Some legal and religious developments pertaining to slavery thus can be discerned even in Rome's earliest institutions. The Twelve Tables, the earliest Roman legal code, dated traditionally to 451/450 BC, do not contain law defining slavery, the existence of which is taken as a given. But there are mentions of manumission and the status of freedmen, who are referred to as cives Romani liberti, "freedmen who are Roman citizens", indicating that as early as the 5th century BC, former slaves were a significant demographic that the law needed to address, with a legal path to freedom and the opportunity to participate in the legal and political system.
Although Rome's earliest wars were defensive, a Roman victory would still result in the enslavement of the defeated under these circumstances, as is recorded at the conclusion of the war with the Etruscan city of Veii in 396 BC. Defensive wars also drained manpower for agriculture, increasing the demand for labor—a demand that could be met by the availability of war captives. From the sixth through the third centuries BC, Rome gradually became a "slave society", with the first two Punic Wars (265–201 BC) producing the most dramatic surge in the number of slaves.
Slavery with the possibility of manumission became so embedded in Roman society that by the 2nd century AD, most free citizens in the city of Rome are likely to have had slaves "somewhere in their ancestry".
In early Rome, the Twelve Tables permitted debt slavery under harsh terms and made freeborn Romans subject to enslavement as a result of financial misfortune. A law in the late 4th century BC put a stop to creditors enslaving a defaulting debtor as a private action, though a debtor could still be compelled by a legal judgment to work off his debt. Otherwise, the only means of enslaving a freeborn citizen that the Romans of the Republican era recognized as lawful was military defeat and capture under the ius gentium.
In the later Republic and during the Imperial period, thousands of soldiers, citizens, and their slaves in the Roman East were taken captive and enslaved by the Parthians or later within the Sasanian Empire. The Parthians captured 10,000 survivors after the defeat of Marcus Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC, and marched them 1,500 miles to Margiana in Bactria, where their fate is unknown. While thoughts of returning the Roman military standards lost at Carrhae motivated military minds for decades, "considerably less official concern was expressed about the liberation of Roman prisoners". Writing about thirty years after the battle, the Augustan poet Horace imagined them married to "barbarian" women and serving the Parthian army, too dishonored to be restored to Rome.
A Roman enslaved in war under such circumstances lost his citizen rights at home. His right to own property was forfeited, his marriage was dissolved, and if he was head of a household his legal power (potestas) over his dependents was suspended. If he was released from slavery, his citizen status might be restored along with his property and potestas. His marriage, however, was not automatically renewed; another agreement of consent by both parties had to be arranged. The loss of citizenship was a consequence of submitting to an enemy sovereign state; freeborn people kidnapped by bandits or pirates were regarded as seized illegally, and therefore they could be ransomed, or their sale into slavery rendered void, without compromising their citizen status. This contrast between the consequences for status from war (bellum) and from banditry (latrocinium) may be reflected in the similar Jewish distinction between a "captive of a kingdom" and a "captive of banditry", in what would be a rare example of Roman law influencing the language and formulation of rabbinic law.
The Roman citizen who enjoyed liberty to the fullest extent was thus the property owner, the paterfamilias who had a legal right to control the estate. The paterfamilias exercised his power within the domus, the "house" of his extended family, as master (dominus); patriarchy was recognized in Roman law as a form of household-level governance. The head of household was entitled to manage his dependents and to administer ad hoc justice to them with minimal oversight from the state. In early Rome, the paterfamilias had the right to sell, punish, or kill both his children (liberi, the "free ones" in the household) and the slaves of the familia. This power of life and death, expressed as vitae necisque potestas, was exercised over all members of the extended household except his wife— a free Roman woman could own property of her own as a domina, and a married woman's slaves could act as her agents independently of her husband. Despite structural symmetries, the distinction between the father's governance of his children and of his slaves is put bluntly by Cicero: the master can expect his children to obey him readily but will need to "coerce and break his slave".
Owing to a growing body of laws, in the imperial period a master could face penalties for killing a slave without just cause and could be compelled to sell a slave on grounds of mistreatment. Claudius decreed that if a slave was abandoned by his master, he became free. Nero granted slaves the right to complain against their masters in a court. And under Antoninus Pius, a master who killed a slave without just cause could be tried for homicide. From the mid to late 2nd century AD, slaves had more standing to complain of cruel or unfair treatment by their owners. But since even in late antiquity slaves still could not file lawsuits, could not testify without first undergoing torture, and could be punished by being burnt alive for testifying against their masters, it is unclear how these offenses could be brought to court and prosecuted; evidence is scant that they were.
The master had the legal right to break up or sell off family members, and it has sometimes been assumed that they did so arbitrarily. But because of the value Romans placed on home-reared slaves (vernae) in expanding their familia, there is more evidence that the formation of family units, though not recognized as such for purposes of law and inheritance, was supported within larger urban households and on rural estates. Roman jurists who weigh in on actions that might break up slave families generally favored keeping them together, and protections for them appear several times in the compendium of Roman law known as the Digest. A master who left his rural estate to an heir often included the workforce of slaves, sometimes with express provisions that slave families—father and mother, children, and grandchildren—be kept together.
Among the laws Augustus issued pertaining to marriage and sexual morality was one permitting legal marriage between a freedwoman and a freeborn man of any rank below the senatorial, and legitimizing their heirs. A master could free a slave for the purpose of marrying her, becoming both her patron and her husband. Roman women, including freedwomen, could own property and initiate divorce, which required the intention of only one of the partners. But when marriage had been a condition of the freedwoman's manumission agreement, she lacked these rights. If she wanted to divorce her patron and marry someone else, she had to obtain his consent; provide evidence that he was not mentally competent to form intent; or show that he had broken their commitment by planning to marry someone else or taking a concubine.
Slaves within a wealthy household or country estate might be given a small monetary peculium as an allowance. The master's obligation to provide for the slave's subsistence was not counted as part of this discretionary peculium. Growth of the peculium came from the slave's own savings, including profits set aside from what was owed to the master as a result of sales or business transactions conducted by the slave, and anything given to a slave by a third party for "meritorious services". The slave's own earnings could also be the original source of the monetary peculium rather than a grant by the master, and in inscriptions slaves and freedpersons at times assert that they had paid for the dedication "with their own money". The peculium in the form of property could include other slaves put at the disposal of the peculium-holder; in this sense, inscriptions not infrequently record that a slave "belonged to" another slave. Property otherwise could not be owned by the dependents of a household, defined as someone subordinate to the potestas of the paterfamilias—including not only slaves, but adult sons who remained minors by law until their father's death. All wealth belonged to the head of household except for that owned independently by his wife, whose slaves might operate with their own peculia from her.
Slaves with the skills and opportunities to earn money might hope to save enough to buy their freedom. There was a risk to the still-enslaved person that the master would renege and take back the earnings, but one of the expanded protections for slaves in the Imperial era was that a manumission agreement between the slave and his master could be enforced. While very few slaves ever controlled large sums of money, slaves who managed a peculium had a far better chance of obtaining liberty. With this business acumen, certain freedmen went on to amass considerable fortunes.
Scholars have differed on the rate of manumission. Manual laborers treated as chattel were least likely to be manumitted; skilled or highly educated urban slaves most likely. The hope was always greater than the reality,[according to whom?] though it may have motivated some slaves to work harder and conform to the ideal of the "faithful servant". Dangling liberty as a reward, slaveholders could navigate the moral issues of enslaving people through placing the burden of merit on slaves—"good" slaves deserved freedom, and others did not. Manumission after a period of service may have been a negotiated outcome of contractual slavery, though a citizen who had entered willingly into unfree servitude was barred from full restoration of his rights.
There were three kinds of legally binding manumission: by the rod, by the census, and by the terms of the owner's will; all three were ratified by the state. The public ceremony of manumissio vindicta ("by the rod") was a fictitious trial that had to be performed before a magistrate who held imperium; a Roman citizen declared the slave free, the owner did not contest it, the citizen touched the slave with a staff and pronounced a formula, and the magistrate confirmed it. The owner might also free the slave simply by having him entered in the official roll of citizens during census-taking; on principle, the censor had the unilateral power to free any slave to serve the interests of the state as a citizen. Slaves could also be freed in their owner's will (manumissio testamento), sometimes on condition of service or payment before or after freedom. A slave rewarded with manumission in a will at times also received a bequest, which might include transferring ownership of a contubernalis (informal marriage partner) to him or her. Heirs might choose to complicate testamentary manumission, as a common condition was that the slave had to buy his freedom from the heir, and a slave still fulfilling the condition of his freedom could be sold. If there was no rightful heir, a master might not only free the slave but make him the heir. A formal manumission could not be revoked by the patron, and Nero ruled that the state had no interest in doing so.
By the early 4th century AD, when the Empire was becoming Christianized, slaves could be freed by a ritual in a church, officiated by an ordained bishop or priest. Constantine I promulgated edicts authorizing manumissio in ecclesia, manumission within a church, in AD 316 and 323, though the law was not put into effect in Africa till AD 401. Churches were allowed to manumit slaves among their membership, and clergy could free their own slaves by simple declaration without filing documents or the presence of witnesses. Laws such as the Novella 142 of Justinian in the 6th century gave bishops the power to free slaves.
A male slave who had been legally manumitted by a Roman citizen enjoyed not only passive freedom from ownership, but active political freedom (libertas), including the right to vote. A slave who had acquired libertas was thus a libertus ("freed person", feminine liberta) in relation to his former master, who then became his patron (patronus). Freedmen and patrons had mutual obligations to each other within the traditional patronage network, and freedmen could "network" with other patrons as well. An edict in 118 BC stated that the freedman was legally responsible only for services or projects (operae) that had been spelled out as stipulations or sworn to in advance; money could not be demanded, and certain freedmen were exempt from any formal operae. The Lex Aelia Sentia of AD 4 allowed a patron to take his freedman to court for not carrying out his operae as outlined in their manumission agreement, but the possible penalties—which range in severity from a reprimand and fines to condemnation to hard labor—never include a return to enslavement.
During the early Imperial period, some freedmen became very powerful. Those who were part of the emperor's household (familia Caesaris) could become key functionaries in the government bureaucracy. Some rose to positions of great influence, such as Narcissus, a former slave of the emperor Claudius. Their influence grew to such an extent under the Julio-Claudian emperors that Hadrian limited their participation by law.
More typical among freedmen success stories would be the cloak dealership of Lucius Arlenus Demetrius, enslaved from Cilicia, and Lucius Arlenus Artemidorus, from Paphlagonia, whose shared family name suggests that their partnership toward a solid, profitable business began during enslavement. A few freedmen became very wealthy. The brothers who owned the House of the Vettii, one of the biggest and most magnificent houses in Pompeii, are thought to have been freedmen. Building impressive tombs and monuments for themselves and their families was another way for freedmen to demonstrate their achievements. Despite their wealth and influence, they might still be looked down on by the traditional aristocracy as a vulgar nouveau riche. In the Satyricon, the character Trimalchio is a caricature of such a freedman.
During the Republican era (509–27 BC), warfare was arguably the greatest source of slaves, and certainly accounted for the marked increase in the number of slaves held by Romans during the Middle and Late Republic. A major battle might result in captives numbering in the hundreds to the tens of thousands. The newly enslaved were bought wholesale by dealers who followed the Roman legions. Once during the Gallic Wars, after his siege of the walled town of the Aduatuci, Julius Caesar sold the entire population, numbering 53,000 people, to slave dealers on the spot.
Warfare continued to produce slaves for Rome throughout the Imperial period, though war captives arguably became less important as a source around the beginning of the 1st century AD, after the major campaigns of Augustus, the first emperor, concluded in his later life. The smaller-scale, less continual warfare of the so-called Pax Romana of the 1st and 2nd centuries still produced slaves "in more than trivial numbers".
As an example of the impact on one community, it was during this period that the greatest numbers of slaves from the province of Judaea were traded, as a result of the Jewish–Roman wars (AD 66–135). The Hellenistic Jewish historian Josephus reports that the Great Jewish Revolt of AD 66–70 alone resulted in the enslavement of 97,000 people. The future emperor Vespasian enslaved 30,000 in Tarichea after executing those who were old or infirm. When his son and future successor Titus captured the city of Japha, he killed all the men and sold 2,130 women and children into slavery. What appears to have been a unique instance of over-supply in the Roman market for slaves occurred in AD 137 after the Bar Kokhba revolt was quashed and more than 100,000 slaves were put on the market. A Jewish slave for a time could be bought at Hebron or Gaza for the same price as a horse.
The demand for slaves may account for some expansionist actions that seem to have no other political motive—Britain, Mauretania, and Dacia may have been desirable conquests primarily as sources of manpower, and so too Roman campaigns across the frontiers of their African provinces.
Roman culture produced artistic responses to the visibility of captives as early as the Punic Wars, when the comic playwright Plautus wrote the Captivi ("Captives", ca. 200 BC). The cultural assumption that enslavement was a natural result of defeat in war is reflected in the ubiquity of Imperial art depicting captives, an image that appears not only in public contexts that serve overt purposes of propaganda and triumphalism but also on objects that seem intended for household and personal display, such as figurines, lamps, Arretine pottery, and gems.
Systematic piracy for the purpose of human trafficking was most rampant in the 2nd century BC, when the city of Side in Pamphylia (within present-day Turkey) was a center of the trade. Pompey was credited with eradicating piracy from the Mediterranean in 67 BC, but actions were taken against Illyrian pirates in 31 BC following the Battle of Actium, and piracy was still a concern addressed during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. While large-scale piracy was more or less controlled during the Pax Romana, piratical kidnapping continued to contribute to the Roman slave supply into the later Imperial era, though it may not have been a major source of new slaves. In the early 5th century AD, Augustine of Hippo was still lamenting wide-scale kidnapping in North Africa. The Christian missionary Patricius, from Roman Britain, was kidnapped by pirates around AD 400 and taken as a slave to Ireland, where he continued work that eventually led to his canonization as Saint Patrick.
In families that had to work, whether technically free or enslaved, children could begin acquiring work habits as early as age five, when they became developmentally capable of carrying out small tasks. The transitional period from early childhood (infantia) to functional childhood (pueritia) occurred among the Romans from the ages of five to seven, with the upper classes enjoying a more prolonged and sheltered infantia and pueritia, as in most cultures. In general, ten was the age at which child slaves were regarded as useful enough to be traded as such. Among working people of some means, a child slave might be an investment; an example from the juristic Digest is a metalsmith who buys a child slave, teaches him the trade, and then sells him at double the original price paid. Apprenticeship contracts exist for free and slave children, with few differences in terms between the two.
Training for skilled work typically started at ages 12 to 14, lasting six months to six years, depending on the occupation. Jobs for which child slaves apprenticed include textile production, metalworking such as nail-making and coppersmithing, mirror-making, shorthand and other secretarial skills, accounting, music and the arts, baking, ornamental gardening, and construction techniques. Incidental mentions in literary texts suggest that training programs were methodical: boys learned to be barbers by using a deliberately blunt razor.
Typically on a farm, children start helping out with age-appropriate tasks quite early. Ancient sources that mention very young children born into rural slavery have them feeding and tending chickens or other poultry, picking up sticks, learning how to weed, gathering apples, and minding the farm's donkey. Young children were not expected to work all day long. Older children might tend small flocks of animals that were driven out in the morning and returned before nightfall.
Scholarly views vary on the extent to which child abandonment in its several forms was a significant source for potential slaves. The children of poor citizens who were left orphaned were vulnerable to enslavement, and at least some children brought into a household to be fostered as alumni had a legal status as slaves. A tradesman might foster an abandoned child as an alumnus and apprentice him, an arrangement that does not preclude affection and could result in passing along the business with an expectation of care in old age. One way early Christians grew their community was by taking in abandoned and orphaned children, and "house churches" might have been safe havens where slave-born and free children of all statuses mingled.
However, slave traffickers would have preyed on neglected children who were old enough to be out and about on their own, enticing them with "sweets, cakes, and toys". Child slaves obtained in this way were especially in danger of being reared as prostitutes or gladiators or even being maimed to make them more pitiable as beggars.
Child abandonment, whether through the death of family or intentionally, is to be distinguished from infant exposure (expositio), which the Romans seem to have practiced widely and which is embedded in the founding myth of the exposed twins Romulus and Remus suckling at the she-wolf. Families who could not afford to raise a child might expose an unwanted infant—usually imagined as abandoning it under outdoor conditions that were likely to cause its death, thus a means of infanticide. A serious birth defect was considered grounds for exposure even among the upper classes. One view is that healthy infants who survived exposure were usually enslaved and were even a significant source of slaves.
A healthy exposed infant might be taken in for fosterage or adoption by a family, but even this practice could treat the child as an investment: if the birth family later wished to reclaim their offspring, they were entitled to do so but had to reimburse expenses for nurturance. Traffickers also could pick up surviving infants and rear them with training as slaves, but since children under the age of five are unlikely to provide much labor of value, it is unclear how investing the five years of adult labor in nurturing would be profitable.
Infant exposure as a source of slaves also assumes predictable sites where traders could expect a regular "harvest"; successful births would be most concentrated in urban environments, and likely sites for infant depositories are temples and other religious sites such as the obscure Columna Lactaria, the "Milk Column" landmark about which little is known. The satirist Juvenal writes of supposititious children taken up from the dregs to the bosom of the goddess Fortuna, who laughs as she sends them off to the great houses of noble families to be quietly reared as their own. Large households staffed wet nurses and other childcare attendants who would share childrearing duties for foster children (alumni) and all infants of the household, free or slave.
Some parents may have arranged to hand over the neonate directly for payment as a sort of ex post facto surrogacy. Constantine, the first Christian emperor, formalized the buying and selling of newborns during the first hours of life, when the newborn was still sanguinolentus, bloody before the first bath. At a time when infant mortality might have been as high as 40 percent, the newborn was thought in its first week of life to be in a perilous liminal state between biological existence and social birth, and the first bath was one of many rituals marking this transition and supporting the mother and child. The Constantinian law has been viewed as an effort to stop the practice of exposure as infanticide or as "an insurance policy on behalf of individual slave-owners" designed to protect the property of those who, unknowingly or not, had bought an infant later claimed or shown to have been born free. In the historical period, expositio may actually have become a legal fiction whereby the parents surrendered the newborn during the first week of life, before it had been ritually accepted and legally registered as part of the birth family, and transferred potestas over the infant to the new family from the beginning of its life.
Roman law thus grappled with the tensions among the supposed sanctity of free birth, patria potestas, and the reality that parents might be driven by poverty or debt to sell their children. Potestas meant that there was no legal penalty for the parent as seller. The sales contract itself was always technically void because of the traded child's free status, which if unknown to the buyer entitled him to a refund. Even if the sale had not been contracted as temporary, parents who came into better days could restore their children to free status by paying the original sale price plus 20 percent to cover the costs of their care during servitude.
Most parents would have sold their children only under extreme duress. In the mid-80s BC, parents in the province of Asia said they were forced to sell their children in order to pay the heavy taxes levied by Sulla as proconsul In late antiquity, selling off the family's children was viewed in Christian rhetoric as a symptom of moral decay caused by taxation, moneylenders, the government, and prostitution. Sources[who?] that moralize from an upper-class perspective about parents selling children may at times be misrepresenting contracts for apprenticeships and labor that were necessary for wage-earning families, especially since many[quantify] of these were arranged by mothers.
The Christianization of the later empire shifted priorities within the inherent contradictions of this legal framework. Constantine, the first Christian emperor, tried to alleviate hunger as one condition that led to child-selling by ordering local magistrates to distribute free grain to poor families, later abolishing the "power of life and death" the paterfamilias had held.
The liberty of the Roman citizen was an "inviolable" principle of Roman law, and therefore it was illegal for a freeborn person to sell himself—in theory. In practice, self-enslavement might be overlooked unless one of the parties took issue with the terms of the contract. "Self-sales" are not well represented in Roman literature, presumably because they were shameful and against the law. The limited evidence is primarily to be found in Imperial legal sources, which indicate that "self-sale" as a path to enslavement was as well recognized as being captured in war or being born to an enslaved mother.
Since it was difficult to prove who knew what when, the most solid evidence for voluntary enslavement was whether the formerly free person had consented by receiving a share of the proceeds from the sale. A person who knowingly surrendered the rights of Roman citizenship was thought unworthy of holding them, and permanent enslavement was thus considered an appropriate consequence. Self-sale by a Roman soldier would be a form of desertion, and execution was the penalty. Romans enslaved as prisoners of war were similarly deemed ineligible to have their citizenship restored if they had surrendered their liberty without fighting hard enough to keep it (see the enslavement of Roman citizens above); as the Roman Republic devolved, political rhetoric feverishly urged citizens to resist the shame of falling into "slavery" under one-man rule.
During the period of Roman imperial expansion, the increase in wealth amongst the Roman elite and the substantial growth of slavery transformed the economy. Multitudes of slaves were brought to Italy and purchased by wealthy landowners to labour on their estates. Land investment and agricultural production generated great wealth; in the view of Keith Hopkins, Rome's military conquests and the subsequent introduction of vast wealth and slaves into Italy had effects comparable to widespread and rapid technological innovation.
