After the NSDAP's rise to power in the 1930s, the use of the term "Nazi" by itself or in terms such as "Nazi Germany", "Nazi regime", and so on was popularised by German exiles outside the country, but not in Germany. From them, the term spread into other languages and it was eventually brought back into Germany after World War II. The NSDAP briefly adopted the designation "Nazi" in an attempt to reappropriate the term: an example of this is the serie of articles published by Leopold von Mildenstein on the Völkischer Beobachter under the title Ein Nazi fährt nach Palästina in 1934; but it soon gave up this effort and generally avoided using the term while it was in power. In each case, the authors typically referred to themselves as "National Socialists" and their movement as "National Socialism", but never as "Nazis". A compendium of Hitler's conversations from 1941 through 1944 entitled Hitler's Table Talk does not contain the word "Nazi" either. In speeches by Hermann Göring, he never uses the term "Nazi". Hitler Youth leader Melita Maschmann wrote a book about her experience entitled Account Rendered. She did not refer to herself as a "Nazi", even though she was writing well after World War II. In 1933, 581 members of the National Socialist Party answered interview questions put to them by Professor Theodore Abel from Columbia University. They similarly did not refer to themselves as "Nazis".
The majority of scholars identify Nazism in both theory and practice as a form of far-right politics. Far-right themes in Nazism include the argument that superior people have a right to dominate other people and purge society of supposed inferior elements. Adolf Hitler and other proponents denied that Nazism was either left-wing or right-wing: instead, they officially portrayed Nazism as a syncretic movement. In Mein Kampf, Hitler directly attacked both left-wing and right-wing politics in Germany, saying:
In 1929, Hitler gave a speech to a group of Nazi leaders and simplified 'socialism' to mean, "Socialism! That is an unfortunate word altogether... What does socialism really mean? If people have something to eat and their pleasures, then they have their socialism." When asked in an interview on 27 January 1934 whether he supported the "bourgeois right-wing", Hitler claimed that Nazism was not exclusively for any class and he indicated that it favoured neither the left nor the right, but preserved "pure" elements from both "camps" by stating: "From the camp of bourgeois tradition, it takes national resolve, and from the materialism of the Marxist dogma, living, creative Socialism."
Historians regard the equation of Nazism as "Hitlerism" as too simplistic since the term was used prior to the rise of Hitler and the Nazis. In addition, the different ideologies incorporated into Nazism were already well established in certain parts of German society long before World War I. The Nazis were strongly influenced by the post–World War I far-right in Germany, which held common beliefs such as anti-Marxism, anti-liberalism and antisemitism, along with nationalism, contempt for the Treaty of Versailles and condemnation of the Weimar Republic for signing the armistice in November 1918 which later led it to sign the Treaty of Versailles. A major inspiration for the Nazis were the far-right nationalist Freikorps, paramilitary organisations that engaged in political violence after World War I. Initially, the post–World War I German far-right was dominated by monarchists, but the younger generation, which was associated with völkisch nationalism, was more radical and it did not express any emphasis on the restoration of the German monarchy. This younger generation desired to dismantle the Weimar Republic and create a new radical and strong state based upon a martial ruling ethic that could revive the "Spirit of 1914" which was associated with German national unity (Volksgemeinschaft).
There were factions within the Nazi Party, both conservative and radical. The conservative Nazi Hermann Göring urged Hitler to conciliate with capitalists and reactionaries. Other prominent conservative Nazis included Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich. Meanwhile, the radical Nazi Joseph Goebbels opposed capitalism, viewing it as having Jews at its core and he stressed the need for the party to emphasise both a proletarian and a national character. Those views were shared by Otto Strasser, who later left the Nazi Party and formed the Black Front in the belief that Hitler had allegedly betrayed the party's socialist goals by endorsing capitalism.
When the Nazi Party emerged from obscurity to become a major political force after 1929, the conservative faction rapidly gained more influence, as wealthy donors took an interest in the Nazis as a potential bulwark against communism. The Nazi Party had previously been financed almost entirely from membership dues, but after 1929 its leadership began actively seeking donations from German industrialists, and Hitler began holding dozens of fundraising meetings with business leaders. In the midst of the Great Depression, facing the possibility of economic ruin on the one hand and a Communist or Social Democrat government on the other hand, German business increasingly turned to Nazism as offering a way out of the situation, by promising a state-driven economy that would support, rather than attack, existing business interests. By January 1933, the Nazi Party had secured the support of important sectors of German industry, mainly among the steel and coal producers, the insurance business, and the chemical industry.
Hitler expressed opposition to capitalism, regarding it as having Jewish origins and accusing capitalism of holding nations ransom to the interests of a parasitic cosmopolitan rentier class. He also expressed opposition to communism and egalitarian forms of socialism, arguing that inequality and hierarchy are beneficial to the nation. He believed that communism was invented by the Jews to weaken nations by promoting class struggle. After his rise to power, Hitler took a pragmatic position on economics, accepting private property and allowing capitalist private enterprises to exist so long as they adhered to the goals of the Nazi state, but not tolerating enterprises that he saw as being opposed to the national interest.
German business leaders disliked Nazi ideology but came to support Hitler, because they saw the Nazis as a useful ally to promote their interests. Business groups made significant financial contributions to the Nazi Party both before and after the Nazi seizure of power, in the hope that a Nazi dictatorship would eliminate the organised labour movement and the left-wing parties. Hitler actively sought to gain the support of business leaders by arguing that private enterprise is incompatible with democracy.
The historical roots of Nazism are to be found in various elements of European political culture which were in circulation in the intellectual capitals of the continent, what Joachim Fest called the "scrapheap of ideas" prevalent at the time. In Hitler and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic, historian Martin Broszat points out that
Brought together, the result was an anti-intellectual and politically semi-illiterate ideology lacking cohesion, a product of mass culture which allowed its followers emotional attachment and offered a simplified and easily-digestible world-view based on a political mythology for the masses.
Fichte's works served as an inspiration to Hitler and other Nazi Party members, including Dietrich Eckart and Arnold Fanck. In Speeches to the German Nation (1808), written amid the First French Empire's occupation of Berlin during the Napoleonic Wars, Fichte called for a German national revolution against the French Imperial Army occupiers, making passionate public speeches, arming his students for battle against the French and stressing the need for action by the German nation so it could free itself. Fichte's German nationalism was populist and opposed to traditional elites, spoke of the need for a "People's War" (Volkskrieg) and put forth concepts similar to those which the Nazis adopted. Fichte promoted German exceptionalism and stressed the need for the German nation to purify itself (including purging the German language of French words, a policy that the Nazis undertook upon their rise to power).
During his youth in Austria, Hitler was politically influenced by Austrian Pan-Germanist proponent Georg Ritter von Schönerer, who advocated radical German nationalism, antisemitism, anti-Catholicism, anti-Slavic sentiment and anti-Habsburg views. From von Schönerer and his followers, Hitler adopted for the Nazi movement the Heil greeting, the Führer title and the model of absolute party leadership. Hitler was also impressed by the populist antisemitism and the anti-liberal bourgeois agitation of Karl Lueger, who as the mayor of Vienna during Hitler's time in the city used a rabble-rousing style of oratory that appealed to the wider masses. Unlike von Schönerer, Lueger was not a German nationalist and instead was a pro-Catholic Habsburg supporter and only used German nationalist notions occasionally for his own agenda. Although Hitler praised both Lueger and Schönerer, he criticised the former for not applying a racial doctrine against the Jews and Slavs.
In Germany, the belief that Jews were economically exploiting Germans became prominent due to the ascendancy of many wealthy Jews into prominent positions upon the unification of Germany in 1871. From 1871 to the early 20th century, German Jews were overrepresented in Germany's upper and middle classes while they were underrepresented in Germany's lower classes, particularly in the fields of agricultural and industrial labour. German Jewish financiers and bankers played a key role in fostering Germany's economic growth from 1871 to 1913 and they benefited enormously from this boom. In 1908, amongst the twenty-nine wealthiest German families with aggregate fortunes of up to 55 million marks at the time, five were Jewish and the Rothschilds were the second wealthiest German family. The predominance of Jews in Germany's banking, commerce and industry sectors during this time period was very high, even though Jews were estimated to account for only 1% of the population of Germany. The overrepresentation of Jews in these areas fuelled resentment among non-Jewish Germans during periods of economic crisis. The 1873 stock market crash and the ensuing depression resulted in a spate of attacks on alleged Jewish economic dominance in Germany and antisemitism increased. During this time period, in the 1870s, German völkisch nationalism began to adopt antisemitic and racist themes and it was also adopted by a number of radical right political movements.
Johann Gottlieb Fichte accused Jews in Germany of having been and inevitably of continuing to be a "state within a state" that threatened German national unity. Fichte promoted two options in order to address this, his first one being the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine so the Jews could be impelled to leave Europe. His second option was violence against Jews and he said that the goal of the violence would be "to cut off all their heads in one night, and set new ones on their shoulders, which should not contain a single Jewish idea".
The Nazis claimed that Bismarck was unable to complete German national unification because Jews had infiltrated the German parliament and they claimed that their abolition of parliament had ended this obstacle to unification. Using the stab-in-the-back myth, the Nazis accused Jews—and other populations who it considered non-German—of possessing extra-national loyalties, thereby exacerbating German antisemitism about the Judenfrage (the Jewish Question), the far-right political canard which was popular when the ethnic völkisch movement and its politics of Romantic nationalism for establishing a Großdeutschland was strong.
