According to Alfonso Archi, in a number of Hurrian texts Kumarbi’s name is represented by the sumerogram dNISABA. It was also used to refer to Dagan. Archi assumes both of these scribal conventions had the same origin. In Ugaritic and related dialects Dagan’s name was a homophone of the word for grain, with both written as dgn (𐎄𐎂𐎐) in Ugaritic alphabetic texts, and the logographic writing of both his name and that of Kumarbi as dNISABA was likely an example of wordplay popular among scribes, which in this case relied on the close association between these two gods and on the fact that Nisaba’s name could function as a metonym for grain. Lluís Feliu based on the attestations of this writing from Anatolia instead suggests that it reflected a connection to the Hittite grain deity Ḫalki, who similarly could be represented by the same sumerogram. One Anatolian example of the use of dNISABA to designate Kumarbi has been identified in an offering list dealing with the deities worshiped in the Hittite city of Durmitta [ca]. Despite the different character of the two deities, there is also evidence for the use of Ḫalki’s name as a logogram to refer to Kumarbi.
It is often assumed that Kumarbi was associated with grain. However, Lluís Feliu points out that the direct evidence for his supposed agrarian character is presently limited to the fact that the sumerogram dNISABA was sometimes employed to write his name, and the identification of a plant he holds on the Yazılıkaya relief as an ear of grain. Feliu’s criticism of this characterization is supported by Alfonso Archi, who points out the ear symbol is not used elsewhere, and might only represent a play on words referencing the scribal convention of using the name of dissimilar Hittite deity Ḫalki as a logogram designating Kumarbi. Feliu points out many arguments in favor of interpreting Kumarbi as an agricultural god are based on circular reasoning, specifically on the assumption that if Dagan, closely associated with him, had agricultural character, so did he. However, Dagan was regarded as a god of broadly understood prosperity, rather than specifically agriculture. Kumarbi himself was invoked in association with prosperity in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions from the first millennium BCE.
The underworld could be regarded as Kumarbi’s abode, as indicated for example by an incantation according to which water from a spring located under his throne “reaches the head of the Sun goddess of the Earth”, though he was not an underworld god in the strict sense.
A single Hittite text, KUB 59.66, mentions a “star of Kumarbi”, which Volkert Haas proposed identifying with the planet Saturn.
Noga Ayali-Darshan notes the relationship between Kumarbi and Teshub was portrayed as “dysfunctional” in Hurrian mythology. The other children of Kumarbi conceived the same way were Tašmišu and the river Tigris, known by the Hurrians under the name Aranzaḫ or Aranziḫ. While Šauška was regarded as a sister of both Teshub and Tašmišu, she is not mentioned among Kumarbi’s children in the Song of Kumarbi, though according to Marie-Claude Trémouille this might simply be the result of its incomplete state of preservation. She therefore argues it can nonetheless be assumed this deity was also one of the children of Kumarbi and Anu. However, according to Gary Beckman’s recent treatment of Song of Kumarbi, the text explicitly states that the eponymous god was impregnated with only three deities.
In myths dealing with his conflict with Teshub, Kumarbi is also the father of various opponents of the weather god, such as Ullikummi, Ḫedammu and Silver. Ḫedammu’s mother was Šertapšuruḫi [de], a daughter of the deified sea. Silver was born to a mortal woman. Ullikummi was the product of Kumarbi’s “sexual union with a huge cliff” according to Harry Hoffner, though Daniel Schwemer instead assumes that the passage describing his conception alludes to a goddess related to stones. The former two of these three children of Kumarbi appear together in a ritual text (KUB 27.38) which states that he planned for both of them to become the king of the gods. The text places the so-called “divine determinative” (dingir) before the name of Ḫedammu, but not Silver. Both of them are also described with the terms šarra, used to refer to mythical, deified rulers and ewri, which designated non-supernatural kings.
