recognition, having not only a sizable local profile, but also a sizable national profile.
Emanuel's eligibility for office was challenged on the basis of his lack of residency in Chicago for one year prior to the election. This was the period when Emanuel was in Washington serving as the White House chief of staff. The Board of Elections and the Cook County Circuit Court affirmed his eligibility. A divided Court of Appeals reversed the Circuit Court, holding on January 24, 2011, that residency for purposes of a candidate is different from residency for purposes of being a voter. A further appeal to the Illinois Supreme Court resulted in a unanimous decision reversing the Court of Appeals and affirming Emanuel's eligibility.
In the race, Emanuel had a financial advantage over the other candidates. He was by far the best-financed candidate, with more than three times the campaign funds as the second-best financed candidate (Gery Chico), and more than twenty-times the third-best financed candidate (Carol Moseley Braun). Emanuel's had his financial advantage from the very start of his candidacy, as he began his campaign with approximately $1.2 million from his congressional campaign fund. By December 31, 2010, he had raised more than $10.5 million in additional funds. On January 1, 2011, the Illinois Campaign Disclosure Act took effect, limiting individual personal contributions to candidates to $5,000. Nevertheless, he continued to raise substantial funds, ultimately having procured a total $15 million over the course of his campaign (including those funds transferred from his congressional campaign committee). Emanuel was able to raise so much because he had experience fundraising, had built a Washington connections and a national profile, and his brother Ari had Hollywood connections. He had 75 contributors give more than $50,000, twenty-five of which were from out of state. Among these high-dollar contributors were Steven Spielberg, Donald Trump, and Steve Jobs. Despite having a national fundraising operation, three-quarters of his donations came locally. More than $800,000 of his contributions were from financial exchange and trading executives, with his largest single donation being a $200,000 donation from executives of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange.
Emanuel's advertisements portrayed him as having strong roots in the city, and, in telling his biography, emphasized his upbringing on the North Shore. Contrarily, Emanuel's opponents attempted to characterize him as a carpetbagger, hailing not from the city itself but rather from the North Shore and Washington, D.C. Emanuel's advertisements also sought to emphasize his tenures in working in the White House and his tenure as a congressman. Emanuel would highlight his relations with presidents Clinton and Obama. He also sought to highlight the fact that he had forged connections in Washington during his time in congress, and also had strong business ties.
In attracting African American voters to his candidacy, Emanuel was helped by his associations with Presidents Clinton and Obama, both of whom were extremely popular among the African American community. After Moseley Braun's support began to crater following a character attack on fellow candidate Patricia Van Pelt Watkins which backfired, Emanuel was the beneficiary as the, largely African American, voters that abandoned their support of Moseley Braun's candidacy primarily migrated to support his candidacy. Once this happened, Emanuel had all but secured himself a first-place finish, and the remaining candidates were left to jockey for second-place in hopes of there being a runoff.
Emanuel was elected on February 22, 2011, with 55% of the vote, and was sworn in as the 55th Mayor of Chicago on May 16, 2011, at the Pritzker Pavilion, becoming Chicago's first Jewish mayor. At his inauguration were outgoing Mayor Richard M. Daley, Vice President Joe Biden, Labor Secretary Hilda Solis, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, former Mayor Jane Byrne, and William M. Daley, brother of the outgoing mayor and who would later serve as White House Chief of Staff.
Emanuel announced in October 2017 that he was running for reelection in 2019, despite low approval ratings and some potentially serious challengers. In September 2018, Emanuel decided to not run for reelection. Close friend David Axelrod told USA Today that Emanuel had grown uncertain about his devotion to a third term. Emanuel had been leading in the polls prior to his decision to withdraw. However according to Politico citing data from Public Policy Polling, Rahm Emanuel had a lead over most of his potential challengers but it was "not enough to win the contest outright" and that in a head-to-head matchup with Paul Vallas, Vallas actually had a polling lead over Emanuel with 39 percent to 33. In an interview with the Chicago Tribune, Emanuel stated that he had been conferring with his wife and children for months before announcing the decision and that he felt it was time to "write the next chapter."
Emanuel assembled a transition team from varied backgrounds. On November 16, the city council voted unanimously to adopt the mayor's first budget, which decreased the budget by $34 million and increased spending by $46.2 million, supported by increasing fees and fines. Despite most Aldermen opposing cuts to library workers and the closure of mental health clinics, they ultimately supported it, calling it "honest". At a news conference in November 2012, Emanuel listed his top three priorities for the state legislature as security and pension reform, adding a casino to Chicago, and equal marriage rights for same-sex couples. At a press conference with then Illinois Governor Pat Quinn, who previously vetoed legislation to put a casino in Chicago, the two were "very close" to reaching a deal. In April 2018, Emanuel received an honorary Doctor of Laws degree from NUI Galway, a university in Chicago's sister city of Galway, Ireland, with the conferrers citing achievements in education reform while Mayor.