Nazism's racial policy positions may have developed from the views of important biologists of the 19th century, including French biologist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, through Ernst Haeckel's idealist version of Lamarckism and the father of genetics, German botanist Gregor Mendel. Haeckel's works were later condemned by the Nazis as inappropriate for "National-Socialist formation and education in the Third Reich". This may have been because of his "monist" atheistic, materialist philosophy, which the Nazis disliked, along with his friendliness to Jews, opposition to militarism and support altruism, with one Nazi official calling for them to be banned. Unlike Darwinian theory, Lamarckian theory officially ranked races in a hierarchy of evolution from apes while Darwinian theory did not grade races in a hierarchy of higher or lower evolution from apes, but simply stated that all humans as a whole had progressed in their evolution from apes. Many Lamarckians viewed "lower" races as having been exposed to debilitating conditions for too long for any significant "improvement" of their condition to take place in the near future. Haeckel used Lamarckian theory to describe the existence of interracial struggle and put races on a hierarchy of evolution, ranging from wholly human to subhuman.
Spengler's definition of socialism did not advocate a change to property relations. He denounced Marxism for seeking to train the proletariat to "expropriate the expropriator", the capitalist and then to let them live a life of leisure on this expropriation. He claimed that "Marxism is the capitalism of the working class" and not true socialism. According to Spengler, true socialism would be in the form of corporatism, stating that "local corporate bodies organised according to the importance of each occupation to the people as a whole; higher representation in stages up to a supreme council of the state; mandates revocable at any time; no organised parties, no professional politicians, no periodic elections".
For all of Spengler's influence on the movement, he was opposed to its antisemitism. He wrote in his personal papers "[H]ow much envy of the capability of other people in view of one's lack of it lies hidden in anti-Semitism!" as well as "[W]hen one would rather destroy business and scholarship than see Jews in them, one is an ideologue, i.e., a danger for the nation. Idiotic."
Hitler spoke of Nazism being indebted to the success of Fascism's rise to power in Italy. In a private conversation in 1941, Hitler said that "the brown shirt would probably not have existed without the black shirt", the "brown shirt" referring to the Nazi militia and the "black shirt" referring to the Fascist militia. He also said in regards to the 1920s: "If Mussolini had been outdistanced by Marxism, I don't know whether we could have succeeded in holding out. At that period National Socialism was a very fragile growth".
Other Nazis—especially those at the time associated with the party's more radical wing such as Gregor Strasser, Joseph Goebbels and Heinrich Himmler—rejected Italian Fascism, accusing it of being too conservative or capitalist. Alfred Rosenberg condemned Italian Fascism for being racially confused and having influences from philosemitism. Strasser criticised the policy of Führerprinzip as being created by Mussolini and considered its presence in Nazism as a foreign imported idea. Throughout the relationship between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, a number of lower-ranking Nazis scornfully viewed fascism as a conservative movement that lacked a full revolutionary potential.
Thus, any explication of the ideology of Nazism must be descriptive, as it was not generated primarily from first principles, but was the result of numerous factors, including Hitler's strongly-held personal views, some parts of the 25-point plan, the general goals of the völkische and nationalist movements, and the conflicts between Nazi Party functionaries who battled "to win [Hitler] over to their respective interpretations of [National Socialism]." Once the Party had been purged of divergent influences such as Strasserism, Hitler was accepted by the Party's leadership as the "supreme authority to rule on ideological matters".
Wolfgang Bialas argues that the Nazis' sense of morality could be described as a form of procedural virtue ethics, as it demanded unconditional obedience to absolute virtues with the attitude of social engineering and replaced common sense intuitions with an ideological catalogue of virtues and commands. The ideal Nazi new man was to be race-conscious and an ideologically dedicated warrior who would commit actions for the sake of the German race while at the same time convinced he was doing the right thing and acting morally. The Nazis believed an individual could only develop their capabilities and individual characteristics within the framework of the individual's racial membership; the race one belonged to determined whether or not one was worthy of moral care. The Christian concept of self-denial was to be replaced with the idea of self-assertion towards those deemed inferior. Natural selection and the struggle for existence were declared by the Nazis to be the most divine laws; peoples and individuals deemed inferior were said to be incapable of surviving without those deemed superior, yet by doing so they imposed a burden on the superior. Natural selection was deemed to favour the strong over the weak and the Nazis deemed that protecting those declared inferior was preventing nature from taking its course; those incapable of asserting themselves were viewed as doomed to annihilation, with the right to life being granted only to those who could survive on their own.
Historian Adam Tooze explains that Hitler believed that lebensraum was vital to securing American-style consumer affluence for the German people. In this light, Tooze argues that the view that the regime faced a "guns or butter" contrast is mistaken. While it is true that resources were diverted from civilian consumption to military production, Tooze explains that at a strategic level "guns were ultimately viewed as a means to obtaining more butter".
While the Nazi pre-occupation with agrarian living and food production are often seen as a sign of their backwardness, Tooze explains this was in fact a major driving issue in European society for at least the last two centuries. The issue of how European societies should respond to the new global economy in food was one of the major issues facing Europe in the early 20th century. Agrarian life in Europe (except perhaps with the exception of Britain) was incredibly common—in the early 1930s, over 9 million Germans (almost a third of the work force) were still working in agriculture and many people not working in agriculture still had small allotments or otherwise grew their own food. Tooze estimates that just over half the German population in the 1930s was living in towns and villages with populations under 20,000 people. Many people in cities still had memories of rural-urban migration—Tooze thus explains that the Nazis obsessions with agrarianism were not an atavistic gloss on a modern industrial nation but a consequence of the fact that Nazism (as both an ideology and as a movement) was the product of a society still in economic transition.
The Nazis obsession with food production was a consequence of the First World War. While Europe was able to avert famine with international imports, blockades brought the issue of food security back into European politics, the Allied blockade of Germany in and after World War I did not cause an outright famine but chronic malnutrition did kill an estimated 600,000 people in Germany and Austria. The economic crises of the interwar period meant that most Germans had memories of acute hunger. Thus Tooze concludes that the Nazis obsession with acquiring land was not a case of "turning back the clock" but more a refusal to accept that the result of the distribution of land, resources and population, which had resulted from the imperialist wars of the 18th and 19th centuries, should be accepted as final. While the victors of the First World War had either suitable agricultural land to population ratios or large empires (or both), allowing them to declare the issue of living space closed, the Nazis, knowing Germany lacked either of these, refused to accept that Germany's place in the world was to be a medium-sized workshop dependent upon imported food.
In Nazi Germany, the idea of creating a master race resulted in efforts to "purify" the Deutsche Volk through eugenics and its culmination was the compulsory sterilisation or the involuntary euthanasia of physically or mentally disabled people. After World War II, the euthanasia programme was named Action T4. The ideological justification for euthanasia was Hitler's view of Sparta (11th century – 195 BC) as the original völkisch state and he praised Sparta's dispassionate destruction of congenitally deformed infants in order to maintain racial purity. Some non-Aryans enlisted in Nazi organisations like the Hitler Youth and the Wehrmacht, including Germans of African descent and Jewish descent. The Nazis began to implement "racial hygiene" policies as soon as they came to power. The July 1933 "Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring" prescribed compulsory sterilisation for people with a range of conditions which were thought to be hereditary, such as schizophrenia, epilepsy, Huntington's chorea and "imbecility". Sterilization was also mandated for chronic alcoholism and other forms of social deviance. An estimated 360,000 people were sterilised under this law between 1933 and 1939. Although some Nazis suggested that the programme should be extended to people with physical disabilities, such ideas had to be expressed carefully, given the fact that some Nazis had physical disabilities, one example being one of the most powerful figures of the regime, Joseph Goebbels, who had a deformed right leg.
Günther emphasised Jews' Near Eastern racial heritage. Günther identified the mass conversion of the Khazars to Judaism in the 8th century as creating the two major branches of the Jewish people: those of primarily Near Eastern racial heritage became the Ashkenazi Jews (that he called Eastern Jews) while those of primarily Oriental racial heritage became the Sephardi Jews (that he called Southern Jews). Günther claimed that the Near Eastern type was composed of commercially spirited and artful traders, and that the type held strong psychological manipulation skills which aided them in trade. He claimed that the Near Eastern race had been "bred not so much for the conquest and exploitation of nature as it had been for the conquest and exploitation of people". Günther believed that European peoples had a racially motivated aversion to peoples of Near Eastern racial origin and their traits, and as evidence of this he showed multiple examples of depictions of satanic figures with Near Eastern physiognomies in European art.
Nazi anthropologists attempted to scientifically prove the historical admixture of the Slavs who lived further East and leading Nazi racial theorist Hans Günther regarded the Slavs as being primarily Nordic centuries ago but he believed that they had mixed with non-Nordic types over time. Exceptions were made for a small percentage of Slavs who the Nazis saw as descended from German settlers and therefore fit to be Germanised and considered part of the Aryan master race. Hitler described Slavs as "a mass of born slaves who feel the need for a master". Himmler classified Slavs as "bestial untermenschen" and Jews as the "decisive leader of the Untermenschen". These ideas were fervently advocated through Nazi propaganda, which had a massive impact on the indoctrination of the German population. "Der Untermenschen", a racist brochure published by the SS in 1942, has been regarded as one of the most infamous pieces of Nazi anti-Slavic propaganda.