Scholars differ on how the particulars of Roman slavery as an institution can be framed within theories of labor markets in the overall economy.
Economic historian Peter Temin has argued that "Rome had a functioning labor market and a unified labor force" in which slavery played an integral role. Since wages could be earned by both free and some enslaved workers, and fluctuated in response to labor shortages, the condition of mobility required for market dynamism was met by the number of free workers seeking wages and skilled slaves with an incentive to earn.
The largest market on the Italian peninsula, as might be expected, was the city of Rome, where the most notorious slave-traders set up shop next to the Temple of Castor at the Forum Romanum. Puteoli may have been the second busiest. Trading also occurred at Brundisium, Capua, and Pompeii. Slaves were imported from across the Alps to Aquileia.
But as the Romans established better-located and more sophisticated trading centers in the East, Delos lost its privilege as a free port and was left to be sacked in 88 and 69 BC during the Mithridatic Wars, from which it never recovered. Other cities such as Mytilene may have taken up the slack. The Delian slave economy had been artificially exuberant, and by averting their gaze the Romans exacerbated the piracy problem that would vex them for centuries.
Slaves were traded from outside Roman borders at several points, as mentioned by literary sources such as Strabo and Tacitus and attested by epigraphical evidence in which slaves are listed among commodities subject to tariffs. The readiness of Thracians to exchange slaves for the necessary commodity of salt became proverbial among the Greeks. Diodorus Siculus says that in pre-conquest Gaul, wine merchants could trade an amphora for a slave; Cicero mentions a slave trader from Gaul in 83 BC. The trans-Saharan slave trade along the ancient Garamantian caravan route would have brought slaves to Rome along with other goods and raw materials, but slaves from sub-Saharan Africa appear to have been viewed as an exotic luxury and were relatively few in number. Walter Scheidel conjectured that "enslavables" were traded across borders from present-day Ireland, Scotland, eastern Germany, southern Russia, the Caucasus, the Arab peninsula, and what used to be referred to as "the Sudan"; the Parthian Empire would have consumed most supply to the east.
A rare depiction of an auction, on a funeral monument from about the same time as the edict, shows a male slave wearing a loincloth and possibly shackles and standing on a pedestal- or podium-like structure. To the left is an auctioneer (praeco); the gesturing, toga-wearing figure to the right may be a buyer asking questions. The monument was set up by a familia of former slaves, the Publilii, who were either depicting their own history or, like many freedmen, expressing pride in conducting their own business successfully and honestly.
If defects were fraudulently concealed, a six-month return policy required the dealer to take back the slave and issue a refund, or to make a partial refund during an extended warranty of twelve months. Roman jurists closely parsed what might constitute a defect—not, for instance, missing teeth, since perfectly healthy infants, it was reasoned, lack teeth. Slaves who were sold for a single price as a functional unit, such as a theatre troupe, could be returned as a group if one proved to be defective.
Professional slave-traders are rather shadowy figures, as their social standing and identities are not well documented in ancient sources. They appear to have formed trade organizations (societates) that lobbied for legislation and perhaps also for the purpose of raising investment capital. Most of those known by name are Roman citizens; of these, most are freedmen. Only a few slave-traders receive prominent mention by name in literature; one Toranius Flaccus was considered a witty dinner companion and socialized with the future emperor Augustus. Mark Antony relied on Toranius as a procurer of female slaves, and even forgave him upon learning that the supposedly twin boys he had purchased were in fact not consanguineous, the mango having persuaded the triumvir that their identical appearance was therefore all the more remarkable.
A few slave-traders were comfortable enough with their occupation that they had themselves identified as such in their epitaphs. Others are known from inscriptions recognizing them as benefactors, indicating that they were prosperous and locally prominent. The Genius venalicii, an obscure guardian spirit to do with the slave market, is honored presumably by slave-traders in four inscriptions, one of which is dedicated to this genius in the company of Dea Syria, perhaps reflecting the heavy trade in Syrian slaves from which arose a Syrian neighborhood in the city of Rome. The cultivation of various genii was an everyday feature of classical Roman religion; the Genius venalicii normalizes the trade in slaves as like any other prosperity-seeking marketplace.
Slaves were also sold widely by people who made their main living in other ways and by merchants dealing primarily in other goods. In late antiquity, itinerant Galatians protected by powerful patrons become prominent in the North African trade. Although elite owners generally acquired slaves through intermediaries, some may have been more directly involved than literary sources like to acknowledge. When the future emperor Vespasian returned bankrupt from his proconsulate in Africa, he is thought to have restored his fortunes by trading in slaves, possibly specializing in eunuchs as a luxury good.
During the Republic, the only regular revenue from slaveholding collected by the state was a tax placed on manumissions starting in 357 BC, amounting to 5 percent of the slave's estimated value. In 183 BC, Cato the Elder as censor placed a sumptuary tax on slaves that had cost 10,000 asses or more, calculated at a rate of 3 denarii per 1,000 asses on an assessed value ten times the purchase price In 40 BC, the triumvirs attempted to impose a tax on slave ownership, which was squelched by "bitter opposition.
Slaves worked in a wide range of occupations that can be roughly divided into five categories: household or domestic service, urban crafts and services, agriculture, imperial or public service, and manual labor such as mining. Both free and enslaved labor was employed for nearly all forms of work, though the proportion of free workers to slaves might vary by task and at different time periods. Legal texts state that slaves' skills were to be protected from misuse; examples given include not using a stage actor as a bath attendant, not forcing a professional athlete to clean latrines, and not sending a librarius (scribe or manuscript copyist) to the countryside to carry baskets of lime. Regardless of the status of the worker, labor in the service of another was regarded as a form of submission in the ancient world, and Romans of the governing class regarded wage-earning as equivalent to slavery.
Epitaphs record at least 55 different jobs a household slave might have, including barber, butler, cook, hairdresser, handmaid (ancilla), launderer, wet nurse or nursery attendant, teacher, secretary, seamstress, accountant, and physician. For large households, job descriptions indicate a high degree of specialization: handmaids might be assigned to the upkeep, storage, and readiness of the mistress's wardrobe or specifically mirrors or jewelry. Rich households with specialists who might not be needed full-time year round, such as goldsmiths or furniture painters, might lease them out to friends and desirable associates or give them license to run their own shop as part of their peculium. A "poor" household was one in which the same few slaves did everything without specialization.
Through the end of the 2nd century BC, skilled labor throughout Italy, such as pottery design and manufacture, was still predominated by free workers, whose corporations or guilds (collegia) might own a few slaves. In the Imperial era, as many as 90 percent of workers in these areas might be slaves or former slaves.
Training programs and apprenticeships are well if briefly documented. Slaves whose ability was noticed might be trained from a young age in trades requiring a high degree of artistry or expertise; for example, an epitaph mourns the premature death of a talented boy, only age 12, who was already apprenticing as a goldsmith. Girls might be apprenticed particularly in the textile industry; contracts specify apprenticeships of varying durations. One four-year contract from Roman Egypt that apprentices an underage girl to a master weaver shows how detailed terms could be. The owner is to feed and clothe the girl, who is to receive periodic pay raises from the weaver as her skills level up, along with eighteen holidays a year. Sick days are to be tacked onto her term of service, and the weaver is responsible for taxes. The contractual aspect of benefits and obligations seems "distinctly modern" and indicates that a slave on a skills track might have opportunities, bargaining power, and relative social security nearly on a par with or exceeding free but low-skill workers living at a subsistence level. The widely attested success of freedmen might have been one possible motivation for contractual self-sale, as a well-connected owner might be able to obtain training for the slave and market access later as a patron to the new freedman.
Large farms employing slaves for planting and harvesting are found in the eastern empire as well as Europe, and are alluded to in the Christian Gospels.
The ratio of male slaves to female on a farm was likely to be even more disproportionate than in a household (perhaps as high as 80 percent). The relatively few women would spin and weave wool, make clothes, and work in the kitchen. The slaves on a farm were managed by a vilicus, who was often a slave himself. Male slaves who had proven their loyalty and ability to manage others might be allowed to form a long-term relationship with a female fellow slave (conserva) and have children. It was especially desirable for the vilicus to have a quasi marriage (contubernium). The vilica who supervised food preparation and textile production for the estate held her position on her own merit and only infrequently was the woman who lived with the vilicus as his wife.
From the Middle Republic on, unmanageable slaves might be punished by confinement to an ergastulum, a work barracks for those subjected to chaining; Columella says every farm needs one.
In the Republican era, a punishment that slaves feared was hard labor in chains at mill and bakery operations (pistrina) or work farms (ergastula). In an early example of condemnation to hard labor, enslaved captives from the war with Hannibal were chained and sent to work in a quarry after they rebelled in 198 BC.
Prison sentences for citizens were not a part of the Roman criminal justice system; jails were meant for holding prisoners transitionally. Instead, in the Imperial era the convicted would be sentenced to hard labor and sent to camps where they would be put to work in the mines and quarries or the mills. Damnati in metallum ("those condemned to the mine", or metallici) lost their freedom as citizens (libertas), forfeited their property (bona) to the state, and became servi poenae, slaves as a legal penalty. Their status under the law differed from that of other slaves; they could not buy their freedom, be sold, or be set free. They were expected to live and often die in the mines. In the later Empire, the permanence of their status was indicated by a tattooing of the forehead.
Convicts numbering in the tens of thousands were condemned to the notoriously brutal conditions of enslavement in the mines and quarries. Christians felt that their community was particularly subject to this penalty. The condemnation of free inhabitants of the Empire to conditions of slavery was among the punishments that degraded the citizenship status of the lower classes—the humiliores who had not held office at the level of decurion or higher and were most of the populace—in ways that would have been intolerable during the Republic. Slaves could also end up in the mines as punishment, and even in the mines were subject to harsher discipline than the formerly free convicts. Women could be sentenced to lighter work at the mines. Some provinces did not have mines, so those condemned as metallici might have to be transported great distances to serve their sentence.
Not all mining labor was unfree, as indicated for example by an employment contract dating to AD 164. The employee agrees to provide "healthy and vigorous labor" at a gold mine for wages of 70 denarii and a term of service from May to November; if he chooses to quit before that time, 5 sesterces for each day not worked will be deducted from the total. There is no evidence that convict labor was used in the major mining district in Lusitania, the Imperial gold mines in Dacia, or Imperial quarries in Phrygia; these would have employed the usual combination of free and slave labor. Mine administration and management was often handled by imperial slaves and freedmen of the familia Caesaris.
Because they had an opportunity to prove their merit, public slaves could acquire a reputation and influence, and their chances for manumission were higher. During the Republic, a public slave could be freed by a magistrate's declaration, with the prior authorization of the senate; in the Imperial era, liberty would be granted by the emperor. A public slave acquired his own position and it was not passed down to a son. Public slaves held testamentary rights that even informally manumitted freedmen were not permitted: a servus publicus could write a will and bequeath up to half his estate, and could also receive bequests.
Since women did not serve in the government, women were not themselves public slaves in the privileged sense of a servus publicus, though they could be in the possession of the state temporarily as captives or confiscated property, and as the quasi-marital partner of a public slave would share some of his privileges.
The term "imperial slave" is broader and includes not only slaves owned by the emperor and serving in the imperial bureaucracy but also more generally the familia Caesaris, the slaves employed in the emperor's household, including those on his wife's staff. Women were therefore part of the familia Caesaris. Public and imperial slaves were among those most likely to have a contubernium, an informally recognized union that could become a legal marriage if both parties were manumitted.
This situation was more than hypothetical; some local laws in the provinces seem aimed at dealing with the legal peculiarities of the relative freedom Romans gave slaves at this operational level. A city in Caria, for example, spelled out that if a Roman slave violated local banking regulations, the owner could either pay a fine or punish the slave; the punishment was specified as fifty blows and six months of prison. If the slave had to testify in cases involving contract law to defend either his master or his own actions, there is no indication that he was exempt from the law that his testimony could be accepted only under torture; the slave therefore had a compelling incentive to meet the most scrupulously high standards in conducting business.
Slaves may even have been routinely preferred to paid free labor in areas of employment such as banking and accounting. At times, an estate might be managed by slaves while free persons provided manual labor. Households that are settings for narratives in the Christian Gospels also show privileged slaves acting as estate managers and agents, collecting rent and produce from tenant farmers, or investing money and conducting business on behalf of their master, as well as serving as oikonomoi (household managers or "economists") in charge of allocating and disbursing food and funds to other members of the familia.
Gladiators, entertainers such as actors and dancers, and prostitutes were among those persons in Rome who existed in the social limbo of infamia or disrepute, regardless of whether they were enslaved or technically free. Like slaves, they could not bring a case in court nor have someone represent them; like freedmen, they were not eligible to hold public office. In a legal sense, infamia was an official loss of standing for a freeborn person as a result of misconduct, and could be imposed by a censor or praetor as a legal penalty. Those who displayed themselves to entertain others had surrendered the right of citizens not to subject their body to use: "They lived by providing sex, violence, and laughter for the pleasure of the public."
In the Late Republic, about half the gladiators who fought in Roman arenas were slaves, though the most skilled were often free volunteers. Freeborn gladiators erased the distinction between citizen and slave by taking an oath to subject their bodies to physical abuse, including being branded and beaten, both marks of slavery. Enslaved gladiators who enjoyed success in the arena were occasionally rewarded with manumission but remained in a state of infamia.
Selling a slave against his will to a training camp for gladiators was a punishment. and the emperor Hadrian banned the sale of slaves to pimps or gladiator managers "without cause", indicating that prostitution and violence in the arena were considered beyond the pale of standard servitude. Legislation under Christian emperors likewise forbade masters to employ slaves as stage actors against their will or to prevent actors from retiring from the theatre. Sexual slavery was forbidden by the Church, and Christianization was a factor in curtailing or altogether ending traditional spectacles and games (ludi) such as gladiator matches and public theatrical performances.
Demographic studies of antiquity are plagued by incomplete data requiring extrapolation and conjecture. Conclusions should be understood as relative, and scholars who employ demographic models typically issue caveats. For example:
Estimates for the proportion of slaves in the population of the Roman Empire therefore vary.
The percentage of the population of Italy who were slaves by the end of the 1st century BC is estimated at about 20% to 30% of Italy's population, upwards of one to two million slaves. One study estimated that for the empire as a whole during the period 260–425 AD, the slave population was just under five million, representing 10–15% of the total population of 50–60 million inhabitants. An estimated 49% of all slaves were owned by the elite, who made up less than 1.5% of the empire's population. About half of all slaves worked in the countryside where they were a small percentage of the population except on some large agricultural, especially imperial, estates; the remainder of the other half were a significant percentage – 25% or more – in towns and cities as domestics and workers in commercial enterprises and manufacturers.
Slaves (especially foreigners) had higher mortality rates and lower birth rates than natives and were sometimes even subjected to mass expulsions.[505] The average recorded age at death for the slaves of the city of Rome was extraordinarily low: seventeen and a half years (17.2 for males; 17.9 for females). By comparison, average life expectancy at birth for the population as a whole was in the mid-twenties.
Estimated distribution of citizenship in the Roman Empire(middle of the 1st century AD)However, Greek and Roman ethnographers did attribute a set of characteristics to peoples based on their understanding, or misunderstanding, of cultural customs that differed from their own, and on where a people lived, believing that climate and environmental factors affected temperament. Place of origin (natio) was one of the pieces of information that had to be disclosed at time of sale. Slaves from certain "nations" were thought to perform better at tasks that might be of value to the prospective buyer. The Roman scholar Varro stated that "in buying human beings as slaves, we pay a higher price for one that is better by nationality." The association of job and natio could be quite specific; Bithynians were touted as litter-bearers. and desired as a status symbol.
The "gross power differential" inherent in slavery is not peculiar to Rome, but as a universal characteristic of the institution, it defines Roman practice as it does that of other slave cultures: "slaves stood powerless before their masters' or mistresses' whims and presumably remained in a perpetual state of unease, not necessarily able to anticipate when the next act of cruelty or degradation would come yet certain it would."[525] Many[quantify]—if not most—slaves could expect to be subjected to relentless labor; corporal punishment or physical abuse in varying degrees of severity; sexual exploitation; or the caprices of owners in selling or threatening to sell them.[526] Cato the Elder was a particularly harsh "slave-driver" whose exploitation was "unmitigated by any consideration of the needs of the slave as a human being.
The enslaved who were traded on the open market might find themselves transported great distances across the empire: the epitaph of a slave woman in Roman Spain records her home as having been in Northern Italy; a Cretan woman was traded between two Romans in Dacia; a ten-year-old girl named Abaskantis, taken from Galatia, was sold to a buyer from Alexandria, Egypt, a destination about 1,500 miles from her home. The conditions experienced by the hundreds of thousands traded in Roman antiquity have been described as "personal degradation and humiliation, cultural disorientation, material deprivation, severance of familial bonds, emotional and psychological trauma".
At the same time, despite this "natal alienation", slaves could not have been completely deprived by their masters of agency in carrying out everyday actions; even if the ongoing negotiation of power was grossly asymmetrical, as human beings slaves would have sought emotional connections and ways to improve their conditions in the moment. No single picture of the "typical" Roman slave's life emerges from the widely ranging conditions of work performed by slaves and the complex distinctions of legal status that affected the terms of their service, their prospects of manumission, and the degree to which they enjoyed rights if freed. The stratification of free Roman society manifests also in slave society, from penal slaves (servi poenae) at the bottom to the sometimes wealthy and influential slaves of the imperial house (servi caesaris) at the top, with an in-between range of slaves whose skills and knowledge gave them social value not defined by law.[534]
Mentions in ancient literature of medical care for slaves are infrequent. The medical writer Rufus of Ephesus has one title among his works that stands out as not self-evidently medical: On the Purchase of Slaves, which presumably gave advice to the trade on assessing slave fitness and possibly their care, since health defects could invalidate a sale.[543] Ongoing care would have depended on the utility of keeping workers healthy to maximize productivity, and at times on the owner's humane impulses or attachment to a particular slave. Pliny the Younger indicates that slaves did receive care from medici (medical attendants or physicians), but he observes that while "slaves and free persons differ not at all when they are in ill health, the free receive gentler and more merciful treatment
Pliny himself had sent his slave Zosimus, for whom he expresses his affection and esteem at length, to Egypt to seek therapy for a lung disease that had him coughing up blood. Zosimus was restored to health and at some point was manumitted, but the symptoms later returned. Pliny then wrote to ask if he could send Zosimus for rehab in the more healthful climate of a friend's country estate in a part of Gaul that is today the south of France.
Individual acts of compassion by slaveholders stand apart as exceptions. The practice of abandoning sick slaves on Rome's Tiber Island, where a temple to the healing god Aesculapius was located, led to such homelessness and contagion that the emperor Claudius decreed any slave who survived abandonment could not be reclaimed by his owner and was automatically free. Law was also enacted under Claudius that criminalized the killing of a sick or disabled slave as murder even by his owner.
At Rome, medicine was considered an unsuitable occupation for the upper classes because it requires tending to the needs of another's body. Elite households were attended by Greek physicians, either one of great prestige enticed to Rome with privileges and an offer of citizenship, or a staff of freedmen or enslaved medici During the reign of Augustus, the celebrated Publius Decimus Eros Merula of Assisi was an enslaved clinical physician, surgeon, and eye specialist who eventually bought his freedom for 50,000 sesterces and left a fortune of 800,000. There were also free itinerant doctors who could be hired to provide care to households that lacked the means or desire to have a full-time medical attendant. Some slaves might assist with healthcare as nurses, midwives, medics, or orderlies During the Imperial era, the desire of freedmen to acquire medical training was such that it was exploited by scam medical schools.
Tiro was either a vernaor alumnus, part of the household from birth or childhood, and as Cicero's trusted secretary, he would have been afforded better living and working conditions than most slaves. He was freed before his master's death and was successful enough to retire on his own country estate, where he died at the age of 99.
Throughout the Republican era, slaves in the city of Rome might bear a name that was also in use by free Italians or was common as a Roman praenomen, such as Marcus, or diminutives of the name (Marcio, Marcellus). Salvius, for example, was a very common name for slaves that was also in wide use as a free praenomen in Rome and throughout Italy during this time, morphing into names for freedpersons such as Salvianus, Salvillus (feminine Salvilla), and possibly Salvitto.
Ancient Roman scholars thought that in earliest times slaves had been given the first name of their master suffixed with -por, perhaps to be taken as a form of puer, "boy". Male slaves were often addressed as puer regardless of age; a slave was one who was never emancipated into adulthood and thus never allowed to become fully a man (vir). Names such as Marcipor, sometimes contracted to Marpor, are attested, Marcipor is also the name of a Menippean satire by Varro.</ref> but rather than being suffixed to the master's name, the -por may have marked someone as a slave when his name was also in common use for free men.