Like all other major Hurrian gods, Kumarbi was believed to be served by a divine “vizier”, Mukišānu [de]. His name was derived from the toponym Mukiš. A single text from Ugarit instead describes Šarruma as the deity playing this role, but he is better attested in association with Ḫepat and Teshub. In myths belonging to the Kumarbi is also aided by the deified sea, who acts as his counsellor. In Song of Ḫašarri, a reference is made to a group of wandering deities referred to as the "Seven Eyes of Kumarbi", possibly analogous to Ḫutellurra. The circle of deities associated with him additionally included the so-called “former gods”, referred to as ammadena enna in Hurrian and karuilieš šiuneš in Hittite. They were portrayed as his helpers in myths. However, the same group of deities could also be affiliated with Allani.
Kumarbi was one of the deities regarded as “pan-Hurrian”. As such, he was worshiped in all areas inhabited by the Hurrians, from southeastern Anatolia in the west to the Zagros Mountains in the east. However, it has been argued that his importance in the sphere of cult was relatively minor and references to him in religious texts are relatively rare. Volkert Haas has argued that he originated in the Khabur area. References to him have been identified in texts from Ugarit, Mari, Nuzi and Hattusa. In sources from the last of these sites, he is commonly linked to Urkesh (Tell Mozan), a city located in Upper Mesopotamia already known from sources from the Akkadian period. It has been argued that a reference to him might already occur in a building inscription of Tiš-atal, a local ruler of this city during the times of either the Akkadian Empire or the Third Dynasty of Ur:
The deity presumed to be Kumarbi by a number of authors is designated in this context by the sumerogram dKIŠ.GAL, normally used to refer to Nergal. Alfonso Archi agrees that the logogram might designate a Hurrian deity, though he instead proposes Aštabi, and based on other Hurrian evidence notes that the possibility that Nergal was meant cannot be ruled out. Doubts have also been expressed by Gernot Wilhelm [de], who states that while not entirely implausible, the proposal that Kumarbi is represented by a sumerogram in the inscription is impossible to prove. Beate Pongratz-Leisten tentatively refers to both Nergal and Kumarbi as possible identities of the deity of Urkesh.
A temple found during excavations of Urkesh which remained in use from the third millennium BCE to the end of the Mitanni empire has been interpreted as possibly dedicated to Kumarbi. The apu, a type of offering pit, from the same site might have also been linked to him. A unique seal from Urkesh depicting a deity striding over a mountain range has also been described as a possible depiction of Kumarbi. It has been noted that it finds no close parallels among similar works of art known from southern Mesopotamia.
Early attestations of Kumarbi are also present in sources from Mari. Gernot Wilhelm argues that the oldest certain reference to him occurs in a tablet from this city inscribed with a Hurrian text, dated to roughly 1700 BCE. In an incantation, he is mentioned alongside Pidenḫi, an epithet of Shalash:
Kumarbi was also worshiped further east in Azuḫinnu, a city located in the kingdom of Arrapha, in the proximity of modern Kirkuk. The local pantheon was apparently jointly headed by him and Šauška. In some of the offering lists from Nuzi linked to this location he is preceded by the deity Kurwe, who might have been the city god of Azuḫinnu.
In lists of divine witnesses in Hittite diplomatic texts Kumarbi is only attested twice, in the treaties between Muršili II and Manapa-Tarhunta, and between Muwatalli II and Alaksandu of Wilusa. In other similar texts a comparable entry in the list is occupied by a deity named Apantu instead. However, Alfonso Archi suggests that in treaties with Syrian rulers the pair Enlil and Ninlil might correspond to Kumarbi and Shalash. At the same time, he notes that the sumerogram dEN.LÍL was seemingly never used to designate him in offering lists.
The “Kumarbi Cycle” is a scholarly grouping of a number of myths focused on the eponymous god. It has been described as “[u]nquestionably the best-known belletristic work discovered in the Hittite archives”. The individual texts were referred to with the sumerogram SÌR, “song”, a designation also used for Hittite compositions about the exploits of Gilgamesh. The Hurrian word corresponding to this sign is unknown, while in Hittite it was most likely read as išḫamai-. Preserved incipits indicate that they might have been sung. However, it is not certain if they necessarily originated as oral compositions, even though the heavy reliance on direct speech might further support the possibility that the discovered versions were meant to be performed.