The Nazi notion of Slavs as inferior served as a legitimisation of their desire to create Lebensraum for Germans and other Germanic people in eastern Europe, where millions of Germans and other Germanic settlers would be moved into once those territories were conquered, while the original Slavic inhabitants were to be annihilated, removed or enslaved. Nazi Germany's policy changed towards Slavs in response to military manpower shortages, forcing it to allow Slavs to serve in its armed forces within the occupied territories in spite of the fact that they were considered "subhuman".
Hitler declared that racial conflict against Jews was necessary in order to save Germany from suffering under them and he dismissed concerns that the conflict with them was inhumane and unjust:
Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels frequently employed antisemitic rhetoric to underline this view: "The Jew is the enemy and the destroyer of the purity of blood, the conscious destroyer of our race."
National Socialist politics was based on competition and struggle as its organising principle, and the Nazis believed that "human life consisted of eternal struggle and competition and derived its meaning from struggle and competition." The Nazis saw this eternal struggle in military terms, and advocated a society organised like an army in order to achieve success. They promoted the idea of a national-racial "people's community" (Volksgemeinschaft) in order to accomplish "the efficient prosecution of the struggle against other peoples and states." Like an army, the Volksgemeinschaft was meant to consist of a hierarchy of ranks or classes of people, some commanding and others obeying, all working together for a common goal. This concept was rooted in the writings of 19th century völkisch authors who glorified medieval German society, viewing it as a "community rooted in the land and bound together by custom and tradition," in which there was neither class conflict nor selfish individualism. The Nazis concept of the volksgemeinschaft appealed to many, as it was seen as it seemed at once to affirm a commitment to a new type of society for the modern age yet also offer protection from the tensions and insecurities of modernisation. It would balance individual achievement with group solidarity and cooperation with competition. Stripped of its ideological overtones, the Nazi vision of modernisation without internal conflict and a political community that offered both security and opportunity was so potent a vision of the future that many Germans were willing to overlook its racist and anti-Semitic essence.
Nevertheless, the Nazi Party's voter base consisted mainly of farmers and the middle class, including groups such as Weimar government officials, school teachers, doctors, clerks, self-employed businessmen, salesmen, retired officers, engineers, and students. Their demands included lower taxes, higher prices for food, restrictions on department stores and consumer co-operatives, and reductions in social services and wages. The need to maintain the support of these groups made it difficult for the Nazis to appeal to the working class, since the working class often had opposite demands.
From 1928 onward, the Nazi Party's growth into a large national political movement was dependent on middle class support, and on the public perception that it "promised to side with the middle classes and to confront the economic and political power of the working class." The financial collapse of the white collar middle-class of the 1920s figures much in their strong support of Nazism. Although the Nazis continued to make appeals to "the German worker", historian Timothy Mason concludes that "Hitler had nothing but slogans to offer the working class." Historians Conan Fischer and Detlef Mühlberger argue that while the Nazis were primarily rooted in the lower middle class, they were able to appeal to all classes in society and that while workers were generally underrepresented, they were still a substantial source of support for the Nazis. H.L. Ansbacher argues that the working-class soldiers had the most faith in Hitler out of any occupational group in Germany.
The Nazis also established a norm that every worker should be semi-skilled, which was not simply rhetorical; the number of men leaving school to enter the work force as unskilled labourers fell from 200,000 in 1934 to 30,000 in 1939. For many working-class families, the 1930s and 1940s were a time of social mobility; not in the sense of moving into the middle class but rather moving within the blue-collar skill hierarchy. Overall, the experience of workers varied considerably under Nazism. Workers' wages did not increase much during Nazi rule, as the government feared wage-price inflation and thus wage growth was limited. Prices for food and clothing rose, though costs for heating, rent and light decreased. Skilled workers were in shortage from 1936 onward, meaning that workers who engaged in vocational training could look forward to considerably higher wages. Benefits provided by the Labour Front were generally positively received, even if workers did not always buy in to propaganda about the volksgemeinschaft. Workers welcomed opportunities for employment after the harsh years of the Great Depression, creating a common belief that the Nazis had removed the insecurity of unemployment. Workers who remained discontented risked the Gestapo's informants. Ultimately, the Nazis faced a conflict between their rearmament program, which by necessity would require material sacrifices from workers (longer hours and a lower standard of living), versus a need to maintain the confidence of the working class in the regime. Hitler was sympathetic to the view that stressed taking further measures for rearmament, but he did not fully implement the measures required for it in order to avoid alienating the working class.
While the Nazis had substantial support amongst the middle-class, they often attacked traditional middle-class values and Hitler personally held great contempt for them. This was because the traditional image of the middle class was one that was obsessed with personal status, material attainment and quiet, comfortable living, which was in opposition to the Nazism's ideal of a New Man. The Nazis' New Man was envisioned as a heroic figure who rejected a materialistic and private life for a public life and a pervasive sense of duty, willing to sacrifice everything for the nation. Despite the Nazis' contempt for these values, they were still able to secure millions of middle-class votes. Hermann Beck argues that while some members of the middle-class dismissed this as mere rhetoric, many others in some ways agreed with the Nazis—the defeat of 1918 and the failures of the Weimar period caused many middle-class Germans to question their own identity, thinking their traditional values to be anachronisms and agreeing with the Nazis that these values were no longer viable. While this rhetoric would become less frequent after 1933 due to the increased emphasis on the volksgemeinschaft, it and its ideas would never truly disappear until the overthrow of the regime. The Nazis instead emphasised that the middle-class must become staatsbürger, a publicly active and involved citizen, rather than a selfish, materialistic spießbürger, who was only interested in private life.
Nazi ideology advocated excluding women from political involvement and confining them to the spheres of "Kinder, Küche, Kirche" (Children, Kitchen, Church). Many women enthusiastically supported the regime, but formed their own internal hierarchies. Hitler's own opinion on the matter of women in Nazi Germany was that while other eras of German history had experienced the development and liberation of the female mind, the National Socialist goal was essentially singular in that it wished for them to produce a child. Based on this theme, Hitler once remarked about women that "with every child that she brings into the world, she fights her battle for the nation. The man stands up for the Volk, exactly as the woman stands up for the family". Proto-natalist programs in Nazi Germany offered favourable loans and grants to newlyweds and encouraged them to give birth to offspring by providing them with additional incentives. Contraception was discouraged for racially valuable women in Nazi Germany and abortion was forbidden by strict legal mandates, including prison sentences for women who sought them as well as prison sentences for doctors who performed them, whereas abortion for racially "undesirable" persons was encouraged.
While unmarried until the very end of the regime, Hitler often made excuses about his busy life hindering any chance for marriage. Among National Socialist ideologues, marriage was valued not for moral considerations but because it provided an optimal breeding environment. Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler reportedly told a confidant that when he established the Lebensborn program, an organisation that would dramatically increase the birth rate of "Aryan" children through extramarital relations between women classified as racially pure and their male equals, he had only the purest male "conception assistants" in mind.
After the Night of the Long Knives, Hitler promoted Himmler and the SS, who then zealously suppressed homosexuality by saying: "We must exterminate these people root and branch ... the homosexual must be eliminated". In 1936, Himmler established the "Reichszentrale zur Bekämpfung der Homosexualität und Abtreibung" ("Reich Central Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and Abortion"). The Nazi regime incarcerated some 100,000 homosexuals during the 1930s. As concentration camp prisoners, homosexual men were forced to wear pink triangle badges. Nazi ideology still viewed German men who were gay as a part of the Aryan master race, but the Nazi regime attempted to force them into sexual and social conformity. Homosexuals were viewed as failing in their duty to procreate and reproduce for the Aryan nation. Gay men who would not change or feign a change in their sexual orientation were sent to concentration camps under the "Extermination Through Work" campaign.
The Nazis were initially very hostile to Catholics because most Catholics supported the German Centre Party. Catholics opposed the Nazis' promotion of compulsory sterilisation of those whom they deemed inferior and the Catholic Church forbade its members to vote for the Nazis. In 1933, extensive Nazi violence occurred against Catholics due to their association with the Centre Party and their opposition to the Nazi regime's sterilisation laws. The Nazis demanded that Catholics declare their loyalty to the German state. In their propaganda, the Nazis used elements of Germany's Catholic history, in particular the German Catholic Teutonic Knights and their campaigns in Eastern Europe. The Nazis identified them as "sentinels" in the East against "Slavic chaos", though beyond that symbolism, the influence of the Teutonic Knights on Nazism was limited. Hitler also admitted that the Nazis' night rallies were inspired by the Catholic rituals which he had witnessed during his Catholic upbringing. The Nazis did seek official reconciliation with the Catholic Church and they endorsed the creation of the pro-Nazi Catholic Kreuz und Adler, an organisation which advocated a form of national Catholicism that would reconcile the Catholic Church's beliefs with Nazism. On 20 July 1933, a concordat (Reichskonkordat) was signed between Nazi Germany and the Catholic Church, which in exchange for acceptance of the Catholic Church in Germany required German Catholics to be loyal to the German state. The Catholic Church then ended its ban on members supporting the Nazi Party.