In the Late Republic and Early Empire, more differentiation between slave and free names seems to have been desired. In Cicero's day, Greek names were the trend. Fanciful Greek names such as Hermes, Narcissus, and Eros were popular among the Romans but had not been used among free Greeks for either themselves or their slaves. Several of Cicero's slaves are known by name, mainly from the extensive collection of his letters; those with Greek names include the readers (anagnostes) Sositheus and Dionysius; Pollex, a footman; and Acastus. The slaves and freedmen Cicero mentions by name are most often his secretaries and literary assistants; he rarely refers by name to slaves whose duties were humbler.
Among the mismatched appellations found in surviving documents are the Greek names Hermes for a German, Paramone for a Jewish woman whose child was named Jacob, Argoutis for a Gaul, and Aphrodisia for a Sarmatian woman. In late antiquity, Christians might bear Greek names expressing a willing servility as a religious value, such as Theodoulos, "God's slave" (theos, "god"; doulos, "slave"). German slaves memorialized in the family tomb of the Statilii in Rome mostly have Latin names such as Felix, Castus, Clemens, Urbanus, and Strenuus; two are named Nothus and Pothus, Latinized forms of Greek names. Greek names became so common for slaves that they began to be regarded as inherently servile; this taint may be why home-reared vernae, who generally had enhanced opportunities, are statistically more likely to have received a Latin name that would help them "pass" if they were manumitted.[not specific enough to verify]
Gladiators are sometimes memorialized by what appear to be "stage names", such as Pardus ("the Leopard") or Smaragdus ("Emerald"). A slave who took a path other than citizen integration might also adopt a new name. The "Salvius" who was the first leader of the Sicilian slave revolt in 104 BC restyled himself as Tryphon.
In Latin epitaphs, a slave commemorating his deceased master sometimes refers to him by praenomen with the pronoun noster, for example "our Marcus". In speaking of himself to a person of higher status, a slave might identify by his role in relation to his master's first name; Cicero records a conversation in which a slave owned by Mark Antony is asked "Who are you?" (Quis tu?) and replies "The tabellarius [courier] from Marcus" (a Marco tabellarius). A standard phrase in sales contracts refers to the slave "named so-and-so, or by whatever name he/she is called"—the slave's name was subject to the master's whim.
Certain items of clothing or adornment were restricted by law to freeborn people entitled to wear them as markers of high status; "slave clothing" (vestis servilis) was clothing of lesser quality that lacked distinguishing features—slaves did not wear clothing meant to identify them as such. The clothing of slaves was determined primarily by the kind of work they did and secondarily by the wealth of the household they belonged to. Most working slaves would have been given clothing that looked like that of free people who did similar work; Diocletian's edict on price controls (301 AD) lists clothes for "common people or slaves" as a single category. In a crowd, slaves would not have been immediately legible as unfree, as the everyday attire of most people was a tunic. Men wore a shorter tunic, while the tunics of women covered the legs.
Domestic slaves who would be visible to the family and their guests were given garments that met their owners' standards for pleasing appearance and quality. Presentability was desired for slaves who served as personal attendants. Slaves wore few accessories but were themselves an extension of their masters' accessories. Because Roman clothing lacked structured pockets, the slaves who always accompanied the well-to-do on excursions carried anything needed. They might hold parasols or wield fans to shield the privileged from the heat. They went with them to the public baths to watch over their valuable clothing, since theft was common in the dressing areas. At dinner parties, guests took off their outdoor shoes and put on light house shoes (soleas), so a rich attendee would bring a slave to wrangle their footwear.
Clothing for laborers was meant to be economical, durable, and practical. A relief from Roman Germany shows mine workers wearing a tunic and an apron of leather "feathers" (pteruges). Columella recommended weather-resistant clothing of leather, patchwork, and "thick shoulder capes" for farm workers. A male farm slave working for the stern and frugal Cato could expect to be issued a tunic and a cloak (sagum) every other year, and would have to turn in the old outfit so it could be recycled for patchwork. The fragility of textiles makes them rare in the archaeological record, but a store of regularly cut pieces measuring about 10 by 15 centimeters from Roman Egypt, found at the Mons Claudianus quarry, is evidence of organized patchworking.
At one point, the Roman senate debated whether to require slaves to wear a sort of uniform to distinguish them as such, but eventually decided that was a bad idea: it would make the enslaved more conscious of having a group identity, and they would see how strong their numbers were.
Open rebellion and mass violence arose among the large population of the enslaved only sporadically across the millennium of ancient Roman history. A more persistent form of resistance was escape; as Moses Finley remarked, "Fugitive slaves are almost an obsession in the sources." Runaway slaves were considered criminals and were harshly punished.
A master might even seek to extend his control over a slave beyond his own death; although wills were a common way to manumit slaves, they sometimes included clauses that expressly prohibited the freeing of certain slaves perceived as unworthy.
The earliest slave uprisings occurred during, and in the immediate aftermath of, the Second Punic War, when many slaves held by the Romans would have been soldiers captured from the armies of Hannibal, and when at times as many as half the Roman male population of fighting age would have been away serving in the military. The Augustan historian Livy is the main but not always a clear source for these uprisings.
The first recorded rebellion comes in 217 BC, when an informer reported that twenty-five slaves were conspiring on the Campus Martius; they were punished in the earliest securely attested instance of crucifixion among the Romans. In 198 BC, Carthaginian captives rebelled at Setia, which they may have held briefly before being met with force and fleeing, though two thousand were captured and executed. They next made an attempt on Praeneste but were again defeated, resulting in the execution of another five hundred. This uprising prompted more policing of the streets and the building of places of confinement. Two years later, it took a full legion to quell an uprising in Etruria, after which the leaders were flogged and crucified.
Eunus and Salvius each had held a privileged place in his household when enslaved; both Eunus and Athenion are noted as having been born into freedom. These experiences may have enhanced their ability to lead through articulating a vision of life beyond slavery.
Spartacus's plan seems to have been to head to northern Italy, where the men could disperse and head to their countries of origin, free; but the Gauls were keen on plundering first and spent weeks ravaging southern Italy, giving the Romans a more urgent reason and time to make up for their "tardy and ineffective" initial response. Crixus and his Gauls were soon dealt with, but Spartacus got as far as north as Cisalpine Gaul before turning back for a possible assault on Rome, about which he then changed his mind. After more rebel military successes without clear objectives, the senate gave Marcus Crassus special command of the consular forces, and the tide of the war turned.
Spartacus headed south, hoping to cross to Sicily and "resuscitate the embers" of the slave rebellion three decades earlier; instead, the pirates who had accepted payment for transport set sail without him. After some weeks of increasingly successful fighting, Crassus obtained a victory in which Spartacus was said to have died, though his body was not identified; 5,000 fugitives fled north and ran into troops led by Pompey, who "annihilated" them; and Crassus concluded his victory by crucifying 6,000 captured rebels along the Appian Way.
Though they failed, the Servile Wars left Romans with a deep-seated fear of slave uprisings that resulted in stricter laws regulating the keeping of slaves and harsher measures and punishments to keep enslaved people under control. In AD 10, the senate decreed that if a master was killed by one or a group of his slaves, all the slaves "under the same roof" were to be tortured and executed. In the early Imperial period, the slave uprisings against Lucius Pedanius Secundus, who was killed by one of his household slaves (all 400 were executed), and Larcius Maceo, a praetor who was murdered in his private bath, occasioned panic among slaveholders but failed to catch fire as the Sicilian rebellions had. None of the sporadic attempts at rebellion over the next centuries encompassed nearly as much territory as that led by Spartacus.
Slave-catching was an unusually intensive police activity in that it involved coordination among all four forms of policing in the Roman Empire, which otherwise operated more or less independently: civilian or private security forces; the imperial guard; troops under the command of provincial governors, or municipal public slaves used as a quasi-police force; and the Roman army. Augustus himself boasted in his official record of achievements of having 30,000 fugitive slaves rounded up and returned for punishment to their owners.
In a society where slavery was not based on race, a slave who escaped could hope to blend in and go unnoticed among the free. Certain temples in Greece had long offered asylum to slaves who ran away, and in the Imperial era, a fugitive could claim asylum at the foot of the emperor's statue.
One day when the lion is out on the hunt, Androclus goes walking and is captured by soldiers, taken back to Rome, and condemned to the beasts in the arena. But as it turns out, the lion he had befriended has also been captured, and instead of attacking him fawns over him affectionately. Caligula himself is among the spectators, and the emperor pardons both Androclus and the lion, who are thereafter spotted strolling freely about the city as companions. Gellius sketches the story within the specific framework of a Roman slave's experience: desperation, escape, capture and punishment, and the fantasy of mercy and freedom.
The experiences of captives, slaves, and fugitives were on constant display in Roman culture. The Captivi ("Captives") of Plautus is a comedy, but with "a plot featuring kidnapping, enslavement, chaining, direct discussions of flight, and torturous punishments … that were extreme enough to serve as an example to other slaves".
As the Romans increased the numbers of slaves they held, their fear of them grew, as did the severity of discipline. Cato the Elder whipped the household slaves for even small mistakes and kept his enslaved agricultural workers in chains during the winter. In the Satyricon, the immensely specialized household staff of the fictional freedman Trimalchio includes a pair of torturers who stand by with whips. The physician Galen observed slaves being kicked, beaten with fists, and having their teeth knocked out or their eyes gouged out, witnessing the impromptu blinding of one slave by means of a reed pen. Galen himself had been taught not to strike a slave with his hand but always to use a reed whip or strap. The future emperor Commodus at age 12 is supposed to have ordered one of his bath attendants to be thrown into the furnace, though this order may not have been carried out.
Such acts of casual sadism are perhaps to be distinguished from the head of household's ancient right to pass sentence on a dependent for perceived wrongdoing, but the slaveholder's right to punish a slave was only weakly limited by law. The censors were a countervailing moral authority (regimen morum) if the paterfamilias exceeded community standards of cruelty, but the office was often left vacant or manipulated toward other ideological ends, and there is little or no evidence that the censors would rebuke others of their class for the abuse of slaves. Unless the excessive cruelty had been blatantly public, there was no process for bringing it to the attention of the authorities—the slave boy targeted by Vedius was saved extrajudicially by the chance presence of an emperor willing to be offended, the only person with the authority to stop what was allowed by law.
When slaves did commit an actual crime, the penalties prescribed by law were far more severe than for free persons. For instance, the regular penalty for counterfeiting was deportation and confiscation of property, but a slave was put to death. The liberty of a Roman citizen, by contrast, was defined by freedom from physical coercion and by the judicial right of appeal after receiving a capital sentence. This definition holds into the early Imperial era as a common understanding: in the Acts of the Apostles, when Paul asserts his rights as a Roman citizen to a centurion after having been bound and threatened with flogging, the tribune who has seized him acknowledges the error by backing off.
In the later Imperial era, the status of "convict" versus "slave" often becomes a distinction without a practical difference, as free people of lower social status were increasingly subjected to more severe legal penalties once reserved for slaves.
Chaining was a legal penalty imposed with some specificity; chains weighing ten pounds were ordered for the enslaved captives who rebelled in 198 BC. Archaeological evidence of fetters, manacles, and shackles has been found mainly in the northern provinces and only infrequently in Italian villa settings.
The evidence for Roman branding of slaves is less certain. The methodical tortures to which slaves were subjected juridically included the application of hot metal plates or rods, which would leave marks that could be seen as brands, since the branding of herd animals is known in the Roman world. The scars left by whipping were also "read" as inscribing slaves.
Slaves who played visible or public roles on behalf of a household, and female slaves in general, were not disfigured with markings. That stigmatized slaves were those who had been marked as irredeemably criminal is indicated by their inclusion among the dediticii, those who held no citizen rights even if manumitted.
What appears to be a distinctly Roman practice is the riveting of a "humiliating" metal collar around the former fugitive's neck. Because of the role the hope of manumission played in motivating the industry of slaves, the Romans may have preferred removable collars to permanent disfigurement, or for keeping open the possibility of resale.
Some forty-five examples of Roman slave collars have been documented, most found in Rome and central Italy, with three from cities in Roman North Africa. All date from the Christian era of the 4th and 5th centuries, and some have the Christian chi-rho symbol or a palm frond. Some were found still on the necks of human skeletons or with remains, suggesting that the collars might be worn for life and not just as a temporary ID tag; others seem to have been removed, lost, or discarded. In circumference, they are about the same size as Roman neck shackles (see relief under "Enslavement of war captives"), tight enough to keep them from slipping over the head but not so tight as to restrict breathing.
Fugitive slave collars have been found in urban environments rather than settings for hard labor. One tag from Bulla Regia in Africa identifies the fugitive wearing it as a meretrix, a wage-earning prostitute. The tags are typically inscribed with the owner's name, status, and occupation, and the "address" to which the slave should be returned. The most common instructional text is tene me ("hold me") with either ne fugiam ("so I don't run away") or quia fugi ("because I've run away"). The tag on the most intact example of these collars reads "I have escaped, catch me; when you return me to my master Zoninus, you'll receive a gold coin."
From its early use at a time when citizens were infrequently sentenced to death, crucifixion became the servile supplicium, reserved for slaves during the Republican era, and the worst punishment that could be inflicted on a slave. Crucifying Roman citizens is one of Cicero's most vehement accusations in the prosecution of Verres as a corrupt governor of Sicily.
Such an act could be considered honorable or rational in antiquity, and a slave might commit suicide for the same reasons a free person would, such as an agonizing health condition, religious fanaticism, or mental health crisis. But suicide among the enslaved might also be the ultimate way to resist and escape the master's control or abuse. One of Cato's slaves was so distraught after doing something he thought his master would disapprove of that he killed himself. An inscription from Moguntiacum records the killing of a freedman by one of his slaves, who then committed suicide by drowning himself in a river.
Roman law recognized that slaves might be driven to suicidal despair. A suicide attempt was one of the pieces of information about a slave that had to be disclosed on a bill of sale, indicating that such attempts occurred often enough to be of concern. However, the law did not always regard slaves as criminally fugitive if they ran away in despair and attempted suicide. The jurist Paulus wrote, "A slave acts to commit suicide when he seeks death out of wickedness or evil ways or because of some crime that he has committed, but not when he is able no longer to bear his bodily pain."
In the East, especially during the first century BC, large numbers of "holy" slaves (Greek hierodouloi) served in temples such as those of Ma in Comana, Cappadocia, where 6,000 male and female slaves served, and of the Great Mother at Pessinus in Galatia. The notion that hierodouloi in the Roman era engaged in sacred prostitution is mostly a modern fantasy arising from the presence of prostitutes at temples and festivals, either as members of the participating community or peripherally plying their trade where potential customers would congregate. Temple slaves were not traded as chattel, and the Romans, given their instinct for religion as a source of social order, tended not to capitalize on them as such. Strabo states that the chief priest of the Temple of Ma at Comana did not have the right to sell hierodouloi; however, as the sites of such temples are often associated with trading centers, they might have played some role in facilitating the slave trade.
Numerous Mithraic inscriptions from the reaches of the empire record the names of both privately held slaves and imperial slaves, and even one Pylades in Roman Gaul who was the slave of an imperial slave. Mithraic cult, which valued submission to authority and promotion through a hierarchy, was in harmony with the structure of Roman society, and thus the participation of slaves posed no threat to social order.
Christianity gave slaves an equal place within the religion, allowing them to participate in the liturgy. According to tradition, Pope Clement I (term c. 92–99), Pope Pius I (158–167), and Pope Callixtus I (c. 217–222) were former slaves.
Simple epitaphs for domestic slaves might be set up in the communal tomb of their household. This inclusion perpetuated the domus by enlarging the number of survivors and descendants who might carry out tomb maintenance and the many ritual observances for the dead on the Roman religious calendar.
The commemoration of slaves often included their job—cook, jeweler, hairdresser—or an emblem of their work such as tools. The funerary relief of the freed silversmith Publius Curtilius Agatho (see under "Names" above) shows him in the process of working a cup that lies incomplete by his left hand. He holds a hammer in his right hand, and a punch or graver in his left. Despite these realistic details of his craft, Agatho is depicted wearing a toga—which Getty Museum curator Kenneth Lapatin has compared to going to work in a tuxedo—that expresses his pride in his citizen status, just as the choice of marble as the medium rather than the more common limestone gives evidence of his level of success.
Although not required on tombstones, the deceased's status at times can be identified by Latin abbreviations such as SER for a slave; VERN or VER specifically for vernae, slaves born into a familia (see funerary bust above); or LIB for a freedperson. This legal status is usually absent for gladiators, who were social outcasts regardless of having been freeborn, manumitted, or enslaved at the time of death; instead they were identified by their fighting specialty such as retiarius or murmillo or less often as a freeborn man, LIBER, a status which was not typically asserted. Gladiators who had become celebrities might also be remembered by fans (amatores) in popular media—images of gladiators, sometimes labeled by name, appeared widely on everyday items such as oil lamps and vessels.
Epitaphs represent only slaves who were more highly favored or esteemed within their household or who belonged to communities or social organizations (such as collegia) that offered care of the dead. With the permission of their master, slaves could join burial societies along with free people of modest means and freed slaves who pooled their resources to ensure decent entombment and commemoration. Most slaves did not have the opportunity to develop a personal relationship with a free person or participate in social networking and were disposed of in mass graves along with "free" people who were destitute. The Augustan poet Horace, himself the son of a freedman, wrote of "a fellow slave contracted to transport the castaway corpses to narrow rooms on a cheap chest; here lay the common grave of the wretched masses."
Although slaves were denied the right to make contracts or conduct other legal matters in their own name, it was possible for a master to allow his slave to make less formal arrangements that functioned like a will.
Slavery as an institution was practiced within every community of the Greco-Roman world, including Jewish and Christian communities who at times struggled to reconcile the practice within their beliefs. Some Jewish sects, such as the Essenes and Therapeutae, did articulate anti-slavery principles—which is one of the things that "made them look like fringe utopians" for their time. Both literary and juristic texts in Latin invoke humanitas as a principle in relations with slaves, a virtue that broadly encompasses the quality of living as a fully realized human being, and Pliny asserts that a master whose treatment of slaves is based only on economic considerations is not fully human.
The apparent ease of manumission, along with some Roman laws and practices that mitigated slavery, has led some scholars[who?] to view Roman slavery as a more benign institution, or at least a more open system, than the race-based Atlantic slave trade. The majority of slaves suffered in grinding toil but are mostly silent and undifferentiated in ancient sources, while the freedmen and imperial slaves who enjoyed social mobility are represented because of their success: "the ideology of slaveowning had been successfully transmitted to those who had once been its victims."
The value of the life of a slave differed from that of a conquering general in the nature of this instrumentality: the murder of a slave—a "speaking tool" (instrumentum vocale), in the words of Varro—under law was property loss to the owner. And yet in the Satyricon, Petronius has Trimalchio assert that "slaves too are men. The milk they have drunk is just the same even if an evil fate has oppressed them." When the jurists argue for resolution of legal issues in favor of slaves, they draw on a Roman vocabulary of moral duty (pietas), decency (pudor), respect (reverentia), traditional morals (mores maiorum), and the need for kindliness (benignitas) to prevent duritia, a hardening of the heart. The many, sometimes inadvertent acknowledgments of the slave's humanity in Roman literature and law; the individual expressions of esteem or affection toward a slave by an owner; and pleas for the humanitarian treatment of slaves particularly among Stoics all produce a dissonance. within a moral framework largely dependent on utilitarianism or at best "enlightened self-interest".
There is little evidence that Christian theologians of the Roman Imperial era problematized slavery as morally indefensible. Certain senior Christian leaders (such as Gregory of Nyssa and John Chrysostom) called for good treatment for slaves and condemned slavery, while others supported it. That Christians might be susceptible to accusations of hypocrisy from outside the faith was anticipated in Christian apologetics, such as Lactantius's defense that both slave and free were inherently equal before God. Salvian, a Christian monk writing polemic for Christian slaveowners in Gaul around AD 440, wrote that kindly treatment could be a more effective way of obtaining obedience than physical punishment, but he still regarded slaves as 'wicked and worthy of our contempt', and he never imagined a social system without slavery. Saint Augustine, who came from an aristocratic background and likely grew up in a home where slave labor was utilized, described slavery as being against God's intention and resulting from sin.
Because slaves were regarded as property under Roman law, the slaveholder had license to use them for sex or to hire them out to service other people. While sexual attitudes differed substantially among the Jewish community, up to the 2nd century AD it was still assumed that male slaveholders would have sexual access to female slaves within their own household, an assumption not subjected to Christian criticism in the New Testament, though the use of prostitutes was prohibited. Salvian (5th century AD) condemned the immorality of his audience in regarding their female slaves as natural outlets for their sexual appetites, exactly as "pagan" masters had done in the time of Martial.
"Not one single surviving legal text refers in any way whatever to sexual abuse of slave children", states legal historian Alan Watson—presumably because no special protections were afforded by law to child slaves. Some household staff, such as cup-bearers for dinner parties, generally boys, were chosen at a young age for their grace and good looks, qualities that were cultivated, sometimes through formal training, to convey sexual allure and potential use by guests.