The core theme of myths grouped under the label of "Kumarbi Cycle" are Kumarbi’s attempts to dethrone Teshub. The individual texts frequently characterize him as cunning (ḫattant-), and describe him plotting new schemes meant to bring upon the defeat of the weather god. As noted by Daniel Schwemer, ancient authors introduced a sense of suspense to the narratives by having each of the plans appear to be successful in the short term. Typically they involve a new enemy set up by Kumarbi to battle Teshub. However, the adversaries are eventually defeated, though not necessarily destroyed. Harry Hoffner has noted that the myths appear to present the two main characters and their allies in contrasting ways: Kumarbi is aided by figures linked to the underworld, such as Alalu, the deified sea, Ullikummi or the Irširra deities, while Teshub by heavenly deities such as Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ, Aštabi or Ḫepat and her maidservant Takitu.
Kumarbi spits out some of Anu’s semen, which falls on the mountain Kanzura which becomes pregnant with Tašmišu instead, though this still leaves the remaining two children inside him, and he travels to Nippur to seek a solution. It is presumed that the reference to this city reflected the theological tradition known from the Syro-Hurrian milieu, according to which Kumarbi and its main god, Enlil, were regarded as analogous. He apparently discusses the best course of action with Anu, Ea and Teshub, in this passage designated by the epithet KA.ZAL. Following the weather god’s argument that the only safe way for him to leave Kumarbi’s body would be to split the skull of the latter, the fate goddesses perform this operation, and subsequently mend the head “like a garment” while apparently the river Tigris leaves through another, unspecified, route. Kumarbi is not fond of his newborn children, and demands to have Teshub (here referred to as NAM.ḪÉ, “abundance”) to be handed over to him so that he can devour or crush him. However, a stone is given to him as a substitute and he breaks his teeth trying to bite it.
It is assumed that the ultimate outcome of the myth, while not preserved, was most likely favorable for Teshub. However, he was not yet granted kingship over the gods, and in a surviving passage seemingly expresses displeasure, cursing the older deities.
In the beginning, the narrator praises Silver, crediting “wise men” as the source of information about him. Daniel Schwemer interprets him as the personification of the metal he represented. He is described as a son of a mortal woman and a god described as the “father of Urkesh”, presumed to be Kumarbi. Silver’s name is written without the so-called divine determinative, and according to Alfonso Archi the myth most likely reflects the belief that a couple consisting of a deity and a mortal would have mortal offspring.
Other boys mock Silver because he was raised without a father. However, he is not actually an orphan, as his father has merely abandoned him. His mother eventually fearfully reveals to him that his father is Kumarbi, that his siblings are Teshub and Šauška, and that he should head to Urkesh, but when he reaches this city, he learns that he is gone from his house, and instead wanders the mountains. The rest of the myth is poorly preserved, but according to Harry Hoffner’s restoration Silver confronts the heavenly gods, bringing the sun and the moon down from heaven temporarily. Despite initial success he was presumably subsequently defeated.
Apparently the initial emergence of Ḫedammu leads to a destructive confrontation between Teshub’s allies and Kumarbi which puts mankind into danger, which prompts Ea to rebuke both factions in the divine assembly:
Anna Maria Polvani notes that he apparently presents Kumarbi and Teshub as equals. It has also been noted that this scene seemingly marks the beginning of Ea’s estrangement from Kumarbi, which eventually leads to him supporting Teshub against him in the Song of Ullikummi. Kumarbi is displeased about being rebuked in front of other gods, and, possibly calling himself the son of Alalu, mentions the deity Ammezzadu in an unknown context while complaining about Ea’s words. He subsequently orders his servant Mukišānu [de] to take a secret subterranean route to summon the sea god for a meeting during which they will discuss their plans. The remaining surviving fragments outline Šauška’s preparation for a second confrontation with Ḫedammu, which presumably culminates in his defeat, described in the now lost ending.