During the Second World War and the fanaticization of National Socialism, priests and nuns increasingly came into the focus of the Gestapo and the SS. In the concentration camps, separate priestly blocks were formed, and any church resistance was strictly persecuted. The monastery sister Maria Restituta Kafka was sentenced to death by the People's Court and executed only for a harmless song critical of the regime. Polish priests came en masse to the Auschwitz concentration camp. Catholic resistance groups like those around Roman Karl Scholz were persecuted uncompromisingly. While the Catholic resistance was often anti-war and passive, there are also examples of actively combating National Socialism. The group around the priest Heinrich Maier approached the American secret service and provided them with plans and location sketches of for V-2 rockets, Tiger tanks, Messerschmitt Bf 109 and Messerschmitt Me 163 Komet and their production sites so that they could successfully bomb the factories. After the war, their history was often forgotten, also because they acted against the express instructions of their church authorities.
The economic policies of the Nazis were in many respects a continuation of the policies of the German National People's Party, a national-conservative party and the Nazis' coalition partner. While other Western capitalist countries strove for increased state ownership of industry during the same period, the Nazis transferred public ownership into the private sector and handed over some public services to private organizations, mostly affiliated with the Nazi Party. It was an intentional policy with multiple objectives rather than ideologically driven and was used as a tool to enhance support for the Nazi government and the party. According to historian Richard Overy, the Nazi war economy was a mixed economy that combined free markets with central planning and described the economy as being somewhere in between the command economy of the Soviet Union and the capitalist system of the United States.
The Nazi government continued the economic policies introduced by the government of Kurt von Schleicher in 1932 to combat the effects of the Depression. Upon being appointed Chancellor in 1933, Hitler appointed Hjalmar Schacht, a former member of the German Democratic Party, as President of the Reichsbank in 1933 and Minister of Economics in 1934. Hitler promised measures to increase employment, protect the German currency, and promote recovery from the Great Depression. These included an agrarian settlement program, labour service, and a guarantee to maintain health care and pensions. However, these policies and programs, which included a large public works programs supported by deficit spending such as the construction of the Autobahn network to stimulate the economy and reduce unemployment,[294] were inherited and planned to be undertaken by the Weimar Republic during conservative Paul von Hindenburg's presidency and which the Nazis appropriated as their own after coming to power. Above all, Hitler's priority was rearmament and the buildup of the German military in preparation for an eventual war to conquer Lebensraum in the East. The policies of Schacht created a scheme for deficit financing, in which capital projects were paid for with the issuance of promissory notes called Mefo bills, which could be traded by companies with each other. This was particularly useful in allowing Germany to rearm because the Mefo bills were not Reichsmarks and did not appear in the federal budget, so they helped conceal rearmament. At the beginning of his rule, Hitler said that "the future of Germany depends exclusively and only on the reconstruction of the Wehrmacht. All other tasks must cede precedence to the task of rearmament." This policy was implemented immediately, with military expenditures quickly growing far larger than the civilian work-creation programs. As early as June 1933, military spending for the year was budgeted to be three times larger than the spending on all civilian work-creation measures in 1932 and 1933 combined. Nazi Germany increased its military spending faster than any other state in peacetime, with the share of military spending rising from 1 per cent to 10 per cent of national income in the first two years of the regime alone. Eventually, it reached as high as 75 per cent by 1944.
Agrarian policies were also important to the Nazis since they corresponded not just to the economy but to their geopolitical conception of Lebensraum as well. For Hitler, the acquisition of land and soil was requisite in moulding the German economy. To tie farmers to their land, selling agricultural land was prohibited. Farm ownership remained private, but business monopoly rights were granted to marketing boards to control production and prices with a quota system. The Hereditary Farm Law of 1933 established a cartel structure under a government body known as the Reichsnährstand (RNST) which determined "everything from what seeds and fertilizers were used to how land was inherited". Hitler primarily viewed the German economy as an instrument of power and believed the economy was not about creating wealth and technical progress so as to improve the quality of life for a nation's citizenry, but rather that economic success was paramount for providing the means and material foundations necessary for military conquest. While economic progress generated by National Socialist programs had its role in appeasing the German people, the Nazis and Hitler in particular did not believe that economic solutions alone were sufficient to thrust Germany onto the stage as a world power. The Nazis thus sought to secure a general economic revival accompanied by massive military spending for rearmament, especially later through the implementation of the Four Year Plan, which consolidated their rule and firmly secured a command relationship between the German arms industry and the National Socialist government. Between 1933 and 1939, military expenditures were upwards of 82 billion Reichsmarks and represented 23 per cent of Germany's gross national product as the Nazis mobilised their people and economy for war.
During the 1920s, Hitler urged disparate Nazi factions to unite in opposition to Jewish Bolshevism. Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism. The Communist movement, the trade unions, the Social Democratic Party and the left-wing press were all considered to be Jewish-controlled and part of the "international Jewish conspiracy" to weaken the German nation by promoting internal disunity through class struggle. The Nazis also believed that the Jews had instigated the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and that Communists had stabbed Germany in the back and caused it to lose the First World War. They further argued that modern cultural trends of the 1920s (such as jazz music and cubist art) represented "cultural Bolshevism" and were part of a political assault aimed at the spiritual degeneration of the German Volk. Joseph Goebbels published a pamphlet titled The Nazi-Sozi which gave brief points of how Nazism differed from Marxism. In 1930, Hitler said: "Our adopted term 'Socialist' has nothing to do with Marxist Socialism. Marxism is anti-property; true Socialism is not".
Both in public and in private Hitler opposed free-market capitalism because it "could not be trusted to put national interests first", arguing that it holds nations ransom in the interests of a parasitic cosmopolitan rentier class. He believed that international free trade would lead to global domination by the British Empire and the United States, which he believed were controlled by Jewish bankers in Wall Street and the City of London. In particular, Hitler saw the United States as a major future rival and feared that the globalization after World War I would allow North America to displace Europe as the world's most powerful continent. Hitler's anxiety over the economic rise of the United States was a major theme in his unpublished Zweites Buch. He even hoped for a time that Britain could be swayed into an alliance with Germany on the basis of a shared economic rivalry with the United States. Hitler desired an economy that would direct resources "in ways that matched the many national goals of the regime" such as the buildup of the military, building programs for cities and roads, and economic self-sufficiency. Hitler also distrusted free-market capitalism for being unreliable due to its egotism and preferred a state-directed economy that maintains private property and competition but subordinates them to the interests of the Volk and Nation.
Hitler told a party leader in 1934: "The economic system of our day is the creation of the Jews". Hitler said to Benito Mussolini that capitalism had "run its course". Hitler also said that the business bourgeoisie "know nothing except their profit. 'Fatherland' is only a word for them." Hitler was personally disgusted with the ruling bourgeois elites of Germany during the period of the Weimar Republic, whom he referred to as "cowardly shits".
Joseph Goebbels, who would later go on to become the Nazi Propaganda Minister, was strongly opposed to both capitalism and communism, viewing them as the "two great pillars of materialism" that were "part of the international Jewish conspiracy for world domination". Nevertheless, he wrote in his diary in 1925 that if he were forced to choose between them, "in the final analysis, it would be better for us to go down with Bolshevism than live in eternal slavery under capitalism". Goebbels also linked his antisemitism to his anti-capitalism, stating in a 1929 pamphlet that "we see, in the Hebrews, the incarnation of capitalism, the misuse of the nation's goods".
Within the Nazi Party, the faction associated with anti-capitalist beliefs was the SA, a paramilitary wing led by Ernst Röhm. The SA had a complicated relationship with the rest of the party, giving both Röhm himself and local SA leaders significant autonomy. Different local leaders would even promote different political ideas in their units, including "nationalistic, socialistic, anti-Semitic, racist, völkisch, or conservative ideas." There was tension between the SA and Hitler, especially from 1930 onward, as Hitler's "increasingly close association with big industrial interests and traditional rightist forces" caused many in the SA to distrust him. The SA regarded Hitler's seizure of power in 1933 as a "first revolution" against the left, and some voices within the ranks began arguing for a "second revolution" against the right. After engaging in violence against the left in 1933, Röhm's SA also began attacks against individuals deemed to be associated with conservative reaction. Hitler saw Röhm's independent actions as violating and possibly threatening his leadership, as well as jeopardising the regime by alienating the conservative President Paul von Hindenburg and the conservative-oriented German Army. This resulted in Hitler purging Röhm and other radical members of the SA in 1934, during the Night of the Long Knives.
Under Nazism, with its emphasis on the nation, individualism was denounced and instead importance was placed upon Germans belonging to the German Volk and "people's community" (Volksgemeinschaft). Hitler declared that "every activity and every need of every individual will be regulated by the collectivity represented by the party" and that "there are no longer any free realms in which the individual belongs to himself".