A slave's own expressions of sexuality were closely controlled. An estate owner usually restricted the heterosexual activities of his male slaves to females he also owned; any children born from these unions added to his wealth. Because home-reared slaves were valued, female slaves on an estate were encouraged to have children with approved male partners. There is little or no evidence that estate owners bought women for the purpose of "breeding", since the useful proportion of male to female slaves was constrained by the fewer number of tasks for which women were employed.
Despite the controls and restrictions placed on a slave's sexuality, Roman art and literature often perversely portray slaves as lascivious, voyeuristic, and sexually knowing, indicating a deep ambivalence about master-slave relations. Roman art connoisseurs did not shy away from displaying explicit sexuality in their collections at home, but when figures identifiable as slaves appear in erotic paintings within a domestic scenario, they are either hovering in the background or performing routine peripheral tasks, not engaging in sex.
However, most prostitutes were slaves or freedwomen, and paintings found in Roman brothels (lupanaria) feature prostitutes performing sex acts. Sexual services were cheap enough that urban male slaves, unlike their rural counterparts, could frequent brothels to seek gratification, just as upper-class men did, making the lupanar one of the most egalitarian facilities among men in Roman society. Like slavery, prostitution was a legal way to use a human body other than one's own—and in both cases a use that a free person was to resist absolutely in the name of liberty.
The significant body of law and legal argumentation pertaining to slavery and prostitution indicates that Romans recognized the moral conflict between their family values and forcing a woman into prostitution. The contract when a slave was sold might include a ne serva prostituatur covenant that prohibited the employment of the slave as a prostitute. The restriction remained in force for the term of enslavement and throughout subsequent sales, and if it was violated, the illegally prostituted slave was granted freedom, regardless of whether the buyer had known the covenant was originally attached.
No laws prohibited a Roman from exploiting slaves he owned for sex, but he was not entitled to compel any enslaved person he chose to have sex; doing so might be regarded as a form of theft, since the owner retained the right to his property. If a free man did force himself on someone else's slave for sex, he could not be charged with rape because the slave lacked legal personhood. But an owner who wanted to press charges against a man who raped someone in his familia might do so under the Lex Aquilia, a law that allowed him to seek property damages.
Slaves appear widely in genres of Roman literature written mostly by or for the elite, including history, letters, drama, satire, and prose narrative. These expressions may have served to navigate master-slave relationships in terms of slaves' behavior and punishment. Literary examples often focus on extreme cases, such as the crucifixion of hundreds of slaves for the murder of their master, and while such instances are exceptional, the underlying problems must have concerned the authors and audiences.
Lost works thought to have been written by slaves or former slaves include a history of the Sicilian slave rebellions by Caecilius of Calacte and a biographical collection by Hermippos of Berytus on slaves celebrated for their learning.
Trickster slaves are more numerous and often use their masters' unfortunate situation to create a "topsy-turvy" world in which they are the masters and their masters are subservient to them. The master will often ask the slave for a favor and the slave only complies once the master has made it clear that the slave is in charge, beseeching him and calling him lord, sometimes even a god. These slaves are threatened with numerous punishments for their treachery, but always escape the fulfillment of these threats through their wit.
Plautus' plays represent slavery "as a complex institution that raised perplexing problems in human relationships involving masters and slaves".
Terence added a new element to how slaves were portrayed in his plays, due to his personal background as a former slave. In the work Andria, slaves are central to the plot. Many times throughout the play, slaves are allowed to engage in activity, such as the inner and personal lives of their owners, that would not normally be seen with slaves in every day society. This is a form of satire by Terence due to the unrealistic nature of events that occurs between slaves and citizens in his plays.
Richard P. Saller, "Familia, Domus, and the Roman Conception of the Family", Phoenix 38:4 (1984), p. 343. /wiki/Richard_Saller
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 515, citing - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Pliny, Natural History, p. 33.26. sfn error: no target: CITEREFPliny,_Natural_History (help)"Grave Relief of Silversmith, feat. Kenneth Lapatin" (audio file), Getty Museum Collection, https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034.
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", pp. 182–184, 192(citing on paterfamilias Seneca, Epistula 47.14), 196.Funerary Relief of Publius Curtilius Agatho, Silversmith, feat. Kenneth Lapatin (audio file), Getty Museum Collection, https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034 - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Saller, "Familia, Domus, and the Roman Conception of the Family", pp. 342–343.
Benedetto Fontana, "Tacitus on Empire and Republic", History of Political Thought 14:1 (1993), p. 28.
Westbrook, "Vitae Necisque Potestas", p. 208. - Westbrook, Raymond (1999). "Vitae Necisque Potestas". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 48 (2): 203–223. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 4436540. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436540
Westbrook, "Vitae Necisque Potestas", pp. 203–204.Hope, "Fighting for Identity", pp. 101–102. - Westbrook, Raymond (1999). "Vitae Necisque Potestas". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 48 (2): 203–223. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 4436540. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436540
Westbrook, "Vitae Necisque Potestas", p. 205.Keith Hopkins, Death and Renewal: Society Studies in Roman History, vol. 2 (Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 213–214, citing Digest (Marcian) 47.22.3.2 - Westbrook, Raymond (1999). "Vitae Necisque Potestas". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 48 (2): 203–223. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 4436540. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436540
'The Bitter Chain of Slavery': Reflections on Slavery in Ancient Rome. Keith Bradley. Curated studies. Hellenic Centre of Harvard University. https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/ Archived 2021-04-11 at the Wayback Machine https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/
Kathryn Lomas, Andrew Gardner, and Edward Herring, "Creating Ethnicities and Identities in the Roman World", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 120 (2013), p. 4.
Parshia Lee-Stecum, "Roman refugium: refugee narratives in Augustan versions of Roman prehistory", Hermathena 184 (2008), p. 78, specifically on the relation of Livy's account of the asylum to the Augustan program of broadening the political participation of freedmen and provincials.
Rex Stem, "The Exemplary Lessons of Livy's Romulus", Transactions of the American Philological Association 137:2 (2007), p. 451, citing Livy 1.8.5–6
T. P. Wiseman, "The Wife and Children of Romulus", Classical Quarterly 33:3 (1983), p. 445, on Greek attitudes that therefore "the Romans were simply robbers and bandits, strangers to the laws of gods or men", citing Dionysius 1.4.1–3. 1.89–90. /wiki/T._P._Wiseman
J. N. Bremmer and N. M. Horsfall, Roman Myth and Mythography (University of London Institute of Classical Studies, 1987), p. 32.
Alan Watson, Rome of the XII Tables: Persons and Property (Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 86. /wiki/Alan_Watson_(legal_scholar)
Bradley 1985, p. 4. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley1985 (help)
Fields, Nic. Spartacus and the Slave War 73–71 BC: A Gladiator Rebels against Rome. (Osprey 2009) p. 17–18.
Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2002, originally published 1997 by Scholars Press for Emory University), p. 136.
Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2002, originally published 1997 by Scholars Press for Emory University), p. 136.
R. W. Dyson, Natural Law and Political Realism in the History of Political Thought (Peter Lang, 2005), vol. 1, p. 127.
Bederman, International Law in Antiquity, p. 85.MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 53. - Bederman, David J. (2001-03-05). International Law in Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-79197-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=ZCcS8FPLzysC
Bradley 1985, p. 7. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley1985 (help)
Bradley 1985, p. 6. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley1985 (help)
Bradley 1985, pp. 7–8. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley1985 (help)
Bradley 1985, p. 1. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley1985 (help)
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 60.MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 53, citing Horace, Satire 1.8. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Mary Beard, SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (W. W. Norton, 2015), pp. 68–69, qualifying this statement as the view of "some historians". /wiki/Mary_Beard_(classicist)
Andrew Lintott, The Constitution of the Roman Republic (Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 37. /wiki/Andrew_Lintott
Ernst Levy, "Captivus Redemptus", Classical Philology 38:3 (1943), p. 161, citing Livy 22.23.6–8, 22.60.3–4, 22. 61.3, 7, and 34.50.3–7; Plutarch, Fabius 7.4–5.
Matthew Leigh, Comedy and the Rise of Rome (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 96, in connection with the Captivi of Plautus. /wiki/Captivi
Coulston, Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army, p. 26. - Coulston, Jon (2013). "Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army". War in History. 20 (1): 7–31. doi:10.1177/0968344512454518. ISSN 0968-3445. JSTOR 26098641. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26098641
In 36 BC, during a failed attempt to recover the standards lost, Mark Antony is supposed to have been guided by a survivor of Carrhae who had served under Parthians: Velleius Paterculus 2.82; Florus 2.20.4; Plutarch, Antony 41.1. in the 1940s, American sinologist Homer H. Dubs stirred up both scholarly imagination and scholarly indignation in a series of articles and finally a book arguing that enslaved Roman survivors of Carrhae were traded, or escaped and settled, as far as China.[34] /wiki/Velleius_Paterculus
Coulston, Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army, p. 27. - Coulston, Jon (2013). "Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army". War in History. 20 (1): 7–31. doi:10.1177/0968344512454518. ISSN 0968-3445. JSTOR 26098641. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26098641
Horace, Odes 3.5.6, from Jake Nabel, "Horace and the Tiridates Episode", Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 158: 3/4 (2015), pp. 319–322
Some captives from Carrhae and from two later attempts to avenge the defeat may have been restored in 20 BC when Augustus negotiated the return of the standards.[37]
Laura Betzig, "Suffodit inguina: Genital attacks on Roman emperors and other primates", Politics and the Life Sciences 33:1 (2014), pp. 64–65, citing Orosius, Contra Paganos 7.22..4; Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 5.5–6; Agathias, Histories 4.23.2–7. /wiki/Laura_Betzig
Coulston, Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army, p. 26. - Coulston, Jon (2013). "Courage and Cowardice in the Roman Imperial Army". War in History. 20 (1): 7–31. doi:10.1177/0968344512454518. ISSN 0968-3445. JSTOR 26098641. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26098641
M. Sprengling, "Shahpuhr I the Great on the Kaabah of Zoroaster", American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 57:4 (1940), pp. 371–372; W. B. Henning, "The Great Inscription of Šāpūr I", Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 9;4 (1939), pp. 898ff.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 81) and specifically on potestas, Orit Malka and Yakir Paz, "Ab hostibus captus et a latronibus captus: The Impact of the Roman Model of Citizenship on Rabbinic Law", Jewish Quarterly Review 109:2 (2019), p. 153, citing Gaius 1.129 and Ulpian 10.4, and pp. 159 and 161 on renewal as a second marriage. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Malka and Paz, "Rabbinic Law", pp. 154–155 et passim.
Stanly H. Rauh, "The Tradition of Suicide in Rome's Foreign Wars", Transactions of the American Philological Association 145:2 (2015), p. 400.
Clifford Ando, "Aliens, Ambassadors, and the Integrity of the Empire", Law and History Review 26:3 (2008), pp. 503–505. /wiki/Clifford_Ando
W. W. Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery: The Condition of the Slave in Private Law from Augustus to Justinian (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 305–307.
Vasile Lica, "Clades Variana and Postliminium", Historia 50:4 (2001), p. 498, citing Cicero, De officiis 3.13.
Ernst Levy, "Captivus Redemptus", Classical Philology 38:3 (1943), p. 161.
Lica, "Clades Variana", p. 498.
Specified as "a horse or a mule or a ship" by Aelius Gallus (as quoted by Festus p. 244L), because these could evade possession without dishonoring the owner: a horse could bolt, but weapons could only be lost through the failure of their possessor and therefore could not be restored—as explained by Leigh, Comedy and the Rise of Rome, p. 60. /wiki/Aelius_Gallus
Leigh, Comedy and the Rise of Rome, pp. 60–62.
Tim Cornell, "Rome: The History of an Anachronism", in City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy (Ann Arbor, 1991) p. 65.
W. W. Buckland, whose early 20th-century book on Roman law pertaining to slavery remains an essential reference,[52] gave up on "the hopeless task of defining liberty" (The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 437). /wiki/William_Warwick_Buckland
Daniel Kapust, "Skinner, Petitt and Livy: The Conflict of the Orders and the Ambiguity of Republican Liberty", History of Political Thought 25:3 (2004), p. 383, citing Cicero, De re publica 2.43.5.
Other words used to refer to the slave include homo (human being of any gender), famulus (referring to the slave's role within the familia), ancilla (a female slave; serva was less common), and puer (boy).[citation needed] /wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 58) - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Benet Salway, "MANCIPIVM RVSTICVM SIVE VRBANVM: The Slave Chapter of Diocletian's Edict on Maximum Prices", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 5.
Richard P. Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death in the Roman Family (Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 255.
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 678, res mancipi. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
In her essay "The Concept of Commercium in the Roman Republic," Saskia T. Roselaar notes that "farmland" may have been defined more narrowly as land designated as ager Romanus.[58] /wiki/Ager_Romanus
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", pp. 186–187. - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Saller in Patriarchy, Property and Death in the Roman Family: "Rome has provided the paradigm of patriarchy in western thought", based on "the paterfamilias with his unlimited legal powers over members of his familia. … The Roman family was unquestionably patriarchal, in the sense that it was defined with reference to the father, who was endowed with a special authority in the household … a striking potestas encompassing extensive coercive and proprietary rights."[60] Saller asserts throughout that this is a reductively legalistic view that in no way encompasses the full range of emotional and moral relations within the family.[citation needed]
The phrase vitae necisque potestas is not used to express a husband's power over his wife, though summary execution of a wife was considered justifiable under some circumstances, such as adultery or drunkenness, that varied by historical period. In early Rome, marriage contracted in manu put wives in a subordinate position; from the time of Augustus, a married woman remained under her own father's power, granting a female Roman citizen an unusual degree of independence from her husband relative to many other ancient societies. In the event of divorce, wealth the wife brought into the marriage remained attached to her, along with profits generated.[61] /wiki/Manus_marriage
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", p. 197. - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Saller, Patriarchy, Property and Death, citing Cicero, De re publica 3.37
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 704, servus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 704, servus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Ingram, John Kells (1911). "Slavery" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 25 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 216–227. https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica/Slavery
S. J. Lawrence, "Putting Torture (and Valerius Maximus) to the Test", Classical Quarterly 66:1 (2016), pp. 254–257, discusses the implications of this peculiar form of wishful thinking.
Watson, "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology", pp. 58–59, citing Digest 48.1.1.23 (Ulpian).. - Watson, Alan (1983). "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology". Phoenix. 37 (1): 53–65. doi:10.2307/1087314. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1087314. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1087314
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 704, servus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Marcel Mauss, "A Category of the Human Mind: The Notion of the Person, the Notion of 'Self'", in Sociology and Psychology: Essays(Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), p. 81.
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 704, servus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Matthew Dillon and Lynda Garland, Ancient Rome: From the Early Republic to the Assassination of Julius Caesar (Routledge, 2005), p. 297 /wiki/Lynda_Garland
McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome, p. 309. - McGinn, Thomas A. J. (2003). Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516132-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=BmH31IK-OgEC
Watson, Roman Slave Law, pp. 64–65. - Watson, Alan (1987). Roman Slave Law. Internet Archive. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-3439-4. https://archive.org/details/romanslavelaw0000wats/mode/2up
Martin, "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", p. 118, citing the extensive collection of legal texts by Amnon Linder, The Jews in Imperial Roman Legislation (Wayne State UP 1987).. - Martin, Dale B. (2020), Cohen, Shaye J.D. (ed.), "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", The Jewish Family in Antiquity, Brown Judaic Studies, pp. 113–130, ISBN 978-1-946527-69-1, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzgb9cp.9
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 150. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Thomas Finkenauer, "Filii naturales: Social Fate or Legal Privilege?" in The Position of Roman Slaves: Social Realities and Legal Differences (De Gruyter, 2023), pp. 25–26.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, pp. 77 (n. 3), 79
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 473, filius iustus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 714, spurius. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Susan Treggiari, "Contubernales in CIL 6", Phoenix 35:1 (1981), p. 59.
Susan Treggiari, "Concubinae", Papers of the British School at Rome 49 (1981), p. 59.
Bradley (1994), pp. 50–51. harvp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Treggiari, "Contubernales", p. 43.
A few scholars,[who?] who assert otherwise, overlook juristic discussions of family law in which contubernium is cited as extralegal or ad hoc marriage even though not matrimony by law.[83] /wiki/Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style/Words_to_watch#Unsupported_attributions
Susan Treggiari, "Family Life among the Staff of the Volusii", Transactions of the American Philological Association 105 (1975), p. 396.
Treggiari, "Contubernales", p. 61.
Treggiari, "Contubernales", pp. 45, 50.
Treggiari, "Contubernales", pp. 50–52.
Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", pp. 47, 64.
Pedro López Barja de Quiroga, "Freedmen Social Mobility in Roman Italy, Historia 44:3 (1995), pp. 345–346 and n. 68, disputing Bradley, Slaves and Masters in the Roman Empire, chapter 2.
Ulrike Roth, "Thinking Tools: Agricultural Slavery between Evidence and Models", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 92 (2007), pp. 25–26.
Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", pp. 35–36, 41, citing as examples Paulus, Digest 42.5.38 pr. (Sententiae, book 1), and Seneca, Controversiae 9.3.3. /wiki/Paulus_(jurist)
Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", pp. 49–59, 64, weighing utilitarian and humanitarian motives.
Thomas A.J. McGinn, "Missing Females? Augustus' Encouragement of Marriage between Freeborn Males and Freedwomen", Historia 53:2 (2004) 200-208; see Lex Iulia et Papia. /wiki/Lex_Iulia_et_Papia
Judith Evans-Grubbs, "'Marriage More Shameful Than Adultery'": Slave-Mistress Relationships, 'Mixed Marriages', and Late Roman Law", Phoenix 47:2 (1993), p. 127.
Katharine P. D. Huemoeller, "Freedom in Marriage? Manumission for Marriage in the Roman World", Journal of Roman Studies 110 (2020), p. 131, citing Digest 23.2.28 (Marcian) and 23.2.9 (Ulpian).
Thomas A. J. McGinn, "Concubinage and the Lex Iulia on Adultery, Transactions of the American Philological Association 121 (1991), p. 346.
Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society (Taylor & Francis, 1986), n.p., citing the jurist Paulus. https://books.google.com/books?id=b2iweLcmkMMC&dq=%22it+could+sometimes+positively+be+an+advantage+to+a+freedwoman%22&pg=PT56
Treggiari, "Concubinae", pp. 77–78, citing Digest 24.2.11.2.
Gamauf (2009) harvp error: no target: CITEREFGamauf2009 (help)
Antti Arjava, "Paternal Power in Late Antiquity", Journal of Roman Studies 88 (1998), p. 164, citing Isidore, Origines 5.25.5 in connection with the survival of emancipatio in Visigothic law.
Richard Gamauf, "Peculium: Paradoxes of Slaves with Property", in The Position of Slaves, p. 111, and on broader opportunities passim.
Ulrike Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship: Golden Triangle or Vicious Circle? An Act in Two Parts", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 92.
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. , citing Digest (Florentinus) 15.1.39.. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Edward E. Cohen, Roman Inequality: Affluent Slaves, Businesswomen, Legal Fictions (Oxford University Press, 2023), pp. 51–52.
De sua pecunia: Gamauf, "Peculium: Paradoxes of Slaves with Property", p. 109.
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", p. 527. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Gamauf, "Peculium: Paradoxes of Slaves with Property", p. 115, and "Dispensator: The Social Profile of a Servile Profession", p. 148, n. 140. The "belonging to" is typically expressed by the genitive case in Latin. /wiki/Genitive_case
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", pp. 187, 197. - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Leslie Shumka, "Inscribing Agency? The Mundus Muliebris Commemorations from Roman Italy", Phoenix 70:1/2 (2016), p. 89.
Jane Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society (Taylor & Frances, 2008), n.p. https://books.google.com/books?id=b2iweLcmkMMC&dq=emancipatio+%22fictitious+sale%22&pg=PT12
Jane F. Gardner, "The Adoption of Roman Freedmen", Phoenix 43:3 (1989), p. 250, n. 31, citing the senatusconsultum Macedonianum (Digest 16.6). /wiki/Senatusconsultum_Macedonianum
Kehoe, Dennis P. (2011). "Law and Social Function in the Roman Empire". The Oxford Handbook of Social Relations in the Roman World. Oxford University Press. pp. 147–8.
Bradley (1994), pp. 2–3 harvp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 83. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 485.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 83. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 476, manumissio. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Jakob Fortunat Stagl, "Favor libertatis: Slaveholders as Freedom Fighters", in The Position of Roman Slaves, p. 211, citing Ulpian, Institutiones 4 (Digest 1.1.4).
Ulrike Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship: Golden Triangle or Vicious Circle? An Act in Two Parts", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), pp. 99–105.
Johnston, Roman Law in Context, p. 39. - Johnston, David (2022-05-12). Roman Law in Context. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-47630-0. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Roman_Law_in_Context/SodoEAAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 461, emancipatio. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
See also "Parental sale".
Thomas E. J. Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", Classical Quarterly 35:1 (1985), p. 163.
Susan Treggiari, "Contubernales in CIL 6", Phoenix 35:1 (1981) p.50ff et passim.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 120. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Walter Scheidel, "Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Early Roman Empire", Journal of Roman Studies 87 (1997), p. 162.