In the beginning of the composition, Kumarbi devises a new plan and travels from Urkesh to a cold spring, where he spots an enormous stone which he deems to be a suitable candidate to impregnate to create a new opponent for Teshub. After a lacuna, the sea sends his messenger, Impaluri, to ask Kumarbi why he is angry with him, and to invite him for a feast, which he subsequently attends alongside his messenger Mukišānu. The next surviving passage, preceded by another lacuna, describes the birth of Kumarbi’s new son. The child is presented to him by the fate goddesses, and he proclaims that his name will be Ullikummi. This scene might be depicted on the golden bowl of Hasanlu. Kumarbi states that Ullikummi will be able to destroy Teshub in the future, but for the time being needs to be hidden to have time to grow away from the sight of the weather god and his allies, and instructs Impaluri to summon the Irširra deities. He entrusts the Irširra with taking him to the underworld and placing him on the shoulders of Upelluri, an Atlas-like being. They first take it to Enlil, who instantly recognizes him as a product of Kumarbi’s “evil plot” and presumes he is supposed to supplant Teshub. Subsequently Ullikummi is placed on the shoulder of Upelluri, as ordered by Kumarbi. Teshub and his allies later attempt to battle the fully grown Ullikummi, but they fail to defeat him and he eventually manages to block the access to the temple of Teshub's wife Ḫepat, trapping her inside. Teshub eventually secures the help of Ea at Tašmišu’s suggestion. Ea subsequently consults Enlil, Upelluri and the "primordial gods" residing in the underworld and recovers a primordial tool which was used to separate earth from heaven long ago, with which he plans to separate Ullikummi from Upelluri. Afterwards Teshub once again battles the giant. Presumably the composition ended with the weather god’s victory.
It is commonly assumed that fragmentary myth preserved on the tablet KBo 22.87 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle. It describes the reign of a deity named Eltara, one of the “ancient gods” known from presumably related myths. His relation to Kumarbi remains unclear. It has been suggested that the text might deal with the final victory of Teshub over his adversaries, though it has also been interpreted as an example of a narrative focused on a “minor kingship” as Eltara does not appear in sequences of “kings in heaven” in other sources, which list Alalu, Anu and Kumarbi.
It has also been proposed that the fragment KUB 22.118 belongs to the Kumarbi Cycle. It alludes to intercourse between Kumarbi and the personified mountain Wāšitta. The interpretation of two frequently words frequently repeated in it, tuḫḫima- and tuḫḫae-, is a matter of dispute, and the early assumption of Johannes Friedrich, who assumed they can be translated as “to have labor pains, to begin to have contractions” is no longer accepted as this term also occurs in other texts in context which makes a link to pregnancy implausible. Emmanuel Laroche instead suggested interpreting them as terms referring to gasping and suffocation, which has been adopted by a number of dictionaries of Hittite, such as Hethitisches Handwörterbuch and Chicago Hittite Dictionary. However, this translation did not find universal support either. Alwin Kloekhorst proposes interpreting both terms as related to the stem tuḫḫ-, which occurs in words related to smoke. On this basis he suggests that Wāšitta was a personified volcano, a “smoking mountain”, and that rest of the narrative, which is now lost, described her giving birth to another new opponent of Teshub through an eruption.
A reference to Kumarbi has been identified in a fragment of the Hurrian version of the myth of Kešši, though it is not known what role he played in this narrative.
Piotr Taracha [de] has suggested that victory of Teshub over Kumarbi and his allies in myths conventionally classified as parts of the Kumarbi Cycle might constitute an example of the chaoskampf motif. Volkert Haas compared Kumarbi’s role as an antagonist seeking to overthrow the rule of another deity to those played by Mesopotamian Enmesharra and Ugaritic Mot in myths involving them, and has suggested that all of these narratives might symbolically represent times of hunger or other difficulties.
Christopher Metcalf suggests that the account of Kumarbi’s temporary role as a cupbearer might be derived from Mesopotamian tradition. He compares it to the legends about the rise of Sargon of Akkad to power, such as the Sumerian Sargon Legend or the relevant section of the Weidner Chronicle, in which he similarly overthrows the fictional king Ur-Zababa of Kish after serving as his cupbearer or a time.