Although Nazism is often seen as a reactionary movement, it did not seek a return of Germany to the pre-Weimar monarchy but instead looked much further back to a mythic halcyon Germany which never existed. It has also been seen—as it was by the German-American scholar Franz Leopold Neumann—as the result of a crisis of capitalism which manifested as a "totalitarian monopoly capitalism". In this view Nazism is a mass movement of the middle class which was in opposition to a mass movement of workers in socialism and its extreme form, Communism. Historian Karl Dietrich Bracher argues:
About Hitler's and the Nazi Party's political positions, Bracher further claims:
Despite such tactical breaks necessitated by pragmatic concerns, which were typical for Hitler during his rise to power and in the early years of his regime, those who see Hitler as a revolutionary argue that he never ceased being a revolutionary dedicated to the radical transformation of Germany, especially when it concerned racial matters. In his monograph, Hitler: Study of a Revolutionary?, Martyn Housden concludes:
There were aspects of Nazism which were undoubtedly reactionary, such as their attitude toward the role of women in society, which was completely traditionalist, calling for the return of women to the home as wives, mothers and homemakers, although ironically this ideological policy was undermined in reality by the growing labour shortages and need for more workers caused by men leaving the workforce for military service. The number of working women actually increased from 4.24 million in 1933 to 4.52 million in 1936 and 5.2 million in 1938, despite active discouragement and legal barriers put in place by the Nazi regime. Another reactionary aspect of Nazism was in their arts policy, which stemmed from Hitler's rejection of all forms of "degenerate" modern art, music and architecture.
After the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, and his subsequent trial and imprisonment, Hitler decided that the way for the Nazi Party to achieve power was not through insurrection, but through legal and quasi-legal means. This did not sit well with the brown-shirted stormtroopers of the SA, especially those in Berlin, who chafed under the restrictions that Hitler placed on them, and their subordination to the party. This resulted in the Stennes Revolt of 1930–31, after which Hitler made himself the Supreme Commander of the SA and brought Ernst Röhm back to be their Chief of Staff and keep them in line. The quashing of the SA's revolutionary fervor convinced many businessmen and military leaders that the Nazis had put aside their insurrectionist past, and that Hitler could be a reliable partner.
Following the German annexation of Austria, Otto was sentenced to death by the Nazi regime; Rudolf Hess ordered that Otto was to be executed immediately if caught. As ordered by Adolf Hitler, his personal property and that of the House of Habsburg were confiscated. It was not returned after the war. The so-called "Habsburg Law", which had previously been repealed, was reintroduced by the Nazis.
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Buchanan, Patrick J. (2008). Churchill, Hitler, and 'The Unnecessary War': How Britain Lost Its Empire and the West Lost the World. Crown/Archetype. p. 325. ISBN 978-0-307-40956-0. Archived from the original on 12 July 2024. Retrieved 7 March 2019. 978-0-307-40956-0
Fest, Joachim C. (1974) [1973]. Hitler. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-297-76755-8. 978-0-297-76755-8
Broszat 1987, p. 38. - Broszat, Martin (1987) [1984]. Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany. Translated by V. R. Berghahn. Providence, Rhode Island: Berg Publishers. ISBN 0-85496-517-3.
Broszat 1987, p. 38. - Broszat, Martin (1987) [1984]. Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany. Translated by V. R. Berghahn. Providence, Rhode Island: Berg Publishers. ISBN 0-85496-517-3.
Broszat 1987, p. 38. - Broszat, Martin (1987) [1984]. Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany. Translated by V. R. Berghahn. Providence, Rhode Island: Berg Publishers. ISBN 0-85496-517-3.
Harrington, Anne (2021). "Chapter Six: Life Science, Nazi Wholeness, and the 'Machine' in Germany's Midst". Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. p. 175. doi:10.1515/9780691218083-009. ISBN 978-0-691-21808-3. JSTOR j.ctv14163kf.11. S2CID 162490363. Archived from the original on 5 November 2022. Retrieved 2 March 2022. When Hans Shemm in 1935 declared National Socialism to be "politically applied biology," things began to look up, not only for holism, but for the life sciences in general. After all, if the good National Socialist citizen was now seen as the man or woman who understood and revered what were called "Life's laws," then it seemed clear that the life scientists had a major role to play in defining a National Socialist educational program that would transmit the essence of these laws to every family in every village in the country. [...] So much seemed familiar: the calls among the National Socialists to return to authentic "German" values and "ways of knowing," to "overcome" the materialism and mechanism of the "West" and the "Jewish-international lie" of scientific objectivity; the use of traditional volkisch tropes that spoke of the German people (Volk) as a mystical, pseudobiological whole and the state as an "organism" in which the individual was subsumed in the whole ("You are nothing, your Volk is everything"); the condemnation of Jews as an alien force representing chaos, mechanism, and inauthenticity. Hitler himself had even used the stock imagery of conservative holism in Mein Kampf when he spoke of the democratic state as "a dead mechanism which only lays claim to existence for its own sake" and contrasted this with his vision of statehood for Germany in which "there must be formed a living organism with the exclusive aim of serving a higher idea." 978-0-691-21808-3
Deichmann, Ute (2020). "Science and political ideology: The example of Nazi Germany". Mètode Science Studies Journal. 10 (Science and Nazism. The unconfessed collaboration of scientists with National Socialism). Universitat de València: 129–137. doi:10.7203/metode.10.13657. hdl:10550/89369. ISSN 2174-9221. S2CID 203335127. Archived from the original on 1 March 2022. Retrieved 2 March 2022. Although in their basic framework Nazi anti-Semitic and racist ideology and policies were not grounded in science, scientists not only supported them in various ways, but also took advantage of them, for example by using the new possibilities of unethical experimentation in humans that these ideologies provided. Scientists' complicity with Nazi ideology and politics does, however, not mean that all sciences in Nazi Germany were ideologically tainted. I argue, rather, that despite the fact that some areas of science continued at high levels, science in Nazi Germany was most negatively affected not by the imposition of Nazi ideology on the conduct of science but by the enactment of legal measures that ensured the expulsion of Jewish scientists. The anti-Semitism of young faculty and students was particularly virulent. Moreover, I show that scientists supported Nazi ideologies and policies not only through so-called reductionist science such as eugenics and race-hygiene, but also by promoting organicist and holistic ideologies of the racial state. [...] The ideology of leading Nazi party ideologues was strongly influenced by the Volkish movement which, in the wake of the writings of philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and other nineteenth century authors, promoted the idea of Volk (people) as an organic unity. They did not base their virulent anti-Semitism and racism on anthropological concepts. https://www.redalyc.org/journal/5117/511767145001/html/
Anker, Peder (2021). "The Politics of Holism, Ecology, and Human Rights". Imperial Ecology: Environmental Order in the British Empire, 1895–1945. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press. p. 157. doi:10.4159/9780674020221-008. ISBN 978-0-674-02022-1. S2CID 142173094. The paradoxical character of the politics of holism is the theme of this chapter, which focuses on the mutually shaping relationship between John William Bews, John Phillips, and the South African politician Jan Christian Smuts. Smuts was a promoter of international peace and understanding through the League of Nations, but also a defender of racial suppression and white supremacy in his own country. His politics, I will argue, were fully consistent with his holistic philosophy of science. Smuts was guided by the efforts of ecologists such as Bews and Phillips, who provided him with a day-to-day update of the latest advances in scientific knowledge of natural laws governing Homo sapiens. A substantial part of this chapter will thus return to their research on human ecology to explore the mutual field of inspiration linking them and Smuts. Two aspects of this human ecological research were particularly important: the human gradualism or ecological "succession" of human personalities researched by Bews, and the concept of an ecological biotic community explored by Phillips. Smuts transformed this research into a policy of racial gradualism that respected local ways of life in different (biotic) communities, a policy he tried to morally sanctify and promote as author of the famous 1945 Preamble of the United Nation Charter about human rights. 978-0-674-02022-1
Scheid, Volker (2016). "Chapter 3: Holism, Chinese Medicine, and Systems Ideologies: Rewriting the Past to Imagine the Future". In Whitehead, A.; Woods, A.; Atkinson, S.; Macnaughton, J.; Richards, J. (eds.). The Edinburgh Companion to the Critical Medical Humanities. Vol. 1. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. doi:10.3366/edinburgh/9781474400046.003.0003. ISBN 978-1-4744-0004-6. S2CID 13333626. Bookshelf ID:NBK379258. Archived from the original on 12 July 2024. Retrieved 12 August 2022 – via NCBI. Common Roots: Holism Before and During the Interwar Years: This chapter cannot explore in detail the complex entanglements between these different notions of holism, or how they reflect Germany's troubled path towards modernity. My starting point, instead, is the interwar years. By then, holism had become an important resource for people across Europe, the US and beyond—but once again specifically in Germany—for dealing with what Max Weber, in 1918, had famously analysed as a widely felt disenchantment with the modern world. The very word 'holism' (as opposed to ideas or practices designated as such today), as well as related words like 'emergence' or 'organicism', date from this time. It was coined in 1926 by Jan Smuts to describe a perceived tendency of evolutionary processes towards the formation of wholes, granting these wholes a special onto-epistemic significance that parts lack. This was cultural holism now underpinned by evolutionary science and deployed by Smuts not only as a tool for grasping the coming into being of the world but also as an ideological justification for the development of Apartheid in South Africa. In Weimar Germany and then under Nazism, holistic science became a mainstream academic endeavour, once more intermingling cultural politics and serious scientific research. Holistic perspectives also became popular in the interwar years among academics and the wider public throughout the UK and US. In France, it was associated with vitalist philosophies and the emergence of neo-Hippocratic thinking in medicine, manifesting the unease many people felt about the shifts that biomedicine was undergoing at the time. 978-1-4744-0004-6