Generally, fertility also is a motive for the purchase of female slaves; according to one survey of the evidence, more than 30 percent of women traded were of prime childbearing age (20 to 25).[126]
Leonhard Schumacher, "On the Status of Private Actores, Dispensatores and Vilici", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), pp. 36–38.
Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", pp. 173–174.
Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship", p. 105.
As discussed by Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", pp. 162–175.
Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", pp. 165, 175.
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 79, n. 5citing Digest 40.12.40 (Hermogenian), 40.13. 1 (pr Ulpian), and 40.13.3 (Papinian) - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", pp. 93, n.17. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", pp. 96–97, 99. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Ulrike Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship: Golden Triangle or Vicious Circle? An Act in Two Parts", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), pp. 106–107.
David Daube, "Two Early Patterns of Manumission", Journal of Roman Studies 36 (1946), pp. 58–59.
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 577, manumissio vindicta. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
The view of manumissio vindicta as a fictitious trial concerning rei vindicatio was promulgated by Mommsen; some scholars[who?] see it as a more straightforward procedure.[citation needed] /wiki/Rei_vindicatio
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 11 - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 576, manumissio censu. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Daube, "Two Early Patterns of Manumission", pp. 61–62.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, pp. 180–182 - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 157 - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 576, manumissio sub condicione and manumissio testamento. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Egbert Koops, "Masters and Freedmen: Junian Latins and the Struggle for Citizenship", Integration in Rome and in the Roman World: Proceedings of the Tenth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Lille, June 23–25, 2011) (Brill, 2014), pp. 111–112.
Ulrike Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship: Golden Triangle or Vicious Circle? An Act in Two Parts", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 107.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 85–86 - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship", p. 107.
Gaius, Institutiones 1.43, as cited by Pedro López Barja, Carla Masi Doria, and Ulrike Roth, introduction to Junian Latinity in the Roman Empire. Vol. 1: History, Law, Literature, Edinburgh Studies in Ancient Slavery (Edinburgh University Press, 2023), pp. 7–8.
Bradley (1994), p. 156. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", p. 163.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 154–155. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Youval Rotman, "Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World", Harvard University Press, 2009 p. 139 https://books.google.com/books?id=p24Z2Nz4bGsC
Fergus Millar, The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic (University of Michigan, 1998, 2002), pp. 23, 209. /wiki/Fergus_Millar
Gardner, Jane F. (1989). "The Adoption of Roman Freedmen". Phoenix. 43 (3): 236–257. doi:10.2307/1088460. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1088460. /wiki/Doi_(identifier)
Koops, "Masters and Freedmen", p. 110, especially note 32.
Koops, "Masters and Freedmen", pp. 110–111.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 36 - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 564, libertus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 564, libertinus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Brent Lott, The Neighborhoods of Augustan Rome (Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 41–43, 68, 90 (toga praetexta), 97, 159–161, 165, 170, et passim.
Amanda Coles, "Between Patronage and Prejudice: Freedman Magistrates in the Late Roman Republic and Empire", Transactions of the American Philological Association 147:1 (2017), pp. 180, 198–199 et passim, and providing inscriptions pp. 201–205.
Stagl, "Favor libertatis", p. 231, citing Digest 1.14.3 (Ulpian 38 ad Sab.).
Koops, "Masters and Freedmen", p. 110.
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 564. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Keith Bradley, "'The Regular, Daily Traffic in Slaves': Roman History and Contemporary History", Classical Journal 87:2 (Dec. 1991–Jan. 1992), p. 131.
Hackworth Petersen, Lauren (2006). The Freedman in Roman Art and Art History. Cambridge University Press.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World. - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Schmeling, Gareth L; Arbiter, Petronius; Seneca, Lucius Annaeus (2020). Satyricon. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-99737-0. OCLC 1141413691. 978-0-674-99737-0
Pessima … libertas: Gaius, Institutiones 1.26, as cited by Deborah Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity", Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 55 (2010), p. 104.
Ulrike Roth, "Men Without Hope", Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (2011), p. 90, citing Gaius, Institutes 1.13 and pointing also to Suetonius, Divus Augustus 40.4 /wiki/Suetonius
A perimeter of banishment is found in an unusual case of AD 9, when the Germans under Arminius captured Romans after the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. Mistrusting the loyalty of the army of the Rhine, which would have preferred Germanicus as emperor, Tiberius only reluctantly permitted these prisoners of war to be ransomed, with the provision that they were banned from Italy. Vasile Lica, "Clades Variana and Postliminium", Historia 50:4 (2001), pp. 598 and 601, especially n. 31, notes that the soldiers should have been eligible for full postliminium restoration of their citizenship status (see "Enslavement of Roman citizens" above) but "politics was more important than the lex [law]." /wiki/Arminius
Jane F. Gardner. 2011. "Slavery and Roman Law", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery. Cambridge University Press. vol. 1, p. 429.
Herbert W. Benario, "The Dediticii of the Constitutio Antoniniana", p. 196 et passim.
Institutiones 1.3, as cited by John Madden, "Slavery in the Roman Empire: Numbers and Origins", Classics Ireland 3 (1996), p. 113.
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 112. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Alice Rio, "Self-Sale and Voluntary Entry into Unfreedom, 300-1100", Journal of Social History 45:3 (2012), p. p. 662, calling attention to Jacques Ramin and Paul Veyne, "Droit romain et sociéte: les hommes libres qui passent pour esclaves et l'esclavage volontaire", History 30:4 (1981), as deserving of more scholarly interest (p. 662).
Walter Scheidel, "Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Early Roman Empire", Journal of Roman Studies 87 (1997), pp. 156–169.
Keith Bradley, "On Captives under the Principate", Phoenix 58:3/4 (2004), p 299; P.&nbs
p;A. Brunt Italian Manpower (Oxford 1971), p. 707; Hopkins 1978, pp. 8–15.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 121. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Tim Cornell, 'The Recovery of Rome' in CAH2 7.2 F.W. Walbank et al. (eds.) Cambridge.
Wickham (2014), pp. 210–217 harvp error: no target: CITEREFWickham2014 (help)
Wickham (2014), pp. 180–184 harvp error: no target: CITEREFWickham2014 (help)
Joshel, Slavery in the Roman World, p. 55. - Joshel, Sandra R. (2010-08-16). Slavery in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53501-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=ovvgg3EyTyQC
Bradley, "On Captives", pp. 298–318.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 118, 122. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 122. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Catherine Hezser, "The Social Status of Slaves in the Talmud Yerushalmi and in Graeco-Roman Society", in The Talmud Yerushalmi and Graeco-Roman Culture (Mohr, 2002), p. 96.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 122), citing Josephus, The Jewish War 6.420; Hezser, "The Social Status of Slaves", p. 96 (Hezser is skeptical of Josephus's numbers). - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Hezser, "The Social Status of Slaves", p. 96, citing Josephus, Jewish War 3.10.10, 539ff.
Hezser, "The Social Status of Slaves", p. 96, citing Josephus, Jewish War 3.7.31, 303–304.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 122), citing Chronicon Paschale 1.474 ed. Dindorf. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 122. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Ulrike Roth, "The Gallic Ransom and the Sack of Rome: Livy 5.48.7-8", Mnemosyne 71:3 (2018), p. 463, citing Digest (Florentinus) 1.5.4.2.
Thomas Wiedemann, "The Fetiales: A Reconsideration", Classical Quarterly 36:2 (1986), p. 483, citing Caesar, Bellum Gallicum 3.16.
Thein, "Booty in the Sullan Civil War of 83-82 B.C.", p. 462. - Thein, Alexander (2016). "Booty in the Sullan Civil War of 83-82 B.C.". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 65 (4): 450–472. doi:10.25162/historia-2016-0023. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 45019242. https://doi.org/10.25162%2Fhistoria-2016-0023
Roth, "The Gallic Ransom", p. 463, citing Varro, De re rustica 2.10.4.
In contrast to those wearing a cap (the pilleati) indicating that the seller offered no warranty on the slaves.[195]
M. Cary and A. D. Nock, "Magic Spears", Classical Quarterly 21:3/4 (1927), p. 123, n. 1, citing the work of Köchling and Wilken. /wiki/Arthur_Nock
Ovid, Fasti 1.336, as cited by Steven J. Green, Ovid, Fasti 1: A Commentary (Brill, 2004), pp. 159–160.
Leigh, Comedy and the Rise of Rome, p. 22 et passim.
Bradley, "On Captives", pp. 298–300, 313–314 et passim.
Vincent Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave-Trade", in A. Erskine (ed.) A Companion to the Hellenistic World (Blackwell, 2003, 2005) pp. 389–404.
Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave Trade", p. 393.
Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave Trade", p. 392, citing Livy 34.50.5; Appian, Hannibalic Wars 28.
Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave Trade", pp. 393–394.
Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave Trade", p. 393.
Gabrielsen, "Piracy and the Slave Trade", p. 393, citing Plutarch, Caesar 2.
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 112, citing Plutarch, Caesar 1.4–2.4 and Suetonius, Julius Caesar 74.1.. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Catherine Hezser, "Seduced by the Enemy or Wise Strategy? The Presentation of Non-Violence and Accommodation with Foreign Powers in Ancient Jewish Literary Sources", in Between Cooperation and Hostility: Multiple Identities in Ancient Judaism and the Interaction with Foreign Powers (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013), p. 246, citing m. Git. 4:2; t. Mo'ed Qat. 1:12. The reference to paying ransom to Romans may suggest war captives.
Levy, "Captivus Redumptus", p. 173.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128), citing Strabo 14.664. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Plutarch, Pompey 24-8.
Madden, "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins", p. 121. - Madden, John (1996). "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins". Classics Ireland. 3: 109–128. doi:10.2307/25528294. ISSN 0791-9417. JSTOR 25528294. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25528294
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 124), citing mentions in Apuleius, Metamorphoses 7.9; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana 8.7.12; Strabo 11.496; Xenophon of Ephesus 1.13–14; Dio Chrysostom 15.25; Lucian, De mercede conductis 24. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
St. Augustine, The Letters of St. Augustine. - St. Augustine of Hippo (2015). The Letters of St. Augustine. Jazzybee Verlag. ISBN 978-3-8496-9286-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=2py5DgAAQBAJ
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 25especially n. 26 - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 75, citing Digest (Marcian) 1.5.5.1. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Bradley (1994), pp. 33–34, 48–49 harvp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 100. - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Madden, "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins", p. 115, citing Columella, De re rustica 1.8.19 and Varro, De re rustica 1.17.5, 7 and 2.126.. - Madden, John (1996). "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins". Classics Ireland. 3: 109–128. doi:10.2307/25528294. ISSN 0791-9417. JSTOR 25528294. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25528294
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 256. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
S. L. Mohler, "Slave Education in the Roman Empire", Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, 71 (1940), p. 272 et passim.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 138 n. 90. - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Mohler, "Slave Education", p. 272, citing CIL 6.1052.
Mouritsen, The Freedman in the Roman World, p. 100 n. 155. - Mouritsen, Henrik (2011-01-27). The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-49503-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=sOWxzU66-7sC
Sarah Levin-Richardson, "Vernae and Prostitution at Pompeii", Classical Quarterly 73:1 (2023), pp. 250–256.
McKeown, Niall (2007). The Invention of Modern Slavery?. London: Bristol Classical Press. pp. 139–140. ISBN 978-0-7156-3185-0. 978-0-7156-3185-0
Jane Bellemore and Beryl Rawson, "Alumni: The Italian Evidence", Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 83 (1990), pp. 4–5.
Most Roman adoptions were of an adult son to carry on the family line when there were no heirs. Adoption was a complex legal process involving inheritance rights and concomitant duties to the house and family gods, and not a usual way to bring a young child into a family to nurture.[226] /wiki/Adoption_in_ancient_Rome
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, pp. 251–252. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
Bellemore and Rawon, "Alumni", p. 7.
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 255. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 253. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 271. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, p. 253. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 264–265. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Christian Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", Ancient Society 38 (2008), passim.
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 241–242. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 245. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Bradley, "Child Labour in the Roman World", p. 324 , citing Digest 17.1.26.8.. - Bradley, Keith R. (1985). "Child Labour in the Roman World". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 12 (2): 311–330. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41298859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41298859
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 192–193. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Bradley, "Child Labour in the Roman World", pp. 319, 322. - Bradley, Keith R. (1985). "Child Labour in the Roman World". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 12 (2): 311–330. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41298859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41298859
Bradley, "Child Labour in the Roman World", pp. 321, 325 et passim. - Bradley, Keith R. (1985). "Child Labour in the Roman World". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 12 (2): 311–330. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41298859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41298859
Bradley, "Child Labour in the Roman World", pp. , citing Petronius, Satyricon 94.14.. - Bradley, Keith R. (1985). "Child Labour in the Roman World". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 12 (2): 311–330. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41298859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41298859
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 253, citing Columella 12.4.3. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 257. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 254–255. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 255–256. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 264–266. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, p. 247) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), and Bradley, "Child Labor", p. 326.
Bradley, "Child Labor", p. 326, citing the poetic example in Vergil, Eclogues 8.37–40. /wiki/Vergil
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 248. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 246. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, p. 247) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), citing Varro, De re rustica 2.10.
The age of the second child is less legible[251]
Bradley, "Child Labour in the Roman World", pp. 250–251, citing John Chrysostom, Homilies on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans 31, on 16.1, and Agatharchides, On the Erythraean Sea (frg. 23–29) apud Photius, Bibliotheca p. 447.21–p. 449.10a) and the version of Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica 3.12.1–14.5. - Bradley, Keith R. (1985). "Child Labour in the Roman World". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 12 (2): 311–330. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41298859. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41298859
T. A. Rickard, "The Mining of the Romans in Spain", Journal of Roman Studies 18 (1928), p. 140.
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 235–237. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 239, 241. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 268. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
See discussions amongst:
Walter Scheidel, "Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Roman Empire", Journal of Roman Studies 87 (1997) 159–169
W. V. Harris, "Demography, Geography and the Sources of Roman Slaves", Journal of Roman Studies 89 (1999), 62–75
Christian Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", Ancient Society 38 (2008), especially p. 267
Elio lo Cascio, "Thinking Slave and Free in Coordinates", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 28.
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, pp. 262–263) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), citing as example the commemoration of an alumnus and apprentice by an anaglyptarius (relief tooler), CIL 2.7.347, and p. 272.
Margaret Y. MacDonald, "Children in House Churches in Light of New Research on Families in the Roman World", in The World of Jesus and the Early Church: Identity and Interpretation in the Early Communities of Faith (Hendrickson, 2011), n.p.. https://books.google.com/books?id=i5RrEAAAQBAJ&dq=where+slave+and+free+children+played+together+intitle:Jesus&pg=PT107
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, p. 268) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), citing John Chrysostom, Adversus Judaeos 7.10 (PG 48, 855): "Kidnappers often entice little boys by offering them sweets, and cakes, and marbles, and other such things; then they deprive them of their freedom and their very life", in reference to metaphorical Gehenna.
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, pp. 269–270) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), citing mainly Roman comedy and the rhetorical tradition, Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 10.4.7 and John Chrysostom, homily 21 on First Corinthians 9:1 (on adults maiming themselves).
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 199–202. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Christian Laes, "Infants between Biological and Social Birth in Antiquity: A Phenomenon of the longue durée", Historia 63:3 (2014), pp. 364–383.
(Harris 1994, p. 9) harv error: no target: CITEREFHarris1994 (help)
Neil W. Bernstein, "Adoptees and Exposed Children in Roman Declamation: Commodification, Luxury, and the Threat of Violence", Classical Philology 104:3 (2009), citing Seneca, Controversiae 9.3; Quintilian, Institutiones 7.1.14, 9.2.89; Declamationes Minores 278, 338, 376. /wiki/Quintilian
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work", p. 267.
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work", p. 241 et passim.
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 198, 206: "The selling of children had very little to do with child-exposure from the perspective of social history." - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 108. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 108 "citing Juvenal, Satire 6.592–609" - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 109. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 199. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 183. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
On maternal and neonatal mortality in the Roman world, see:
Golden, Mark (1988). "Did the Ancients Care When Their Children Died?". Greece & Rome. 35 (2): 152–163. doi:10.1017/S0017383500033064. ISSN 0017-3835. JSTOR 642999.
Bradley, Keith R (1987). "Wet-Nursing at Rome: A Study in Social Relations". The Family in Ancient Rome: New Perspectives. Cornell University Press. p. 202. ISBN 978-0-8014-9460-4.
Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4.
978-0-8014-9460-4978-0-19-151423-4
Laes, "Infants between Biological and Social Birth", pp. 364–383.
Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy, pp. 101–102. - Rawson, Beryl (2003-09-05). Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. OUP Oxford. ISBN 978-0-19-151423-4. https://www.google.com/books/edition/Children_and_Childhood_in_Roman_Italy/Ah9XwjhyM8gC?hl=en&gbpv=0
Ido Israelowich, "The extent of the patria potestas during the High Empire: Roman midwives and the decision of non tollere as a case in point", Museum Helveticum 74:2 (2017), pp. 227–228, citing the Codex Theodosianus 11.15.1.
Laes, "Infants Between Biological and Social Birth in Antiquity", p. 376 , citing K. Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World AD 275–425 (Cambridge 2011), pp. 404–409. sfn error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_"Infants_Between_Biological_and_Social_Birth_in_Antiquity" (help)
Laes, "Infants Between", p. 375, citing Codex Theodosianus 5.10.1. /wiki/Codex_Theodosianus
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 108. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 267–268. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 181. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 188–191. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 181. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 267. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 181. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 181. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 267. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", p. 267. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 61), citing Plutarch, Lucullus 20 and the prevalence of Greek names in the slave lists of Minturnae. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 172–178. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 197 (on the role of mothers), 201–204.
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 182, citing Codex Theodosianus 27.2. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Israelowich, "The extent of the patria potestas during the High Empire", pp. 227–228, citing the Codex Theodosianus 11.15.1.
P.A. Brunt, Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic (Chatto & Windus, 1971), pp. 56–57. /wiki/Peter_Brunt
Brunt, Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic, pp. 56–57.
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", pp. 187–188. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Vuolanto, "Selling a Freeborn Child", p. 179. - Vuolanto, Ville (2003). "Selling a Freeborn Child: Rhetoric and Social Realities in the Late Roman World". Ancient Society. 33: 169–207. doi:10.2143/AS.33.0.503599. ISSN 0066-1619. OCLC 9978191698. https://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?id=503599&url=article
Rio, "Self-sale", drawing extensively on Ramin and Veyne, "Droit romain et société", pp. 472–497.
Rio, "Self-Sale", p. 662.
Rio, "Self-sale", p. 664, citing Justinian, Institutes 1.3.4, 1.16.1; Digest 1.5.5.1, 1.5.21, and 28.3.6.5.
Rio, "Self-sale", pp. 663–664.
Rio, "Self-sale", p. 664.
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", pp. 75–76. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Rio, "Self-sale", p. 680, n. 18, citing Digest 48.19.14.
Mary Nyquist, Arbitrary Rule: Slavery, Tyranny, and the Power of Life and Death (University of Chicago Press, 2013), pp. 51–53, citing mainly the works of Cicero.
Rio, "Self-sale", p. 664.
Rio, "Self-sale", p. 665.
Hopkins, Keith (1978). Conquerors and Slaves, Issue 1. Volume 1 of Sociological studies in Roman history. CUP Archive. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-0-521-21945-7. OCLC 298105229. 978-0-521-21945-7
Moya K. Mason, "Roman Slavery: The Social, Cultural, Political, and Demographic Consequences". Retrieved 17 March 2021 http://www.moyak.com/papers/roman-slavery-war.html
Finley, Moses I. (1960). Slavery in classical Antiquity. Views and controversies. Cambridge.
Finley, Moses I. (1980). Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology. Chatto & Windus.
Montoya Rubio, Bernat (2015). L'esclavitud en l'economia antiga: fonaments discursius de la historiografia moderna (Segles XV-XVIII) [Slavery in the ancient economy: discursive foundations of modern historiography (15th-18th centuries)] (in Catalan). Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté. pp. 15–25. ISBN 978-2-84867-510-7. 978-2-84867-510-7
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", p. 515. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", pp. 519 and 522–524. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", pp. 514–515, 518. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Adsidua et cottidiana comparatio servorum: Keith Bradley, "'The Regular, Daily Traffic in Slaves': Roman History and Contemporary History", Classical Journal 87:2 (Dec. 1991–Jan. 1992), p. 126.
Walter Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery: The Ancient Mediterranean World, vol. 1 (Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 302.