As early as in the 1940s, arguments have been made that the Kumarbi Cycle contains mythologems which can be considered forerunners of these found in Hesiod's Theogony. Comparisons have been made between the roles of Kumarbi and Kronos in particular, and more broadly between the succession of “kings in heaven” and the reigns of Ouranos, Kronos and Zeus. The existence of a relation between the two texts is widely accepted today. The castration of a sky god, and possibly also the swallowing of a rock in place of a deity, are presumed to be two elements of the myth of Kumarbi adopted by Greeks. Gary Beckman has expressed skepticism over whether Greeks necessarily received all of the shared elements of the two myths directly from Kumarbi myths, and suggested they might have belonged to a Mediterranean cultural milieu. At the same time, he referred to the birth of Teshub from Kumarbi’s split skull as a “template” for the myth of the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus. This proposal is also regarded as plausible by Ian Rutherford. Differences between the Kumarbi Cycle and theogony have also been pointed out: if the common interpretation that Alalu and Kumarbi are not related to Anu is accepted, kingship is not passed from father to son in the older myth. Furthermore, Kumarbi does not use a weapon to castrate Anu, but rather his teeth. Carolina López-Ruiz accepts that despite the differences Theogony represents Greek reception of the Kumarbi Cycle, but she notes that a closer parallel can be found in an Orphic theogony from the Derveni papyrus, where Zeus castrates Ouranos, swallows his genitals and thus becomes impregnated with the cosmos, which according to her better reflects the succession from Anu to Kumarbi. She notes Kumarbi and Kronos in theory were figures more similar to each other, and assumes the motif was reinterpreted to suit Zeus instead because the author of this text wanted to emphasize his creative powers. Further similar Orphic myths include an account of castration of Kronos by Zeus and a passage in the Orphic Rhapsodies where the latter swallows Phanes, a figure in this context described as his ancestor.
As an extension of discussion of the possible influence of the Kumarbi Cycle and Theogony, additional parallels have been pointed out between both of these works and the accounts of the reigns of Elyon, Ouranos and El in the writings of Philo of Byblos. Hans Gustav Güterbock has proposed that Philo might have specifically relied on a source forming an intermediate stage between the Kumarbi Cycle and Theogony. However, more recent research stresses that the possibility of influence from early sources on his writing needs to be balanced with their historical context. Albert I. Baumgarten has criticized Güterbock’s position, and argued that none of the myths involved can be described as “intermediary” between others. He also pointed out that despite the frequent comparisons made in scholarship, Philo’s Phoenician History lacks a number of elements present in the Kumarbi Cycle: Demarous does not challenge the reign of Kronos in the way Teshub challenges Kumarbi, and no battles against monsters occur. He concluded that the Kumarbi Cycle, Theogony and Phoenician History merely represent different takes on a common mythological motif. More recently, it has proposed that the episode in Phoenician History in which Ouranos tasks Dagon (Dagan) with raising Damerous, a son he had with a concubine, might constitute a non-violent adaptation of the account of Teshub’s origin as a son of both Anu and Kumarbi in the Kumarbi Cycle, though Dagon does not supplant Ouranos as a ruler.
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However, the relation between Dagan and the corresponding weather god, Baal/Hadad, was not regarded as hostile unlike that between Kumarbi and his son Teshub.[74] /wiki/Baal
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The term used is specifically an otherwise unknown diminutive form of the Luwian word for mother, anati-ni, which Mark Weeden suggests translating as “mummy”.[126] /wiki/Diminutive
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Beckman 2011, p. 27. - Beckman, Gary (2011). "Primordial Obstetrics. "The Song of Emergence" (CTH 344)". Hethitische Literatur: Überlieferungsprozesse, Textstrukturen, Ausdrucksformen und Nachwirken: Akten des Symposiums vom 18. bis 20. Februar 2010 in Bonn. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-86835-063-0. OCLC 768810899. https://www.academia.edu/48247742
Represented by the sumerogram dIŠKUR (dIM).[162] It was read as Tarḫunna in the Hittite translation, but the deity meant was originally Teshub.[36] The replacement has been described as “superficial”, and the narrative preserves details supporting identification of the protagonist with the latter god, such as a reference to the bulls Šeri and Ḫurri.[162] /wiki/Sumerogram
Alfonso Archi suggests that the reference to this river might indicate the myth takes place south or southwest of lake Van.[163] /wiki/Lake_Van
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The name is typically translated into English.[175][18]
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Akkadian: “fifty”, as pointed out by Gary Beckman an epithet of Enlil.[235] The name is written without the divine determinative.[233] The character is not present in the Mesopotamian original.[234] /wiki/Enlil
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