Deichmann, Ute (2020). "Science and political ideology: The example of Nazi Germany". Mètode Science Studies Journal. 10 (Science and Nazism. The unconfessed collaboration of scientists with National Socialism). Universitat de València: 129–137. doi:10.7203/metode.10.13657. hdl:10550/89369. ISSN 2174-9221. S2CID 203335127. Archived from the original on 1 March 2022. Retrieved 2 March 2022. Although in their basic framework Nazi anti-Semitic and racist ideology and policies were not grounded in science, scientists not only supported them in various ways, but also took advantage of them, for example by using the new possibilities of unethical experimentation in humans that these ideologies provided. Scientists' complicity with Nazi ideology and politics does, however, not mean that all sciences in Nazi Germany were ideologically tainted. I argue, rather, that despite the fact that some areas of science continued at high levels, science in Nazi Germany was most negatively affected not by the imposition of Nazi ideology on the conduct of science but by the enactment of legal measures that ensured the expulsion of Jewish scientists. The anti-Semitism of young faculty and students was particularly virulent. Moreover, I show that scientists supported Nazi ideologies and policies not only through so-called reductionist science such as eugenics and race-hygiene, but also by promoting organicist and holistic ideologies of the racial state. [...] The ideology of leading Nazi party ideologues was strongly influenced by the Volkish movement which, in the wake of the writings of philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and other nineteenth century authors, promoted the idea of Volk (people) as an organic unity. They did not base their virulent anti-Semitism and racism on anthropological concepts. https://www.redalyc.org/journal/5117/511767145001/html/
Deichmann, Ute (2020). "Science and political ideology: The example of Nazi Germany". Mètode Science Studies Journal. 10 (Science and Nazism. The unconfessed collaboration of scientists with National Socialism). Universitat de València: 129–137. doi:10.7203/metode.10.13657. hdl:10550/89369. ISSN 2174-9221. S2CID 203335127. Archived from the original on 1 March 2022. Retrieved 2 March 2022. Although in their basic framework Nazi anti-Semitic and racist ideology and policies were not grounded in science, scientists not only supported them in various ways, but also took advantage of them, for example by using the new possibilities of unethical experimentation in humans that these ideologies provided. Scientists' complicity with Nazi ideology and politics does, however, not mean that all sciences in Nazi Germany were ideologically tainted. I argue, rather, that despite the fact that some areas of science continued at high levels, science in Nazi Germany was most negatively affected not by the imposition of Nazi ideology on the conduct of science but by the enactment of legal measures that ensured the expulsion of Jewish scientists. The anti-Semitism of young faculty and students was particularly virulent. Moreover, I show that scientists supported Nazi ideologies and policies not only through so-called reductionist science such as eugenics and race-hygiene, but also by promoting organicist and holistic ideologies of the racial state. [...] The ideology of leading Nazi party ideologues was strongly influenced by the Volkish movement which, in the wake of the writings of philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and other nineteenth century authors, promoted the idea of Volk (people) as an organic unity. They did not base their virulent anti-Semitism and racism on anthropological concepts. https://www.redalyc.org/journal/5117/511767145001/html/
Ryback 2010, pp. 129–130. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Ryback 2010, p. 129. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Ryback 2010, p. 129. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Ryback 2010, p. 129. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), pp. 19–23.
Thomas Lekan and Thomas Zeller, "Introduction: The Landscape of German Environmental History", in Germany's Nature: Cultural Landscapes and Environmental History, edited by Thomas Lekan and Thomas Zeller (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005), p. 3.
The Nazi concept of Lebensraum has connections with this idea, with German farmers being rooted to their soil, needing more of it for the expansion of the German Volk—whereas the Jew is precisely the opposite, nomadic and urban by nature. See: Roderick Stackelberg, The Routledge Companion to Nazi Germany (New York: Routledge, 2007), p. 259. /wiki/Lebensraum
Additional evidence of Riehl's legacy can be seen in the Riehl Prize, Die Volkskunde als Wissenschaft (Folklore as Science) which was awarded in 1935 by the Nazis. See: George L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), p. 23. Applicants for the Riehl prize had stipulations that included only being of Aryan blood, and no evidence of membership in any Marxist parties or any organisation that stood against National Socialism. See: Hermann Stroback, "Folklore and Fascism before and around 1933," in The Nazification of an Academic Discipline: Folklore in the Third Reich, edited by James R Dow and Hannjost Lixfeld (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), pp. 62–63.
Cyprian Blamires. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2006, p. 542.
Keith H. Pickus. Constructing Modern Identities: Jewish University Students in Germany, 1815–1914. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 1999, p. 86.
Jonathan Olsen. Nature and Nationalism: Right-wing Ecology and the Politics of Identity in Contemporary Germany. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999, p. 62.
Andrew Gladding Whiteside, Austrian National Socialism before 1918, (1962), pp. 1–3
Kershaw 1999, p. 135. - Kershaw, Ian (1999). Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-013363-9.
Nina Witoszek, Lars Trägårdh. Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden. Berghahn Books, 2002. pp. 89–90.
Witoszek, Nina and Lars Trägårdh, Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden, Berghahn Books, 2002, p. 90.
Nina Witoszek, Lars Trägårdh. Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden. Berghahn Books, 2002. pp. 89–90.
Gerwarth 2007, p. 150. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
Gerwarth 2007, p. 149. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
Gerwarth 2007, p. 54. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
Gerwarth 2007, pp. 54, 131. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
Gerwarth 2007, p. 131. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
David Nicholls. Adolf Hitler: A Biographical Companion. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. pp. 236–237.
David Nicholls. Adolf Hitler: A Biographical Companion. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. pp. 236–237.
David Nicholls. Adolf Hitler: A Biographical Companion. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. pp. 159–160.
David Nicholls. Adolf Hitler: A Biographical Companion. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000. pp. 159–160.
Brigitte Hamann (2010). Hitler's Vienna: A Portrait of the Tyrant as a Young Man. Tauris Parke Paperbacks. p. 302. ISBN 978-1-84885-277-8. 978-1-84885-277-8
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
A. J. Woodman. The Cambridge Companion to Tacitus, 2009, p. 294: "The white race was defined as beautiful, honourable and destined to rule; within it the Aryans are 'cette illustre famille humaine, la plus noble'." Originally a linguistic term synonymous with Indo-European, 'Aryan' became, not least because of the Essai, the designation of a race, which Gobineau specified was 'la race germanique' /wiki/Aryan
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 62.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Stackelberg, Roderick; Winkle, Sally Anne. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, London: Routledge, 2002, p. 11.
Blamires, Cyprian and Paul Jackson, World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1, 2006, p. 126.
Stefan Kühl (2002). Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-514978-4. 978-0-19-514978-4
William Brustein. Roots of Hate: Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust. Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 207.
Brustein, 2003, p. 210.
William Brustein. Roots of Hate: Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust. Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 207, 209.
William Brustein. Roots of Hate: Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust. Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 207.
Brustein, 2003, p. 210.
Brustein, 2003, p. 210.
Nina Witoszek, Lars Trägårdh. Culture and Crisis: The Case of Germany and Sweden. Berghahn Books, 2002, p. 89.
Jonathan Olsen. Nature and Nationalism: Right-wing Ecology and the Politics of Identity in Contemporary Germany. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999, p. 62.
Jack Fischel. The Holocaust. Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1998, p. 5.
Jack Fischel. The Holocaust. Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1998, p. 5.
Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, Simon & Schuster, 1990, p. 220 /wiki/Philip_Rees
Ryback 2010, p. 129. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Ryback 2010, p. 130. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Ryback 2010, p. 130. - Ryback, Timothy W. (2010). Hitler's Private Library: The Books That Shaped His Life. New York; Toronto: Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-307-45526-0.
Roderick Stackelberg, Sally Anne Winkle. The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts, 2002, p. 45.
Ian Kershaw. Hitler, 1936–45: Nemesis. New York: W.W. Norton & Company Inc., 2001, p. 588. /wiki/Ian_Kershaw
David Welch. Hitler: Profile of a Dictator. 2nd edition. New York: UCL Press, 2001. pp. 13–14.
David Welch. Hitler: Profile of a Dictator, 2001, p. 16.
"Nazism". Britannica. Archived from the original on 28 February 2024. https://web.archive.org/web/20240228205817/https://www.britannica.com/event/Nazism
Pinkus, Oscar (2005). The War Aims and Strategies of Adolf Hitler. McFarland & Company, Inc. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-7864-2054-4. 978-0-7864-2054-4
Davies, Norman (1997). Europe: A History. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 850. ISBN 0-19-820171-0. 0-19-820171-0
Housden, Martyn (2000). "2: Ideologue". Hitler: Study of a Revolutionary?. New York: Routledge. p. 32. ISBN 0-415-16359-5. 0-415-16359-5
Claudia Koonz (2005). The Nazi Conscience. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-01842-6. 978-0-674-01842-6
Claudia Koonz (2005). The Nazi Conscience. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-01842-6. 978-0-674-01842-6
Richard Weikart (2009). Hitler's Ethic. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 142. ISBN 978-0-230-62398-9. 978-0-230-62398-9
Sarah Ann Gordon (1984). Hitler, Germans, and the 'Jewish Question'. Princeton University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-0-691-10162-0. 978-0-691-10162-0
Gerwarth 2007, p. 150. - Gerwarth, Robert (2007). The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-923689-3.