Harris (2000), p. 721 harvp error: no target: CITEREFHarris2000 (help)
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Morris Silver, "Places for Self-Selling in Ulpian, Plautus and Horace: The Role of Vertumnus", Mnemosyne 67:4 (2014), p. 580; on the Temple of Castor as the site, Seneca, De Constantia Sapientis 13.4; Plautus, Curculio 481. /wiki/De_Constantia_Sapientis
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126), documented for instance by wax tablets from the Villa of Murecine. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126), citing Suetonius, De gramm. 25. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 126, 138 n. 93. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126), citing CIL 10.8222. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Huzar, "Egyptian Relations in Delos", p. 170. sfn error: no target: CITEREFHuzar,_"Egyptian_Relations_in_Delos" (help)
The policing action of Rhodes has also been seen as a "naval protection racket" that allowed it to exercise control over shipping in the name of suppressing "piracy"[320]
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 170–171. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 170, 176, citing a number of inscriptions on the Italian presence at an earlier date than had conventionally been thought.. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", p. 169 , citing Polybius 30,29, 31.7; Livy 33.30; Strabo 10.5.4, and p. 171, noting "it is evident that Rome had no real understanding of the economic implications of her actions.". - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", p. 170. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 171, 175, 176. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Strabo 14.5.2, as cited and tamped down by Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 169, 175.
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", p. 175. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", p. 105. - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 169, 175. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 126–127. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Huzar, "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos", pp. 175–176. - Huzar, Eleanor G. (1962). "Roman-Egyptian Relations in Delos". The Classical Journal. 57 (4). Johns Hopkins University Press: 169–178. ISSN 0009-8353. JSTOR 3293859. OCLC 9974043824. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0009-8353
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 66–65), calling the Romans "criminally negligent" and callously indifferent because of their appetite for slaves. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 127), citing Varro, De lingua Latina 9.21. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 127. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 127. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Bosworth, "Vespasian and the Slave Trade", pp. 354–355, citing MAMA 6.260, Cicero, Pro Flacco 34–38 on Acmoninan prosperity, Appian, Mithridatic Wars 77.334, Memnon of Heracleia, FGrH 434 F 1 (28.5–6), and Plutarch, Lucullus 17.1, 24.1, 30.3, 35.1.. - Bosworth, A. B. (2002). "Vespasian and the Slave Trade". The Classical Quarterly. 52 (1): 350–357. doi:10.1093/cq/52.1.350. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 3556462. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fcq%2F52.1.350
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 127. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 126), citing Strabo 11.493, 495–496 - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 126), 138 n. 97 (with numerous citations of primary sources). - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Roşu, Felicia (2021) Slavery in the Black Sea Region, c.900–1900 – Forms of Unfreedom at the Intersection Between Christianity and Islam. Studies in Global Slavery, Volume: 11. Brill. p19
Michael H. Crawford, "Republican Denarii in Romania: The Suppression of Piracy and the Slave-Trade", Journal of Roman Studies 67 (1977), pp. 117-124. /wiki/Michael_Crawford_(historian)
Jackson, "Roman Bound Captives: Symbols of Slavery?" p. 151.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 124), citing Strabo 5.214 and 11.493; Tacitus, Agricola 28.3; and Periplous Maris Erythraei 13, 31, 36. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Marius Alexianu, "Lexicographers, Paroemiographers, and Slaves-for-Salt: Barter in Ancient Thrace", Phoenix 65:3/4 (2011), pp. 389-394.
Crawford, "Republican Denarii in Romania", p. 121, citing Diodorus 5.26 and Cicero, Pro Quinctio 24.
Wright, J. (2007). The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade. Storbritannien: Taylor & Francis. p.15-16
Walter Scheidel, "Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Early Roman Empire", Journal of Roman Studies 87 (1997), p. 159.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 125–126. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 121. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 302.
Walter Scheidel, "Real Slave Prices and the Relative Cost of Slave Labor in the Greco-Roman World", Ancient Society 35 (2005), p. 8.
Scheidel, "Real Slave Prices", pp. 16–17.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 302.
Section de mancipiis vendundis ("on slaves for sale") of the Edicts of the Curule Aediles (Digest 21.1.44 pr 1–2 and 21.1.1), as cited by Lisa A. Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves and the Curule Aediles' Edict: Some Epigraphic and Iconographic Evidence from Capua", Ancient Society 36 (2006), pp. 239, 249.
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", pp. 250, 253.
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", p. 258, citing Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights 4.2.1, noting reliefs that depict slaves wearing such a tablet.
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", pp. 245.
The stand has sometimes been described as revolving, based on a mention in the poetry of Statius (1st century AD).[356][357] /wiki/Statius
Bradley, "'The Regular, Daily Traffic in Slaves'", p. 128.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 302.
Gellius, Aulus. Attic Nights. 6.4.1. https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:2007.01.0072:book=6:chapter=4&highlight=cap
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 102, citing Pliny, Natural History 35.58 - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", pp. 240, 243–244, disputing an alternate interpretation of the figure as a statue.
As indicated by his attire: Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", p. 245.
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", p. 246.
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", pp. 249–250 et passim.
Johnston, Mary. Roman Life. Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1957, p. 158–177
Johnston, David (2022). Roman Law in Context (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-1-108-70016-0. The actio redhibitoria for 6 months and the actio quanto minoris for 12, applying to sales of slaves and cattle in the market. 978-1-108-70016-0
Alan Watson, Legal Origins and Legal Change (Hambledon Press, 1991), p. 252, observing along with W. W. Buckland that the inability of infants also to walk calls the rigor of this reasoning into question. /wiki/W._W._Buckland
Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", in The Position of Roman Slaves, pp. 43–44, citing Ulpian on the Edict of the Curule Aediles, book 2 (Digest.21.1.38.14).
Hughes, "The Proclamation of Non-Defective Slaves", p. 255, citing Africanus, Digest L 16.207 (3 ad Quaestiones). /wiki/Sextus_Caecilius_Africanus
Oxford Latin Dictionary (1985 printing), s.v. venalicarius, venalicius, and venalis, pp. 2025–2026.
Walter Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery: The Ancient Mediterranean World, vol. 1 (Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 300.
Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. mango, p. 1073.
Brent D. Shaw, "The Great Transformation: Slavery and the Free Republic", in The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic (Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 189.
Shaw, "The Great Transformation", p. 190. For a local dealer, andrapodokapelos: C. M. Reed, Maritime Traders in the Ancient Greek World (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 22.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 300.
Bosworth, "Vespasian and the Slave Trade". - Bosworth, A. B. (2002). "Vespasian and the Slave Trade". The Classical Quarterly. 52 (1): 350–357. doi:10.1093/cq/52.1.350. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 3556462. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fcq%2F52.1.350
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 300.
Shaw, "The Great Transformation", p. 190.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 300.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 301.
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 301.
Pleket, "Urban Elites and Business in the Greek Part of the Roman Empire", p. 139. - Pleket, H. W. (1 January 1983). "Urban Elites and Business in the Greek Part of the Roman Empire". In Garnsey, Peter; Hopkins, Keith; Whittaker, C. R. (eds.). Trade in the Ancient Economy. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04803-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=UY0zhHU9tzkC
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 129), citing Pliny, Natural History 7.56; Suetonius, Divus Augustus 69; Macrobius, Saturnalia 2.4.28. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Bosworth, "Vespasian and the Slave Trade", p. 356 , citing Pliny, Natural History 7.56. - Bosworth, A. B. (2002). "Vespasian and the Slave Trade". The Classical Quarterly. 52 (1): 350–357. doi:10.1093/cq/52.1.350. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 3556462. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fcq%2F52.1.350
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Pleket, "Urban Elites and Business in the Greek Part of the Roman Empire", p. 139. - Pleket, H. W. (1 January 1983). "Urban Elites and Business in the Greek Part of the Roman Empire". In Garnsey, Peter; Hopkins, Keith; Whittaker, C. R. (eds.). Trade in the Ancient Economy. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04803-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=UY0zhHU9tzkC
Taco T. Terpsta, "The Palmyrene Temple in Rome and Palmyra's Trade with the West", in Palmyrena: City, Hinterland and Caravan Trade Between Orient and Occident. Proceedings of the Conference Held in Athens, December 1–3, 2012 (Archaeopress, 2016), p. 44, citing CIL 6.399. Terpsta expresses doubt about the sufficiency of the standard interpretation, primarily of Coarelli, that this dedication should be connected to the Palmyrene community of either slaves or slave traders in Rome. /wiki/Filippo_Coarelli
Joshel, Slavery in the Roman World, p. 95. - Joshel, Sandra R. (2010-08-16). Slavery in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53501-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=ovvgg3EyTyQC
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 129. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 301.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 132–133. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Bosworth, "Vespasian and the Slave Trade", pp. 350–357, arguing on the basis of Suetonius, Vespasianus 4.3 and other mentions that this trade was not in mules as is sometimes thought; this view is accepted also by Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 301 - Bosworth, A. B. (2002). "Vespasian and the Slave Trade". The Classical Quarterly. 52 (1): 350–357. doi:10.1093/cq/52.1.350. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 3556462. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fcq%2F52.1.350
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 71. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
{{harvtxt|Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity|p=71, citing Plutarch, Cato the Elder 18.2, and remarking on "Cato's bitter statement that handsome slaves cost more than a farm" (Diodorus Siculus 31.24).
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 71. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 95. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Harris (2000), p. 721 harvp error: no target: CITEREFHarris2000 (help)
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 95. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Harris (2000), p. 722 harvp error: no target: CITEREFHarris2000 (help)
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 95), citing Tacitus, Annales 13.31.2. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 95. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Scheidel, "The Roman Slave Supply", p. 302.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 124, 138 n. 81), citing CIL 8.4508. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", p. 187 , citing the Digest 50.16.203. - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Schermaier, The Position of Roman Slaves, p. 242 , citing Digest (Ulpian ad Sabinum, book 18) 7.1.15.1–2.. - Schermaier, Martin (6 March 2023). The Position of Roman Slaves: Social Realities and Legal Differences. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 978-3-11-098719-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=WXPEEAAAQBAJ
Christian Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", Ancient Society 38 (2008), p. 240, citing Paulus, Sent. 2.18.1.
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", p. 519citing Cicero, De officiis 21.1.150–151 - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Moya K. Mason, "Roman Slavery: The Social, Cultural, Political, and Demographic Consequences". Retrieved 17 March 2021 http://www.moyak.com/papers/roman-slavery-war.html
Marice E. Rose, "The Construction of Mistress and Slave Relationships in Late Antique Art", Woman's Art Journal 29:2 (2008), p. 41
Susan Treggiari, "Jobs in the Household of Livia", Papers of the British School at Rome 43 (1975) p. 55.
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, p. 57. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", pp. 332–333. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Ramsay MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", in Diasporas in Antiquity (Brown Judaic Studies 2020), pp. 49–50, basing his guess of one hundred per household on his earlier demographic work in Changes in the Roman Empire (1990). /wiki/Ramsay_MacMullen
Roman Civilization Archived 2009-02-03 at the Wayback Machine http://abacus.bates.edu/~mimber/Rciv/slavery.htm
MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 49.
Johnston, Mary. Roman Life. Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1957, p. 158–177
John R. Clarke, The Houses of Roman Italy, 100 B.C.-A.D. 250: Ritual, Space, and Decoration (University of California Press, 1991), p. 2.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 73. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 51.
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", p. 334, citing ILS 7710. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", pp. 331–332. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", p. 514. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", pp. 525–526, 528. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 51.
John E. Stambaugh, The Ancient Roman City (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), p. 144, 144, 178; Kathryn Hinds, Everyday Life in the Roman Empire (Marshall Cavendish, 2010) ,p. 90.
Claire Holleran, Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome: The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate (Oxford Universwity Press, 2012), p. 136ff.
J. Mira Seo, "Cooks and Cookbooks", in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University, 2010), pp. 298–299.
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", p. 335 , citing Columella, 1 praef. 5 ("workshop" is officina). - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", pp. 335–336, citing Seneca, Moral Epistle 47.6, and Juvenal 5.121. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", p. 334, citing Cicero, Letter to Atticus 14.3.1. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", p. 334, citing ILS 7733a. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 110, citing Varro, De re rustica 1.17.1.. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 110, citing Cato, De agricultura 2.7.. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 110, citing Columella, De re rustica 1.6.8.. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 111, citing the jurist Gaius interpreting the Lex Aquilia at Digest 9.2.2.2.. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 118. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Martin, "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", p. 128, citing for example the parable in Matthew 13:24–30.. - Martin, Dale B. (2020), Cohen, Shaye J.D. (ed.), "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", The Jewish Family in Antiquity, Brown Judaic Studies, pp. 113–130, ISBN 978-1-946527-69-1, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzgb9cp.9
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 119. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 120), citing Columella 1.8.4. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Ulrike Roth, "Thinking Tools: Agricultural Slavery between Evidence and Models", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 92 (2007), pp. 3, 17, 36, citing Columella 12.1.5, 12.3.3, and 12.3.8 and Cato, De agricultura 143.3.
Roth, "Thinking Tools", p. 49, citing Cato, De agricultura 143.1.
In "The Later Roman Colonate and Freedom", Miroslava Mirković notes that, in other contexts, the ergastulum seems to be a penal workhouse not necessarily for agricultural labor, as when Livy (2.2.6) contrasts a debtor who is led non in servitium sed in ergastulum, "not into slavery but into the workhouse".[430]
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 143–144. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
William Heinemann, notes to Livy 32.26.17–18, in Livy: Books XXXI-XXXIV with an English Translation (Harvard University Press, 1935), pp. 236–237.
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 131–132. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Alfred Michael Hirt, Imperial Mines and Quarries in the Roman World: Organizational Aspects 27–BC AD 235 (Oxford University Press, 2010), sect. 3.3.
W. Mark Gustafson, "Inscripta in Fronte: Penal Tattooing in Late Antiquity", Classical Antiquity 16:1 (1997), p. 81.
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 124–125. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 127–128, 132, 137–138, 146. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 128, 138. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 139. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 139–140. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 140, 145–146. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Eusebius, writing of those who were subjected to mutilations that reduced their capacity to work and were then sent to the copper mines "not so much for service as for the sake of ill treatment and hardship" (Historia Ecclesiastica 8.12.10).[442] /wiki/Eusebius
Temin, "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire", p. 520. - Temin, Peter (2004). "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire". The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 34 (4): 513–538. doi:10.1162/002219504773512525. ISSN 0022-1953. JSTOR 3656762. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3656762
Millar, "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire", pp. 141–142. - Millar, Fergus (1984). "Condemnation to Hard Labour in the Roman Empire, from the Julio-Claudians to Constantine". Papers of the British School at Rome. 52: 124–147. doi:10.1017/S006824620000876X. ISSN 0068-2462. JSTOR 40310809. OCLC 9972877460. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS006824620000876X
Hirt, Imperial Mines and Quarries, sect. 4.2.1.
Christian G. De Vito and Alex Lichtenstein, "Writing a Global History of Convict Labour", in Global Histories of Work (De Gruyter, 2016), p. 58.
Lionel Casson, "Galley Slaves", Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 97 (1966), p. 35.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, pp. 318–319.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 320.
Sarah Bond, Trade and Taboo: Disreputable Professions in the Roman Mediterranean (University of Michigan Press, 2016), pp.70–71.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 320.
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law, p. 624, 706, peculium and servus publicus. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, pp. 320–321.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 320.
Wolfram Buchwitz, "Giving and Taking: The Effects of Roman Inheritance Law on the Social Position of Slaves", in The Position of Roman Slaves, pp. 183–184, citing Tit. Ulp. 20.16; CIL VI.2354 and X.4687.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 319, especially n. 4.
Buchwitz, "Giving and Taking: The Effects of Roman Inheritance Law on the Social Position of Slaves", pp. 183–184, citing CIL VI 2354 on the designation of a public slave's concubina as his heir. /wiki/Concubinatus
Hunt, Peter (2010). "Slavery". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford: OUP. part Slavery in Rome, § 'Occupation'. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-538839-8. OCLC 502156964. Retrieved 2 March 2025 – via TWL. 978-0-19-538839-8
Susan Treggiari, "Contubernales in CIL 6", Phoenix 35:1 (1981), p. 50.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 319.
Madden, "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins", p. , citing Frontinus, De aquaeductu 116–117.. - Madden, John (1996). "Slavery in the Roman Empire Numbers and Origins". Classics Ireland. 3: 109–128. doi:10.2307/25528294. ISSN 0791-9417. JSTOR 25528294. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25528294
Berger, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. - Berger, Adolf (1953). "Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law". Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 43 (2): 624, 706. doi:10.2307/1005773. ISSN 0065-9746. JSTOR 1005773. OCLC 522130. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1005773
Marianne Béraud, Nicolas Mathieu, Bernard Rémy, "Esclaves et affranchis chez les Voconces au Haut-Empire: L'apport des inscriptions", Gallia 74:2 (2017), p. 80.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 83. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
William V. Harris, "Roman Terracotta Lamps: The Organization of an Industry", Journal of Roman Studies 70 (1980), p. 140.
David Johnston, "Law and Commercial Life of Rome", Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 43 (1997), p. 59.
Harris, "Roman Terracotta Lamps: The Organization of an Industry", pp. 140–141; Johnston, "Law and Commercial Life", p. 56 et passim, on the son as institor.
Leonhard Schumacher, "On the Status of Private Actores, Dispensatores and Vilici",Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 31.
Susan Treggiari, "Jobs in the Household of Livia", Papers of the British School at Rome 43 (1975), p. 49. /wiki/Susan_Treggiari
Treggiari, ""Jobs in the Household of Livia", p. 50.
Since slaves could not enter into a marriage contract, "wife" usually refers to a contubernalis, a spouse in a sort of common-law marriage or a marriage conducted according to rites not recognized within Roman law. If a dispensator wished to retain the advantages of his position, he might arrange to have his contubernalis manumitted instead of himself so that any children they had would be born as free citizens.[468] /wiki/Contubernalis
Treggiari, "Jobs in the Household of Livia", p. 50.
Gamauf, "Dispensator: The Social Profile of a Servile Profession", p. 130, n. 24; Jesper Carlsen, "Vilici" and Roman Estate Managers until AD 284 (L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1995), p. 148, n. 492, cites CIL IX 2558 and CIL IX 4644 (= ILS 3857) on two dispensatrices.
Zwalye, "Valerius Patruinus’ Case Contracting in the Name of the Emperor", p. 160. - Zwalye, Willem (2003), De Blois, Lukas; Erdkamp, Paul; Hekster, Olivier; De Kleijn, Gerda (eds.), "Valerius Patruinus' Case Contracting in the Name of the Emperor", The Representation and Perception of Roman Imperial Power, Proceedings of the Third Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Roman Empire, c. 200 B.C. - A.D. 476), Rome, March 20-23, 2002, Brill, pp. 157–169, doi:10.1163/j.ctv2gjwwd8.15?seq=1 (inactive 4 June 2025), ISBN 978-90-5063-388-8, JSTOR 10.1163/j.ctv2gjwwd8.15, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctv2gjwwd8.15
Baha Yiğit Sayin, Legal Aspects of the Commercial Dealings of Slaves During the Roman Imperial Period,
Bahçeşehir Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 18(3), 2023, p. 481
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 82. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, pp. 162, 274–275.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 82. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 82. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Watson, "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology", pp. 56–57. - Watson, Alan (1983). "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology". Phoenix. 37 (1): 53–65. doi:10.2307/1087314. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1087314. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1087314
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 90. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Martin, "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", p. 128, citing Matthew 21:34 and 25:14–30.. - Martin, Dale B. (2020), Cohen, Shaye J.D. (ed.), "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", The Jewish Family in Antiquity, Brown Judaic Studies, pp. 113–130, ISBN 978-1-946527-69-1, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzgb9cp.9
Martin, "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", p. 128, citing Matthew 24:45 and Mark 13:35.. - Martin, Dale B. (2020), Cohen, Shaye J.D. (ed.), "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", The Jewish Family in Antiquity, Brown Judaic Studies, pp. 113–130, ISBN 978-1-946527-69-1, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzgb9cp.9
Catherine Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions: Public Performance and Prostitution in Ancient Rome", in Roman Sexualities (Princeton UP 1997), pp. 72–73, citing the Tabula Heracleensis on some restrictions outside the city of Rome. /wiki/Tabula_Heracleensis
McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome, p. 65ff. - McGinn, Thomas A. J. (2003). Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516132-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=BmH31IK-OgEC
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", pp. 66–67.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", p. 66.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", p. 73.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", pp. 76, 82–83.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", pp. 74–75, citing Livy 7.2.12; Augustus mitigated the practice.
D. Selden, "How the Ethiopian Changed His Skin", Classical Antiquity 32:2 (2013), p. 329, citing Donatus, Vita Terenti 1. /wiki/Aelius_Donatus
Alison Futrell, A Sourcebook on the Roman Games (Blackwell, 2006), p. 124.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", p. 82.
Edwards, "Unspeakable Professions", p. 81.
Amy Richlin, "Sexuality in the Roman Empire", in A Companion to the Roman Empire (John Wiley & Sons, 2009), p. 350.
McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome, pp. 293, 316. - McGinn, Thomas A. J. (2003). Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516132-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=BmH31IK-OgEC
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", pp. 4. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 76. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Flemming, Quae Corpore Quaestum, pp. 53, citing Scriptores Historiae Augustae, "Hadrian" 18.8.