In August 2012, a federal lawsuit was filed by eleven Chicago police officers alleging they were removed from the mayoral security detail and replaced with officers who worked on Emanuel's mayoral campaign, in violation of the 1983 Shakman Decree, which bars city officials from making political considerations in the hiring process.
Emanuel faced a great deal of criticism for his handling of the October 20, 2014, police murder of Laquan McDonald. The dash-cam video of the shooting was initially withheld, and only was released after a judge ordered it on November 24, 2015. After the video release, Emanuel was condemned for covering up the incident and allowing Chicago police to use excessive force against minorities. Chicago Tribune columnist John Kass wrote that the Emanuel administration withheld from the public the police dashboard camera video of the shooting in order to secure the reelection. Emanuel responded to criticism of the shooting and how it was handled by firing police Superintendent Garry McCarthy. In early December, the federal Justice Department announced an investigation into the Chicago Police Department, a move which Emanuel initially called "misguided". Illinois state legislator La Shawn Ford also introduced a bill to recall the mayor (an effort most pundits claim was more symbolic than practical).
On December 26, 2015, a police officer killed two people in another shooting, including a woman whom the officer had shot by mistake. On December 28, Emanuel announced that he was cutting short his vacation in Cuba to deal with the crisis. Emanuel announced several changes to the Chicago police department on December 30, including doubling the number of Tasers issued to officers. On New Year's Eve, the Emanuel administration released e-mails revealing they had sought to coordinate with independent agencies such as the Independent Police Review Authority regarding public relations after the shooting. The same day The New Yorker added to the wave of negative media attention surrounding the mayor by publishing "The Sudden But Well-Deserved Fall of Rahm Emanuel," an article critically reevaluating Emanuel's legacy as a political operative since the early 1990s.
On August 16, 2011, Emanuel unveiled "Healthy Chicago", the city's first public health blueprint with Chicago Department of Public Health Commissioner Bechara Choucair. Emanuel initiated the consolidation of City Council committees from 19 to 16 in a cost control effort. On October 30, 2012, Emanuel voiced his support for the demolition of the abandoned Prentice Women's Hospital Building, in order for Northwestern University, which owns the property, to build a new facility. Preservationists supported historical landmark status. Days later, the Commission on Chicago Landmarks voted that the building met landmark status criteria then reversed their decision later in the same meeting. On November 15, a judge granted a temporary stay of the decision in order for a lawsuit filed by preservation coalitions against the landmark commission to be heard.
Emanuel and his office were found guilty of breaking state law by withholding government emails by transferring them onto his personal phone. In March 2017, the Chicago Tribune reported Emanuel released 2,696 emails he had previously withheld. In the emails there were found to be 26 possible violations of lobbying laws. On at least 26 occasions lobbyists, corporate executives, donors, and friends of Emanuel got access to Emanuel or other city officials without registering as a lobbyist or reporting their contact to the ethics board.
Emanuel planned to arrange for a smooth transition between his mayoral administration and that of his elected successor Lori Lightfoot. Reports were that he intended to model the transition between their administrations upon the U.S. presidential transition between the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations. Emanuel had been part of that transition as Obama's Chief of Staff designate.
Emanuel and his wife, Amy Merritt Rule, have a son and two daughters. As of 2011, their family lived in the Ravenswood neighborhood on Chicago's north side. Rule converted to Judaism shortly before their wedding. Emanuel is a close friend of fellow Chicagoan David Axelrod, chief strategist for Obama's 2008 and 2012 presidential campaign, and Axelrod signed the ketuba, the Jewish marriage contract, at Emanuel's wedding. The Emanuels are members of the Chicago synagogue Anshe Sholom B'nai Israel. Rabbi Asher Lopatin of the congregation described Emanuel's family as "a very involved Jewish family", adding that "Amy was one of the teachers for a class for children during the High Holidays two years ago". Emanuel has said of his Judaism: "I am proud of my heritage and treasure the values it has taught me." Emanuel's children attended the private University of Chicago Laboratory Schools in the Hyde Park neighborhood on the South Side of Chicago.
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Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
Foreman, Sean D.; Godwin, Marcia L. (2014). Local Politics and Mayoral Elections in 21st Century America: The Keys to City Hall. Routledge. pp. 128–133. ISBN 978-1-317-57893-2. Retrieved May 18, 2020. 978-1-317-57893-2
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