"Florida Holocaust Museum: Antisemitism – Post World War 1" (history), flholocaustmuseum.org, 2003, webpage: Post-WWI Antisemitism Archived 3 October 2008 at the Wayback Machine. http://www.flholocaustmuseum.org/history_wing/antisemitism/post_ww1.cfm
"THHP Short Essay: What Was the Final Solution?". Holocaust-History.org, July 2004, webpage: HoloHist-Final Archived 4 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine: notes that Hermann Göring used the term in his order of 31 July 1941 to Reinhard Heydrich, chief of the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA). http://www.holocaust-history.org/short-essays/final-solution.shtml
Peter J. Bowler. Evolution: The History of an Idea. 2nd edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989. pp. 304–305. /wiki/Peter_J._Bowler
Robert J. Richards. Myth 19 That Darwin and Haeckel were Complicit in Nazi Biology. The University of Chicago. http://home.uchicago.edu/~rjr6/articles/Myth.pdf Archived 12 September 2012 at the Wayback Machine /wiki/Robert_J._Richards
Peter J. Bowler. Evolution: The History of an Idea. 2nd edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989. pp. 304–305. /wiki/Peter_J._Bowler
Peter J. Bowler. Evolution: The History of an Idea, 1989, p. 305.
Peter J. Bowler. Evolution: The History of an Idea. 2nd edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989. pp. 304–305. /wiki/Peter_J._Bowler
Denis R. Alexander, Ronald L. Numbers. Biology and Ideology from Descartes to Dawkins. Chicago, Illinois; London: University of Chicago Press, 2010, p. 209.
Henry Friedlander. The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995, p. 5.
Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. pp. 37–47.
Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. pp. 37–47.
Kitchen, Martin, A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000, Malden, MA; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006, p. 205. /wiki/Martin_Kitchen
Kitchen, Martin, A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000, Malden, MA; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006, p. 205. /wiki/Martin_Kitchen
Kitchen, Martin, A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000, Malden, MA; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006, p. 205. /wiki/Martin_Kitchen
Hüppauf, Bernd-Rüdiger War, Violence, and the Modern Condition, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1997, p. 92.
Hüppauf, Bernd-Rüdiger War, Violence, and the Modern Condition, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1997, p. 92.
Hüppauf, Bernd-Rüdiger War, Violence, and the Modern Condition, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1997, p. 92.
Rohkrämer, Thomas, "A Single Communal Faith?: The German Right from Conservatism to National Socialism", Monographs in German History. Volume 20, Berghahn Books, 2007, p. 130
Kitchen, Martin, A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000, Malden, MA; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Inc., 2006, p. 205. /wiki/Martin_Kitchen
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Winkler, Heinrich August and Alexander Sager, Germany: The Long Road West, English ed. 2006, p. 414.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1, 2006, p. 629.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Winkler, Heinrich August and Alexander Sager, Germany: The Long Road West, English ed. 2006, p. 414.
Winkler, Heinrich August and Alexander Sager, Germany: The Long Road West, English ed. 2006, p. 414.
Blamires, Cyprian; Jackson, Paul. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia: Volume 1. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2006, p. 628.
Weitz, Eric D., Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007. pp. 336–337.
Weitz, Eric D., Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2007, p. 336.
Winkler, Heinrich August and Alexander Sager, Germany: The Long Road West, English ed. 2006, p. 414.
Hughes, H. Stuart, Oswald Spengler, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992, p. 108.
Hughes, H. Stuart, Oswald Spengler, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992, p. 108.
Hughes, H. Stuart, Oswald Spengler, New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1992, p. 109.
Kaplan, Mordecai M. Judaism as a Civilization: Toward a Reconstruction of American-Jewish Life. p. 73.
Kaplan, Mordecai M. Judaism as a Civilization: Toward a Reconstruction of American-Jewish Life. p. 73.
Kaplan, Mordecai M. Judaism as a Civilization: Toward a Reconstruction of American-Jewish Life. p. 73.
Farrenkopf, John (2001). Prophet of Decline: Spengler on World History and Politics. LSU Press. pp. 237–238. ISBN 9780807127278. 9780807127278
Stern, Fritz Richard The politics of cultural despair: a study in the rise of the Germanic ideology University of California Press reprint edition (1974) p. 296
Burleigh, Michael The Third Reich: a new history Pan MacMillan (2001) p. 75
Redles, David Nazi End Times; The Third Reich as a Millennial Reich in Kinane, Karolyn & Ryan, Michael A. (eds) End of Days: Essays on the Apocalypse from Antiquity to Modernity McFarland and Co (2009) p. 176.
Kershaw 1999, p. 182. - Kershaw, Ian (1999). Hitler 1889–1936: Hubris. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-013363-9.
Fulda, Bernhard. Press and Politics in the Weimar Republic. Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 65.
Carlsten, F. L. The Rise of Fascism. 2nd ed. University of California Press, 1982, p. 80.
David Jablonsky. The Nazi Party in Dissolution: Hitler and the Verbotzeit, 1923–1925. London; Totowa, NJ: Frank Cass and Company Ltd., 1989. pp. 20–26, 30
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George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
George Lachmann Mosse. Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich, p. 79.
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Sandner (1999): 385 (66 in PDF Archived 12 November 2022 at the Wayback Machine) Note 2. The author claims that the term Aktion T4 was not used by the Nazis and that it was first used in the trials of the doctors and later included in the historiography. http://www.ifz-muenchen.de/heftarchiv/1999_3.pdf
Hitler, Adolf (1961). Hitler's Secret Book. New York: Grove Press. pp. 8–9, 17–18. ISBN 978-0-394-62003-9. OCLC 9830111. Sparta must be regarded as the first Völkisch State. The exposure of the sick, weak, deformed children, in short, their destruction, was more decent and in truth a thousand times more humane than the wretched insanity of our day which preserves the most pathological subject. {{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) 978-0-394-62003-9
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Bryan Mark Rigg (2004). Hitler's Jewish Soldiers: The Untold Story Of Nazi Racial Laws And Men Of Jewish Descent In The German Military. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-1358-8. 978-0-7006-1358-8
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This was the result of either a club foot or osteomyelitis. Goebbels is commonly said to have had club foot (talipes equinovarus), a congenital condition. William L. Shirer, who worked in Berlin as a journalist in the 1930s and was acquainted with Goebbels, wrote in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (1960) that the deformity was caused by a childhood attack of osteomyelitis and a failed operation to correct it. /wiki/Club_foot
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Baum, Bruce David (2006). The Rise and Fall of the Caucasian Race: A Political History of Racial Identity. New York/London: New York University Press. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-4294-1506-4. 978-1-4294-1506-4
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Racisms Made in. Germany (Racism Analysis |Yearbook 2 – 2011) Ed. by Wulf D. Hund, Christian Koller, Moshe Zimmermann p. 19
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Max Weinreich. Hitler's Professors: The Part of Scholarship in Germany's Crimes Against the Jewish People. Yale University Press, 1999, p. 111.
Steinweis 2008, p. 28. - Steinweis, Alan (2008). Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02761-9.
Steinweis 2008, pp. 31–32. - Steinweis, Alan (2008). Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02761-9.
Steinweis 2008, p. 28. - Steinweis, Alan (2008). Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02761-9.
Steinweis 2008, p. 28. - Steinweis, Alan (2008). Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02761-9.
Steinweis 2008, p. 29. - Steinweis, Alan (2008). Studying the Jew: Scholarly Antisemitism in Nazi Germany. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02761-9.
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Anton Weiss-Wendt (2010). Eradicating Differences: The Treatment of Minorities in Nazi-Dominated Europe. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 63. ISBN 978-1-4438-2449-1. 978-1-4438-2449-1
Wendy Lower. Nazi Empire-building and the Holocaust In Ukraine. The University of North Carolina Press, 2005, p. 27. /wiki/Wendy_Lower
Marvin Perry. Western Civilization: A Brief History. Cengage Learning, 2012, p. 468.
E. Aschheim, Steven (1992). "8: Nietzsche in the Third Reich". The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, 1890–1990. Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp. 236–237. ISBN 0-520-08555-8. 0-520-08555-8
Müller, Rolf-Dieter; Ueberschar, Gerd R. (2009). Hitler's war in the East, 1941–1945. New York: Berghahn Books. p. 245. ISBN 978-1-84545-501-9. 978-1-84545-501-9
E. Aschheim, Steven (1992). "8: Nietzsche in the Third Reich". The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany, 1890-1990. Los Angeles: University of California Press. p. 236. ISBN 0-520-08555-8. 0-520-08555-8
Bendersky, Joseph W. (2007). A Concise History of Nazi Germany. Plymouth, England: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc. pp. 161–162. ISBN 978-0-7425-5363-7. 978-0-7425-5363-7
Norman Davies. Europe at War 1939–1945: No Simple Victory. Pan Macmillan, 2008. pp. 167, 209. /wiki/Europe_at_War_1939%E2%80%931945:_No_Simple_Victory
Richard A. Koenigsberg. Nations have the Right to Kill: Hitler, the Holocaust, and War. New York: Library of Social Science, 2009, p. 2.