Buckland, The Roman Law of Slavery, p. 38, citing Codex Iustiniani 1.4.14, 33, Institutiones 1.8.2.
Codex Theodosianus 9.40.8 and 15.9.1, Symmachus, Relatio 8.3.
Mackay, Christopher (2004). Ancient Rome: A Military and Political History. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 298. ISBN 978-0-521-80918-4. 978-0-521-80918-4
Mackay, Christopher (2004). Ancient Rome: A Military and Political History. New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 298. ISBN 978-0-521-80918-4. 978-0-521-80918-4
Keith R. Bradley, "On the Roman Slave Supply and Slavebreeding", in Classical Slavery (Frank Cass, 2000), p. 53.
Rosenstein, Nathan (2005-12-15). Rome at War: Farms, Families, And Death in the Middle Republic. Univ of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-6410-4. Recent studies of Italian demography have further increased doubts about a rapid expansion of the peninsula's servile population in this era. No direct evidence exists for the number of slaves in Italy at any time. Brunt has little trouble showing that Beloch's estimate of 2 million during the reign of Augustus is without foundation. Brunt himself suggests that there were about 3 million slaves out of a total population in Italy of about 7.5 million at this date, but he readily concedes that this is no more than a guess. As Lo Cascio has cogently noted, that guess in effect is a product of Brunt's low estimate of the free population 978-0-8078-6410-4
Goldhill, Simon (2006). Being Greek Under Rome: Cultural Identity, The Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge University Press.
Walter Scheidel. 2005. 'Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population', Journal of Roman Studies 95: 64–79. Scheidel, p. 170, has estimated between 1 and 1.5 million slaves in the 1st century BC.
Jason Paul Wickham, in The Enslavement of War Captives by the Romans to 146 BC, notes the difficulty in estimating the size of the slave population and the supply needed to maintain and grow the population.[503]
No contemporary or systematic census of slave numbers is known; in the Empire, under-reporting of male slave numbers would have reduced the tax liabilities attached to their ownership.[504]
Harper, James (1972). Slaves and Freedmen in Imperial Rome. Am J Philol.
Frier, "Demography", 789, Scheidel, "Demography", 39.
Goldhill, Simon (2006). Being Greek Under Rome: Cultural Identity, The Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire. Cambridge University Press.
John W Welch, John F Hall. "Chart 6-4: Estimated Distribution of Citizenship in the Roman Empire". Charting the New Testament. https://byustudies.byu.edu/further-study-chart/6-4-estimated-distribution-of-citizenship-in-the-roman-empire/
Bruce W. Frier and Thomas A. J. McGinn, A Casebook on Roman Family Law (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 15.
In Africa in Europe: Antiquity into the Age of Global Expansion, Stefan Goodwin explains that "Roman slavery was a nonracist and fluid system."[510]
The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 2, AD 500-AD 1420. (2021). Storbritannien: Cambridge University Press. p.29
Thomas Harrison, "Classical Greek Ethnography and the Slave Trade", Classical Antiquity 38:1 (2019), p. 39.
Jane Rowlands, "Dissing the Egyptians: Legal, Ethnic, and Cultural Identities in Roman Egypt", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 120 (2013), p. 235.
Harrison, "Classical Greek Ethnography", citing Varro, De Lingua Latina 9.93.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 29), note 29, citing Catullus 10.14–20 - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Kathryn Tempest, "Saints and Sinners: Some Thoughts on the Presentation of Character in Attic Oratory and Cicero's Verrines", in "Sicilia Nutrix Plebis Romanae": Rhetoric, Law, And Taxation In Cicero's "Verrines" (Institute of Classical Studies, 2007), p. 31, citing Ad Verrem 5.27.
L. Richardson Jr., "Catullus 4 and Catalepton 10 Again", American Journal of Philology 93:1 (1972), p. 217.
Maeve O'Brien, "Happier Transports to Be: Catullus' Poem 4: Phaselus Ille", Classics Ireland 13 (2006), pp. 71.
"Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 481.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 122. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
A similar conclusion is expressed by Dale B. Martin,[523]
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 76. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128), citing Eph. Ep. 8 (1899) 524 no. 311.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128), citing FIRA 3 no. 89.
Bradley, "'The Regular Daily Traffic in Slaves'", pp. 133, 137.
Bradley, "'The Regular Daily Traffic in Slaves'", p. 133.
Eftychia Bathrellou and Kostas Vlassopoulos, Greek and Roman Slaveries (Wiley, 2022), pp. 4–5.
Ulrike Roth, "Peculium, Freedom, Citizenship: Golden Triangle or Vicious Circle? An Act in Two Parts", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 105.
Sandra R. Joshel, "Nurturing the Master's Child: Slavery and the Roman Child-Nurse", Signs 12:1 (1986), p. 4, with reference to the classic work of Moses Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology. /wiki/Moses_Finley
Victoria Emma Pagán, "Teaching Torture in Seneca, Controversiae 2.5", Classical Journal 103:2 (Dec.–Jan. 2007/2008), p. 175, citing Cicero, Pro Cluentio 175–177. /wiki/Pro_Cluentio
Gerard B. Lavery, "Training, Trade and Trickery: Three Lawgivers in Plutarch", Classical World 67:6 (1974), p. 377, Plutarch, Life of Cato 4.4–5.1.
Mellor, Ronald. The Historians of Ancient Rome. New York: Routledge, 1997. (467).
Peter Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 17, 93, 238.
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 127. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 107), citing Pliny, Epistle 8.24.5) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFFlemming,_Quae_Corpore_Quaestum (help) - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 107), citing Pliny, Epistle 5.19.1–4 - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 107 and 114), citing Suetonius, Claudius 25 and the Digest of Justinian 40.8.2. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Gary B. Ferngren, "Roman Lay Attitudes towards Medical Experimentation", Bulletin of the History of Medicine 59:4 (1985), p. 504. Free people had no recourse, though pharmacological malpractice that resulted in death by poisoning could result in a charge of homicide against the physician under the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis. /wiki/Lex_Cornelia_de_sicariis_et_veneficis
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", pp. 343–344. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
Westermann, Slave Systems, p. 114, using the word technē.
Noting Cicero's tactful if condescending dismissal that "professions such as medicine, architecture, and teaching of the liberal arts which either involve higher learning or are utilitarian to no small degree are honorable for those whose social status they are suited" (De officiis 1.42.151)—that status not being senatorial.[550]
Ramsay MacMullen, "Social Ethic Models: Roman, Greek, 'Oriental'",
Historia 64:4 (2015), p. 491.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 114. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", pp. 344–345. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
George C. Boon, "Potters, Oculists and Eye-Troubles", Britannia 14 (1983), p. 6, citing CIL 11.5400, ILS 7812; on the size of his estate, Cornelia M. Roberts, "Roman Slaves", Classical Outlook 43:9 (1966), p. 97, gives 400,00
Forbes, "The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity", p. 347. - Forbes, Clarence A. (1955). "Supplementary Paper: The Education and Training of Slaves in Antiquity". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 86. Johns Hopkins University Press: 321–360. doi:10.2307/283628. ISSN 0065-9711. JSTOR 283628. OCLC 5548698284. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F283628
floruit of Merula from Barbara Kellum, review of Rome's Cultural Revolution by Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, American Journal of Philology 132:2 (2011), p. 334.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 74), citing Suetonius, Augustus 11; CIL 10.388; Cicero, Pro Cluentio 47 - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, Slave Systems, p. 114, citing Galen, Therapeutikē technē 1 (Kühn) and Pliny, Natural History 29.1.4 (9).
Véronique Boudon-Millot, "Greek and Roman Patients under Galen's Gaze: A Doctor at the Crossroads of Two Cultures", in "Greek" and "Roman" in Latin Medical Texts: Studies in Cultural Change and Exchange in Ancient Medicine (Koninklijke Brill, 2014), pp. 7, 10.
Boudon-Millot, "Greek and Roman Patients", p. 9.
Cicero. Ad familiares 16.6
Cicero. Ad familiares 16.3
Bankston, Administrative Slavery in the Ancient Roman Republic: The Value of Marcus Tullius Tiro in Ciceronian Rhetoric, p. 209 - Bankston, Zach (2012). "Administrative Slavery in the Ancient Roman Republic: The Value of Marcus Tullius Tiro in Ciceronian Rhetoric". Rhetoric Review. 31 (3): 203–218. doi:10.1080/07350198.2012.683991. S2CID 145385697. https://doi.org/10.1080%2F07350198.2012.683991
Treggiari, "The Freedmen of Cicero", p. 200. - Treggiari, Susan (1969). "The Freedmen of Cicero". Greece & Rome. 16 (2): 195–204. doi:10.1017/S0017383500017034. ISSN 0017-3835. JSTOR 642848. https://www.jstor.org/stable/642848
Bankston, Administrative Slavery in the Ancient Roman Republic: The Value of Marcus Tullius Tiro in Ciceronian Rhetoric, p. 215 - Bankston, Zach (2012). "Administrative Slavery in the Ancient Roman Republic: The Value of Marcus Tullius Tiro in Ciceronian Rhetoric". Rhetoric Review. 31 (3): 203–218. doi:10.1080/07350198.2012.683991. S2CID 145385697. https://doi.org/10.1080%2F07350198.2012.683991
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 484.
Cicero, Ad familiares 16.21 https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Cic.+Fam.+16.21
Jerome, Chronological Tables 194.1 http://www.attalus.org/translate/jerome2.html
William Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology vol. 3, p. 1182[usurped] https://web.archive.org/web/20061207013811/http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/3486.html
Valerie Hope, "Fighting for Identity: The Funerary Commemoration of Italian Gladiators", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 73 (2000), p. 101.
Because of the cultural importance of carrying on family lineage, Roman names are of limited variety, so that members of the same gens are often readily confused with one another in the historical sources.
Christer Bruun, "Greek or Latin? The owner's choice of names for vernae in Rome", in Roman Slavery and Roman Material Culture (University of Toronto Press, 2013), pp. 21–22.
Brent D. Shaw, "The Great Transformation: Slavery and the Free Republic", in The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic (Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 196.
"Grave Relief of a Silversmith", Getty Museum Collection, object number 96.AA.40, https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034. See more on Publius Curtilius Agatho under "Commemoration" below. https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034
For example, Gaius Julius Vercondaridubnus was an Aeduan Gaul who held the first high priesthood in the imperial cult at the Sanctuary of the Three Gauls in the first century BC; his cognomen is distinctively Celtic, and his praenomen and gens name may indicate that Julius Caesar himself granted his family's citizenship,[574] /wiki/Gaius_Julius_Vercondaridubnus
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", pp. 516, 523. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 516. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", pp. 511, 519, 521, et passim. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", pp. 521, 527. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 524. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 528. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 512. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 517. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 524. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Treggiari, "The Freedmen of Cicero", p. 196. - Treggiari, Susan (1969). "The Freedmen of Cicero". Greece & Rome. 16 (2): 195–204. doi:10.1017/S0017383500017034. ISSN 0017-3835. JSTOR 642848. https://www.jstor.org/stable/642848
The status of some servants he names is not clear from context; they could be either slaves or freedmen still working for him.[583]
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 517. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 96. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 96), citing Varro, De lingua latina 8.21 - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 96) and especially n. 2 - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 518. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
See also "Temple slaves".
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 96. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
So argued by Bruun, "Greek or Latin? The owner's choice of names for vernae in Rome." Bruun also argues that naming your own children might have been one of the perks of being a verna.[citation needed] /wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed
Hope, "Fighting for Identity", p. 101, citing inscriptions EAOR 1.63 and EAOR 2.41 = AE (1908) 222.
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 516, citing Diodorus Siculus 36.4.4. - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Cheesman, "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome", p. 518), citing Cicero, Philippics 2.77: "Quis tu?" "A Marco tabellarius." - Cheesman, Clive (1 December 2009). "Names in -por and Slave Naming in Republican Rome" (PDF). The Classical Quarterly. 59 (2): 511–531. doi:10.1017/S0009838809990152. ISSN 0009-8388. JSTOR 20616703. OCLC 9970879337 – via TWL. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/1338C88AA0361205BD9CF29F861B6D45/S0009838809990152a.pdf/div-class-title-names-in-span-class-italic-por-span-and-slave-naming-in-republican-rome-div.pdf
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 96. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Michele George, "Slave Disguise", in Representing the Body of the Slave (Routledge, 2002, 2013), p. 42 et passim.
Thomas Wiedemann and Jane Gardner, introduction to Representing the Body of the Slave, p. 4; George, "Slave Disguise", p. 43.
Rose, "The Construction of Mistress and Slave", p. 43, with reference to George, "Slave Disguise", p. 44.
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Wiedemann and Gardner, introduction to Representing, p. 4; George, "Slave Disguise", p. 44.
George, "Slave Disguise", p. 43.
George, "Slave Disguise", p. 38.
Joshel, Slavery in the Roman World, p. 133. - Joshel, Sandra R. (2010-08-16). Slavery in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53501-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=ovvgg3EyTyQC
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 56. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 39. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Amy Richlin, Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy (Cambridge University Press, 2017), pp. 116, 121, citing Truculentus 270–275. /wiki/Amy_Richlin
Rose, "The Construction of Mistress and Slave", p. 43, with reference to George, "Slave Disguise", p. 44.
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 8. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 68–69. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, p. 8–9. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Joshel, Slavery in the Roman World, pp. 133, 135. - Joshel, Sandra R. (2010-08-16). Slavery in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-53501-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=ovvgg3EyTyQC
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, citing Columella 1.8.9 (sic). - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion, citing Cato, On agriculture 59. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
Croom, Roman Clothing and Fashion. - Croom, Alexandra (2010-09-15). Roman Clothing and Fashion. Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-1244-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=rXOoAwAAQBAJ
R. T. Pritchard, "Land Tenure in Sicily in the First Century B.C.", Historia 18:5 (1969), pp. 349–350, citing Diodorus Siculus 34.2.34. /wiki/Diodorus_Siculus
George, "Slave Disguise", p. 44, 51, n. 14 citing Seneca.
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 435. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
M. I. Finley, Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (1980), p. 111, as cited by Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 489, n. 35.
Dan-el Padilla Peralta, "Slave Religiosity in the Roman Middle Republic",
Classical Antiquity 36:2 (2017), p. 355, citing Cato apud Festus 268 L. /wiki/Sextus_Pompeius_Festus
Keith Bradley, "The Problem of Slavery in Classical Culture" (review article), Classical Philology 92:3 (1997), pp. 278–279, citing Plutarch, Moralia 511d–e.
Thomas E. J. Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", Classical Quarterly 35:1 (1985),
p. 165, citing Codex Justinianus 3.36.5 = GARS 199, 7.12.2 = GARS 10; and CIL 6.2.10229 (starting at line 80).
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 237. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 237. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 237, citing Livy 22.33.2. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
William A. Oldfather, "Livy i, 26 and the Supplicium de More Maiorum", Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 39 (1908), p. 62
Holt, "Crucially Funny", pp. 237–238, citing Livy 32.26.4–18 and Zonaras 9.16.6. /wiki/Zonaras
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 238. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 238, citing Livy 33.36.1–3.. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 238, citing Livy 39.29.8–10.. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Diodorus Siculus, The Civil Wars; Siculus means "the Sicilian".
Some scholars[who?] question whether Sicilian grain production or ranching was extensive enough at this time to sustain such large-scale slaveholding, or the extent to which the rebellions might also have attracted poorer or disadvantaged free persons.[625][626][627] /wiki/Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style/Words_to_watch#Unsupported_attributions
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 443. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Verbrugghe, "Sicily 210-70 B.C.", p. 540; on a certain type of latifundium functioning as a ranch, K. D. White, "Latifundia", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 14 (1967), p. 76.
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", pp. 441–442. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Peter Morton, "The Geography of Rebellion: Strategy and Supply in the Two 'Sicilian Slave Wars'", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57:1 (2014), pp. 26.
Morton, "The Geography of Rebellion", pp. 28–29.
Morton, "The Geography of Rebellion", pp. 29, 35.
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", pp. 436–437, 439–440. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 447. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Morton, "The Geography of Rebellion", p. 22ff., from the logistical perspective of "terrain";
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 441. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", p. 100. - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", p. 100. - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", p. 100 "citing Diodorus 36.3.2." - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 442. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", pp. 104–106. - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Athenion's name is inscribed on several sling bullets found at multiple sites in Sicily.[642] /wiki/Sling_(weapon)
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 442. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Beek, "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East", pp. 32–34. - Beek, Aaron L. (2016). "The Pirate Connection: Roman Politics, Servile Wars, and the East". TAPA. 146 (1): 99–116. ISSN 2575-7180. JSTOR 26401804. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26401804
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", pp. 449–550. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
Gruen, The Last Generation of the Roman Republic, p. 20. - Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02238-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=joedtN6nKXQC
Gruen, The Last Generation of the Roman Republic, p. 20. - Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02238-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=joedtN6nKXQC
Seager, The Rise of Pompey, p. 221. - Seager, Robin (1994), Lintott, Andrew; Rawson, Elizabeth; Crook, J. A. (eds.), "The Rise of Pompey", The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 9: The Last Age of the Roman Republic, 146–43 BC, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 9 (2 ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 208–228, doi:10.1017/chol9781139054379.008, ISBN 978-0-521-25603-2, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-ancient-history/rise-of-pompey/D747A4E662DAB4257BCF280A2EEC2FA6
Gruen, The Last Generation of the Roman Republic, p. 20. - Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02238-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=joedtN6nKXQC
Seager, The Rise of Pompey, pp. 221–222. - Seager, Robin (1994), Lintott, Andrew; Rawson, Elizabeth; Crook, J. A. (eds.), "The Rise of Pompey", The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 9: The Last Age of the Roman Republic, 146–43 BC, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 9 (2 ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 208–228, doi:10.1017/chol9781139054379.008, ISBN 978-0-521-25603-2, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-ancient-history/rise-of-pompey/D747A4E662DAB4257BCF280A2EEC2FA6
Gruen, The Last Generation of the Roman Republic, p. 21. - Gruen, Erich S. (1974). The Last Generation of the Roman Republic. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-02238-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=joedtN6nKXQC
Seager, The Rise of Pompey, p. 222. - Seager, Robin (1994), Lintott, Andrew; Rawson, Elizabeth; Crook, J. A. (eds.), "The Rise of Pompey", The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 9: The Last Age of the Roman Republic, 146–43 BC, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 9 (2 ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 208–228, doi:10.1017/chol9781139054379.008, ISBN 978-0-521-25603-2, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-ancient-history/rise-of-pompey/D747A4E662DAB4257BCF280A2EEC2FA6
T. Corey Brennan, The Praetorship in the Roman Republic, vol. 2 (Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 489, citing Plutarch. /wiki/T._Corey_Brennan
Seager, The Rise of Pompey, pp. 222–233. - Seager, Robin (1994), Lintott, Andrew; Rawson, Elizabeth; Crook, J. A. (eds.), "The Rise of Pompey", The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 9: The Last Age of the Roman Republic, 146–43 BC, The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 9 (2 ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 208–228, doi:10.1017/chol9781139054379.008, ISBN 978-0-521-25603-2, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cambridge-ancient-history/rise-of-pompey/D747A4E662DAB4257BCF280A2EEC2FA6
Christopher J. Furhmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 24.
Naerebout and Singor, "De Oudheid", p. 296
Furhmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 24.
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 488, citing Digest 29.5.1.27 (Ulpian).
Bradley, "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily", p. 443. - Bradley, Keith R. (1983). "Slave Kingdoms and Slave Rebellions In Ancient Sicily". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 10 (3). Berghahn Books: 435–451. ISSN 0315-7997. JSTOR 41292832. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0315-7997
"Roman Slavery and Roman Law", p. 488 on the number executed.
A legal principle reaching "the level of the preposterous" notes Keith R. Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law, Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques 15:3 (1988), p. 489; Digest 47.2.61 (Africanus), as cited by Silver, "Places for Self-Selling", p. 582. /wiki/Sextus_Caecilius_Africanus
Christopher J. Furhmann, Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order (Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 42.
Bradley, Keith Resisting Slavery in Ancient Rome https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/slavery_04.shtml
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, pp. 31ff. - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Furhmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 24.
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 28, note 28. - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 124. - Bradley, Keith (November 2000). "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction". The Journal of Roman Studies. 90: 110–125. doi:10.2307/300203. ISSN 1753-528X. JSTOR 300203. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/animalizing-the-slave-the-truth-of-fiction/BF1848E76276723DA302F5734CED5F43
Silver, "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy", p. 76. - Silver, Morris (2011). "Contractual Slavery in the Roman Economy". Ancient History Bulletin (25): 73–132. https://www.academia.edu/2360176
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, p. 107 , citing Aulus Gellius 5.14, who credits Apion as an eyewitness attending the venatio; Seneca, De beneficiis 2.19.1; Aelian, De natura animalium 7.48.. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Keith Bradley, "On Captives under the Principate", Phoenix 58:3/4 (2004), pp. 298-318.
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 26. - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 75f. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 76–77), citing Plutarch, Cato the Elder 21.3, and Cato, On agriculture 56. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Jennifer A. Glancy, "Slaves and Slavery in the Matthean Parables", Journal of Biblical Literature 119:1 (2000), p. 67, citing Petronius, Satyricon 49.