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Mason 1993, p. 6. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Mason 1993, p. 7. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Mason 1993, p. 7. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
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Bendersky 1985, p. 48. - Bendersky, Joseph W. (1985). A History of Nazi Germany. Nelson-Hall. https://archive.org/details/historyofnaziger0000bend
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Mason 1993, p. 49. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Mason 1993, p. 49. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Mason 1993, p. 44. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Burleigh, Michael. The Third Reich: A New History, New York: Hill and Wang, 2000, p. 77.
Mason 1993, p. 48. - Mason, Timothy W. (1993). Social Policy in the Third Reich. Providence, RI: Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-0-85496-410-9.
Fischer, Conan, ed. The rise of national socialism and the working classes in Weimar Germany. Berghahn Books, 1996.
Mühlberger, Detlef. "The sociology of the NSDAP: The question of working-class membership." Journal of Contemporary History 15, no. 3 (1980): 493–511.
Fritz, Stephen. Frontsoldaten: The German Soldier in World War II. University Press of Kentucky, 1997, p. 210
Tooze 2008, p. 143. - Tooze, Adam (2008). The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-14-311320-1.
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For more elucidation about this conception and its oversimplification, see: Renate Bridenthal and Claudia Koonz, "Beyond Kinder, Küche, Kirche: Weimar Women in Politics and Work" in Renate Bridenthal, et al. (eds), When Biology Became Destiny in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), pp. 33–65.
Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), pp. 53–59. /wiki/Claudia_Koonz
Hitler on 23 November 1937. In Max Domarus ed., Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen, 1932–1945, (vol I). Triumph. (Würzburg: Verlagsdruckerei Schmidt, 1962), p. 452.
Adolf Hitler in a speech to the National Socialist Women's Congress, published in the Völkischer Beobachter, 15 September 1935 (Wiener Library Clipping Collection). Cited from: George Mosse, Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2003), p. 40.
Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988), pp. 149, 185–187. /wiki/Claudia_Koonz
Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Germany (London and New York: Longman, 2001), pp. 37–40.
Gerda Bormann was concerned by the ratio of racially valuable women that outnumbered men and she thought that the war would make the situation worse in terms of childbirths, so much so that she advocated a law (never passed) which allowed healthy Aryan men to have two wives. See: Anna Maria Sigmund, Women of the Third Reich (Ontario: NDE, 2000), pp. 17–19.
Anna Maria Sigmund, Women of the Third Reich (Ontario: NDE, 2000), p. 17.
Himmler was thinking about members of the SS fulfilling this task. See: Felix Kersten, Totenkopf und Treue. Aus den Tagebuchblättern des finnischen Medizinalrats Felix Kersten (Hamburg: Mölich Verlag, 1952), pp. 228–229.
Majer 2003, p. 180. - Majer, Diemut (2003). "Non-Germans" Under the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939–1945. JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6493-3.
Leila J. Rupp (1978). Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939–1945. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-04649-5. 978-0-691-04649-5
Helen Boak. "Nazi policies on German women during the Second World War – Lessons learned from the First World War?". pp. 4–5. Archived from the original on 12 July 2024. Retrieved 2 November 2017. https://www.academia.edu/4794258
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Friedmann, Jan (21 January 2010). "The 'Dishonorable' German Girls: The Forgotten Persecution of Women in World War II". Der Spiegel. Archived from the original on 23 November 2022. Retrieved 21 January 2010. http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/the-dishonorable-german-girls-the-forgotten-persecution-of-women-in-world-war-ii-a-672803.html
Robert Gellately (1990). The Gestapo and German Society: Enforcing Racial Policy, 1933–1945. Clarendon Press. p. 224. ISBN 978-0-19-820297-4. 978-0-19-820297-4
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Majer 2003, p. 369. - Majer, Diemut (2003). "Non-Germans" Under the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939–1945. JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6493-3.
Majer 2003, pp. 331–32. - Majer, Diemut (2003). "Non-Germans" Under the Third Reich: The Nazi Judicial and Administrative System in Germany and Occupied Eastern Europe with Special Regard to Occupied Poland, 1939–1945. JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-6493-3.
Jill Stephenson (2001). Women in Nazi Germany. Longman. p. 156. ISBN 978-0-582-41836-3. 978-0-582-41836-3
Leila J. Rupp (1978). Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939–1945. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-04649-5. 978-0-691-04649-5
Peter Longerich (2012). Heinrich Himmler: A Life. Oxford University Press. p. 475. ISBN 978-0-19-959232-6. 978-0-19-959232-6
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"Paper: Trans Identities and "Cross Dressing" in Nazi Germany: Trans People as a Discrete Target of State Violence (134th Annual Meeting (January 3–6, 2020))". aha.confex.com. Archived from the original on 3 January 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2023. https://aha.confex.com/aha/2020/webprogram/Paper27446.html
Sutton, Katie (2012). "'We Too Deserve a Place in the Sun': The Politics of Transvestite Identity in Weimar Germany". German Studies Review. 35 (2): 348. doi:10.1353/gsr.2012.a478043. JSTOR 23269669. Archived from the original on 29 March 2023. Retrieved 16 June 2023. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23269669
"Paragraph 175 and the Nazi Campaign against Homosexuality". The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Archived from the original on 12 January 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023. Not everyone arrested under Paragraph 175 identified as a man. During the German Empire and the Weimar Republic, Germany was home to a developing community of people who identified as 'transvestites.' [...] Initially, this term encompassed people who performed in drag, people who cross-dressed for pleasure, as well as those who today might identify as trans or transgender. https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/paragraph-175-and-the-nazi-campaign-against-homosexuality
"Transgender Experiences in Weimar and Nazi Germany". Museum of Jewish Heritage – A Living Memorial to the Holocaust. Archived from the original on 28 June 2023. Retrieved 19 June 2023. https://mjhnyc.org/events/transgender-experiences-in-weimar-and-nazi-germany/
Marhoefer, Laurie (6 June 2023). "Historians are learning more about how the Nazis targeted trans people". The Conversation. Archived from the original on 7 January 2024. Retrieved 19 June 2023. https://theconversation.com/historians-are-learning-more-about-how-the-nazis-targeted-trans-people-205622
Plant 1988, p. 99. - Plant, Richard (1988). The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals. Owl Books. ISBN 0-8050-0600-1.
Pretzel, Andreas (2005). "Vom Staatsfeind zum Volksfeind. Zur Radikalisierung der Homosexuellenverfolgung im Zusammenwirken von Polizei und Justiz". In Zur Nieden, Susanne (ed.). Homosexualität und Staatsräson. Männlichkeit, Homophobie und Politik in Deutschland 1900–1945. Frankfurt/M.: Campus Verlag. p. 236. ISBN 978-3-593-37749-0. Archived from the original on 12 July 2024. Retrieved 14 August 2015. 978-3-593-37749-0
Bennetto, Jason (22 October 2011). "Holocaust: Gay activists press for German apology". The Independent. Archived from the original on 18 June 2022. Retrieved 21 May 2021. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/holocaust-gay-activists-press-for-german-apology-1291337.html
The Holocaust Chronicle, Publications International Ltd, p. 108.
Plant 1988, pp. 1–276. - Plant, Richard (1988). The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals. Owl Books. ISBN 0-8050-0600-1.
Neander, Biedron. "Homosexuals. A Separate Category of Prisoners". Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum. Archived from the original on 14 January 2014. Retrieved 10 August 2013. https://web.archive.org/web/20140114033949/http://en.auschwitz.org/h/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=3
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McNab 2009, p. 182. - McNab, Chris (2009). The Third Reich. Amber Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-906626-51-8.
McNab 2009, p. 182. - McNab, Chris (2009). The Third Reich. Amber Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-906626-51-8.
David Redles. Hitler's Millennial Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation. New York; London: New York University Press, 2005, p. 60.
David Redles. Hitler's Millennial Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation. New York; London: New York University Press, 2005, p. 60.
Scholarship for Martin Luther's 1543 treatise, On the Jews and their Lies, exercising influence on Germany's attitude: * Wallmann, Johannes. "The Reception of Luther's Writings on the Jews from the Reformation to the End of the 19th Century", Lutheran Quarterly, n.s. 1 (Spring 1987) 1:72–97. Wallmann writes: "The assertion that Luther's expressions of anti-Jewish sentiment have been of major and persistent influence in the centuries after the Reformation, and that there exists a continuity between Protestant anti-Judaism and modern racially oriented anti-Semitism, is at present wide-spread in the literature; since the Second World War it has understandably become the prevailing opinion." * Michael, Robert. Holy Hatred: Christianity, Antisemitism, and the Holocaust. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006; see chapter 4 "The Germanies from Luther to Hitler", pp. 105–151. * Hillerbrand, Hans J. "Martin Luther," Encyclopædia Britannica, 2007. Hillerbrand writes: "[H]is strident pronouncements against the Jews, especially toward the end of his life, have raised the question of whether Luther significantly encouraged the development of German anti-Semitism. Although many scholars have taken this view, this perspective puts far too much emphasis on Luther and not enough on the larger peculiarities of German history." /wiki/Martin_Luther
Ellis, Marc H. "Hitler and the Holocaust, Christian Anti-Semitism"Archived 10 July 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Baylor University Center for American and Jewish Studies, Spring 2004, slide 14. Also see Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Archived 21 March 2006 at the Wayback Machine, Vol. 12, p. 318, Avalon Project, Yale Law School, 19 April 1946. /wiki/Marc_H._Ellis
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