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 105), citing Galen, De animi morbis 4 (Kühn 5:17). - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 105), Script. Hist. Aug., Commodus 1.9. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
As characterized by Matthew Roller, "In the Intersignification of Monuments in Augustan Rome", American Journal of Philology 134:1 (2013), p. 126.
By Pliny the Elder, Natural History 9.77; Cassius Dio 54.23.1–5; and indirectly Tacitus, Annales 1.10, 12.60, as cited by Thomas W. Africa, "Adam Smith, the Wicked Knight, and the Use of Anecdotes", Greece & Rome 42:1 (1995), pp. 71–72. /wiki/Cassius_Dio
Likely alluded to in a similar incident at Trimalchio's dinner party, Satyricon 52.4, according to Barry Baldwin, "Careless Boys in the Satyricon", Latomus 44:4 (1985), pp. 847-848.
Watson, "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology", p. 56 "citing De ira 3.40.1–3." - Watson, Alan (1983). "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology". Phoenix. 37 (1): 53–65. doi:10.2307/1087314. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1087314. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1087314
Fishkeeping was a hobby dear to some upperclass Romans, both for pleasure and as a source of fresh delicacies for the table. Lampreys (muraenae) were eaten, but some scholars[who?] have wondered whether Vedius may rather have kept moray eels for this purpose.[citation needed] /wiki/Fishkeeping#Origins_of_fishkeeping
Africa, "Adam Smith", pp. 70–71.
Africa, "Adam Smith", pp. 71 ("stock villain"), 75, and 77, note 16.Fuhrmann 2012, 27, n. 27. harvnb error: no target: CITEREFFuhrmann2012 (help)
Africa, "Adam Smith", pp. 73, citing Seneca, De Clementia 1.18.2.Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", pp. 60–62.
Africa, "Adam Smith", p. 73, for the characterization.Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", pp. 59–61.
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 237. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Watson, "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology", pp. , citing the Greek historian Dionysius Roman Antiquities 20.13 as "weak" evidence of censorial powers and likely not well informed.. - Watson, Alan (1983). "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology". Phoenix. 37 (1): 53–65. doi:10.2307/1087314. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1087314. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1087314
Watson, Roman Slave Law, pp. 55–56. - Watson, Alan (1987). Roman Slave Law. Internet Archive. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-3439-4. https://archive.org/details/romanslavelaw0000wats/mode/2up
Africa, "Adam Smith", p. 71.Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", pp. 44–46, 64–65.
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", pp. 491–492.
Michelle T. Clarke, "Doing Violence to the Roman Idea of Liberty? Freedom as bodily integrity in Roman Political Thought", History of Political Thought 35:2 (2014), pp. 212,Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 116) (citing here too the Cena Trimalchionis 71.1), 157. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Clarke, "Doing Violence to the Roman Idea of Liberty", pp. 219–220, citing Acts 22:23–29.
W. Mark Gustafson, "Inscripta in Fronte: Penal Tattooing in Late Antiquity", Classical Antiquity 16:1 (1997), p. 79.
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", pp. 492–493.Martha C. Nussbaum, The Fragility of Goodness: Luck and Ethics in Greek Tragedy and Philosophy (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. xx. /wiki/Martha_Nussbaum
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 238; Livy 32.26.18.. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Michele George, "Slavery and Roman Material Culture", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 1, The Ancient Mediterranean World (Cambridge UP, 2011), p. 395.C. E. Manning, "Stoicism and Slavery in the Roman Empire", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.36.3 (1972), p. 1522, citing Lucretius 1.455–458. /wiki/Lucretius
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 76), citing Cicero, Pro Sestio 134.Ilaria Ramelli, Social Justice and the Legitimacy of Slavery: The Role of Philosophical Asceticism from Ancient Judaism to Late Antiquity (Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 60–61. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Ulrike Roth, "Men Without Hope", Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (2011), p. 73.n, Slavery Systems, p. 150.
Roth, "Men Without Hope", passim, especially pp. 88–90, 92–93.Western, Slave Systems, p. 150, and especially notes 5–7 for further discussion.
Roth, "Men Without Hope", p. 76.
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 29. - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Gustafson, "Inscripta in Fronte", p. 79.Martha C. Nussbaum, "The Incomplete Feminism of Musonius Rufus, Platonist, Stoic, and Roman" in The Sleep of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome (University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 307–308 /wiki/Martha_Nussbaum
Westerman, Slave Systems, p. 53, citing the Lille Papyrus 29:27–36.Holt Parker, "Free Women and Male Slaves, or Mandingo meets the Roman Empire", in Fear of Slaves—Fear of Enslavement in the Ancient Mediterranean (Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2007), p. 286, observing that having sex with one's own slaves was considered "one step up from masturbation". /wiki/Lille_Stesichorus
C. P. Jones, "Stigma: Tattooing and Branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity", Journal of Roman Studies 77 (1987), p. 155.
Jones, "Stigma", pp. 139–140, 147.
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 101. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Such as FUR for "thief"; Gustafson, "Inscripta in Fronte", p. 93.
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 104, citing Martial, 2.29.9–10 and Libanius 25.3.. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 106. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Jones, "Stigma", p. 143
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", pp. 105–107. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Jones, "Stigma", p. 154–155.
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 100. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
S. J. Lawrence, "Putting Torture (and Valerius Maximus) to the Test", Classical Quarterly 66:1 (2016), p. 254.
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", pp. 95, 98. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Jones, "Stigma", p. 151.
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", pp. 96–97, 99. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 95. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 104. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, pp. 29–30for the word "humiliating" - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 101. - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", p. 461. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Some collars have been lost after being documented in the early modern era.[718]
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", p. 448. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", pp. 457–458. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", p. 460. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", p. 459. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit" citing ILS 9455. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
The owners range in rank from a linen manufacturer to a consul.[724] /wiki/Roman_consul
Trimble, "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery", pp. 460–461. - Trimble, Jennifer (2016). "The Zoninus Collar and the Archaeology of Roman Slavery". American Journal of Archaeology. 120 (3): 447–472. doi:10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. ISSN 0002-9114. JSTOR 10.3764/aja.120.3.0447. https://doi.org/10.3764%2Faja.120.3.0447
Kamen, "A Corpus of Inscriptions", p. 101: Fugi, tene me | cum revocu|veris me d(omino) m(eo) | Zonino accipis | solidum (CIL 15.7194).) - Kamen, Deborah (2010). "A Corpus of Inscriptions: Representing Slave Marks in Antiquity". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 55 (95): 95–110. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 41419689. OCLC 9970145185 – via TWL. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0065-6801
Strauss, pp. 190–194, 204
Fields, pp. 79–81
Losch, p. 56, n. 1
Philippians 2:5–8 https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Philippians#chapter_2
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 75. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
William A. Oldfather, "Livy i, 26 and the Supplicium de More Maiorum", Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 39 (1908), pp. 61–65
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 239. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Parker, "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch", p. 237, citing Livy 22.33.2. - Parker, Holt (1989). "Crucially Funny or Tranio on the Couch: The Servus Callidus and Jokes about Torture". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 119: 233–246. doi:10.2307/284273. ISSN 0360-5949. JSTOR 284273. OCLC 5548685767. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F284273
Oldfather, "Livy i, 26 and the Supplicium de More Maiorum", p. 62, listing (note 5) numerous references in Greek and Roman sources to Carthaginian crucifixions.
John Granger Cook, "Crucifixion as Spectacle in Roman Campania", Novum Testamentum 54:1 (2012), p. 90, citing Livy 1.26.6.
Oldfather, pp. 65–71, contra the view of Mommsen (pp. 65–66), who thought that the supplicium servile and the supplicium de more maiorum were one and the same. /wiki/Theodor_Mommsen
Cook, "Crucifixion as Spectacle in Roman Campania", Novum Testamentum 54:1 (2012), p. 91.
{{harvtxt|Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity|pp=75, citing Tacitus, Historiae 4.11; Script. Hist. Aug., Avidius Cassius 4.6.
Cook, "Envisioning Crucifixion", pp. 268, 274. - Cook, John Granger (2008). "Envisioning Crucifixion: Light from Several Inscriptions and the Palatine Graffito". Novum Testamentum. 50 (3): 262–285. doi:10.1163/156853608X262918. ISSN 0048-1009. JSTOR 25442603. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25442603
Cook, "Envisioning Crucifixion", pp. 265–266. - Cook, John Granger (2008). "Envisioning Crucifixion: Light from Several Inscriptions and the Palatine Graffito". Novum Testamentum. 50 (3): 262–285. doi:10.1163/156853608X262918. ISSN 0048-1009. JSTOR 25442603. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25442603
The text of the inscription is not entirely clear on this point, but references in Plautus make the slave as the bearer of the cross the more likely reading.[744] The patibulum may be only the crossbar that distinguishes a cross from the stake.[citation needed]
Cook, "Envisioning Crucifixion", pp. 266, 270. - Cook, John Granger (2008). "Envisioning Crucifixion: Light from Several Inscriptions and the Palatine Graffito". Novum Testamentum. 50 (3): 262–285. doi:10.1163/156853608X262918. ISSN 0048-1009. JSTOR 25442603. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25442603
John Granger Cook, "Crucifixion as Spectacle", pp. 69–70, 80–82.
Fuhrmann, Policing the Roman Empire, p. 28), citing Lactantius, Divine Institutions 5.19.14 (= CSEL 19.460). - Fuhrmann, Christopher J. (2012-01-12). Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=yspXtgPVoJQC
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, pp. 44, 111. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Keith Bradley, 'On Captives under the Principate", Phoenix 58:3/4 (2004), p. 314, citing Cassius Dio 77.14.2.
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, p. 122. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, p. 111 , citing Plutarch, Cato the Elder 10.5.. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, pp. 111–112, citing CIL 13.7070.. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome, p. 112 , citing Digest 21.1.17.4 (Vivianus), 21.1.17.6 (Caelius), and 21.1.43.4 (Paulus).. - Bradley, Keith R. (1994-10-13). Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-37887-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=xu3rkG9dVY8C
Bradley, "The Early Development of Roman Slavery", pp. 2–3.
Bradley (1994), p. 18 harvp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Bradley, "The Early Development of Roman Slavery", pp. 2–3, noting the existence of archaeological evidence.
Bradley, "The Early Development of Roman Slavery", p. 3.
Plutarch, Moralia 267D (Quaestiones Romanae 16). /wiki/Plutarch
Angela N. Parker, "One Womanist's View of Racial Reconciliation in Galatians", Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 34:2 (2018), p. 36, citing Jennifer Glancy, Slavery in Early Christianity (Fortress 2006), p. 23.
Richard P. Saller, "Symbols of Gender and Status Hierarchies in the Roman Household", in Women and Slaves in Greco-Roman Culture (Routledge, 1998; Taylor & Francis, 2005), p. 90.
Plutarch, Roman Questions 100 /wiki/Plutarch
Saller, "Symbols of Gender and Status Hierarchies", p. 91.
Dolansky, "Reconsidering the Matronalia and Women's Rites", pp. 197, 201–204 (and especially n. 40}, citing Solinus 1.35, Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.12.7, Ioannes Lydus, De mensibus 3.22, 4.22.. - Dolansky, Fanny (2011). "Reconsidering the Matronalia and Women's Rites". The Classical World. 104 (2): 191–209. ISSN 0009-8418. JSTOR 25799995. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25799995
On social theory, Dolansky cites C. Grignon, "Commensality and Social Morphology: An Essay of Typology", in Food, Drink, and Identity, ed.P. Scholliers (Oxford 2001), pp. 23–33, and Seneca, Epistle 47.14. /wiki/Seneca_the_Younger
Servius, in his note to Aeneid 8.564, citing Varro. /wiki/Maurus_Servius_Honoratus
Peter F. Dorcey, The Cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion (Brill, 1992), p. 109, citing Livy, 22.1.18. /wiki/Livy
H.S. Versnel, "Saturnus and the Saturnalia", in Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion: Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual (Brill, 1993, 1994), p. 147
Dolansky (2010), p. 492 harvp error: no target: CITEREFDolansky2010 (help)
Seneca, Epistulae 47.14 /wiki/Seneca_the_Younger
Barton, The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans, p. 498. - Barton, Carlin A. (1993). The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-05696-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=9CS7QgAACAAJ
Dolansky (2010), p. 484 harvp error: no target: CITEREFDolansky2010 (help)
Horace, Satires 2.7.4
Hans-Friedrich Mueller, "Saturn", in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 221,222.
William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1908), p. 176. /wiki/William_Warde_Fowler
The calendar of Polemius Silvius is the only one to record the holiday.[citation needed] /wiki/Polemius_Silvius
Plutarch, Life of Camillus 33, as well as Silvius. /wiki/Plutarch
By Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.11.36 /wiki/Macrobius
Bradley (1994), p. 18 harvp error: no target: CITEREFBradley1994 (help)
Jennifer A. Glancy, Slavery in Early Christianity (Oxford University Press, 2002; First Fortress Press, 2006), p. 27
K.R. Bradley, "On the Roman Slave Supply and Slavebreeding", in Classical Slavery (Frank Cass Publishers, 1987, 1999, 2003), p. 63.
These were the Potitia and the Pinaria gentes[779] /wiki/Potitia_gens
Jörg Rüpke, Religion of the Romans (Polity Press, 2007, originally published in German 2001), p. 227, citing Festus, p. 354 L2 = p. 58 M. /wiki/J%C3%B6rg_R%C3%BCpke
Leonhard Schumacher, "On the Status of Private Actores, Dispensatores and Vilici",Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies suppl. 109 (2010), p. 32, citing CIL 6.7445.
Marietta Horster, "Living on Religion: Professionals and Personnel", in A Companion to Roman Religion (Blackwell, 2007), pp. 332–334.
Also temples of a local Zeus in Morimene, Cappadocia; of the Men of Pharnaces at Cabeira; and of Anaitis at Zela (modern-day Zile, Turkey).[783] /wiki/Zeus
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", p. 46), n. 35 citing Mary Beard and John Henderson, "'With This Body I Thee Wed': Sacred Prostitution in Antiquity", Gender and History 9 (1997) 480–503. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 128), citing Strabo 12.558 on the chief priest of Ma at Comana. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, pp. 33, 37–39. - Clauss, Manfred; Gordon, Richard (2000). The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-1396-0. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctvxcrrjd. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrrjd
Mariana Egri, Matthew M. McCarty, Aurel Rustoiu, and Constantin Inel, "A New Mithraic Community at Apulum (Alba Iulia, Romania)" Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 205 (2018), pp. 268–276. The other two are dedicated to Mithraic torch-bearers (p. 272). /wiki/Cautes_and_Cautopates
Egri et al., "A New Mithraic Community", pp. 269–270.
Andrew Fear, Mithras (Routledge 2022), p. 40 et passim.
Clauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras, pp. 40, 143. - Clauss, Manfred; Gordon, Richard (2000). The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-1396-0. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctvxcrrjd. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctvxcrrjd
Catholic Encyclopedia, s.v. "Slavery and Christianity". http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14036a.htm
Ramsay MacMullen, "The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire", American Journal of Philology 103:3 (1982), pp. 233–246, pp. 238–239 on epitaphs in particular.
Elizabeth A. Meyer, "Explaining the Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Epitaphs", Journal of Roman Studies 80 (1990), p. 75.
David Noy, review of Roman Death by V.M. Hope, Classical Review 60:2 (2010), p. 535.
Valerie Hope, "Fighting for Identity: The Funerary Commemoration of Italian Gladiators", Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 73 (2000), p. 108, citing G. Zimmer, Römische Berufdarstellungen (Berlin 1982)
Steinberg, Weaving in Stones, p. 97.See also the tabulation made by Richard P. Saller and Brent D. Shaw, "Tombstones and Roman Family Relations in the Principate: Civilians, Soldiers and Slaves", Journal of Roman Studies 74 (1984), pp. 147–156, which includes commemorative inscriptions by masters for slaves. - Steinberg, Aliza; Manor, Debi (2020). Weaving in stones: garments and their accessories in the mosaic art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity. Archaeopress archaeology. Oxford: Archaeopress Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78969-321-8. OCLC 1120098888. https://www.worldcat.org/title/on1120098888
Pliny, Natural History, p. 33.26. sfn error: no target: CITEREFPliny,_Natural_History (help)"Grave Relief of Silversmith, feat. Kenneth Lapatin" (audio file), Getty Museum Collection, https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034.
Saller, "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household", pp. 182–184, 192(citing on paterfamilias Seneca, Epistula 47.14), 196.Funerary Relief of Publius Curtilius Agatho, Silversmith, feat. Kenneth Lapatin (audio file), Getty Museum Collection, https://www.getty.edu/art/collection/object/104034 - Saller, Richard P. (April 1999). "Pater Familias, Mater Familias, and the Gendered Semantics of the Roman Household". Classical Philology. 94 (2): 182–197. doi:10.1086/449430. ISSN 0009-837X. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/449430
Martin, "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", p. 114. - Martin, Dale B. (2020), Cohen, Shaye J.D. (ed.), "Slavery and the Ancient Jewish Family", The Jewish Family in Antiquity, Brown Judaic Studies, pp. 113–130, ISBN 978-1-946527-69-1, retrieved 2025-06-04 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvzgb9cp.9
Westbrook, "Vitae Necisque Potestas", pp. 203–204.Hope, "Fighting for Identity", pp. 101–102. - Westbrook, Raymond (1999). "Vitae Necisque Potestas". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 48 (2): 203–223. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 4436540. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436540
Westbrook, "Vitae Necisque Potestas", p. 205.Keith Hopkins, Death and Renewal: Society Studies in Roman History, vol. 2 (Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 213–214, citing Digest (Marcian) 47.22.3.2 - Westbrook, Raymond (1999). "Vitae Necisque Potestas". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 48 (2): 203–223. ISSN 0018-2311. JSTOR 4436540. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4436540
Bederman, International Law in Antiquity, p. 85.MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 53. - Bederman, David J. (2001-03-05). International Law in Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-79197-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=ZCcS8FPLzysC
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 60.MacMullen, "The Unromanized in Rome", p. 53, citing Horace, Satire 1.8. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Dubs, "An Ancient Military Contact between Romans and Chinese", pp. 322–330. sfn error: no target: CITEREFDubs,_"An_Ancient_Military_Contact_between_Romans_and_Chinese" (help)Meyer, "Explaining the Epigraphic Habit", p. 80, citing Pliny, Epistle 8.16.
Africa, "Adam Smith", pp. 71 ("stock villain"), 75, and 77, note 16.Fuhrmann 2012, 27, n. 27. harvnb error: no target: CITEREFFuhrmann2012 (help)
Stagl, "Favor libertatis", pp. 231–232, citing as one example Digest 2823.4 (Paulus libro 17 quaestionum).
Jacobo Rodríguez Garrido, "Imperial Legislation Concerning Junian Latins: From Tiberius to the Severan Dynasty", in Junian Latins, p. 106.
Wiedemann, "The Regularity of Manumission at Rome", p. 162.
Keith Bradley, "'The Bitter Chain of Slavery': Reflections on Slavery in Ancient Rome", Snowden Lectures, Hellenic Centre of Harvard University (November 2, 2020), https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery
Jörg Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill: Hierarchies of Norms in Ancient Rome", Numen 39:1 (1992), p. 62. /wiki/J%C3%B6rg_R%C3%BCpke
Africa, "Adam Smith", pp. 73, citing Seneca, De Clementia 1.18.2.Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", pp. 60–62.
Africa, "Adam Smith", p. 73, for the characterization.Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", pp. 59–61.
Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", p. 62.
Varro, De re rustica 1.17.1, as cited by Bradley, "Animalizing the Slave", p. 110.
Rüpke, "You Shall Not Kill", p. 62.
Westermann, William Linn (1942). "Industrial Slavery in Roman Italy". The Journal of Economic History. 2 (2): 161. doi:10.1017/S0022050700052542. S2CID 154607039. /wiki/Doi_(identifier)
Africa, "Adam Smith", p. 71.Finkenauer, "Filii naturales", pp. 44–46, 64–65.
Michelle T. Clarke, "Doing Violence to the Roman Idea of Liberty? Freedom as bodily integrity in Roman Political Thought", History of Political Thought 35:2 (2014), pp. 212,Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, pp. 116) (citing here too the Cena Trimalchionis 71.1), 157. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Bradley, Animalizing the Slave. sfn error: no target: CITEREFBradley,_Animalizing_the_Slave (help)
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 76. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Peter Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 238 for "anxieties and tensions", as outlined by Keith Bradley, "The Problem of Slavery in Classical Culture" (review article), Classical Philology 92:3 (1997), p. 277.
Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery, p. 238.
Garnsey, Ideas of Slavery, p. 238.
Bradley, "The Problem of Slavery", pp. 276–277.
Bradley, "The Problem of Slavery", p. 277.
Bradley, "Roman Slavery and Roman Law", pp. 492–493.Martha C. Nussbaum, The Fragility of Goodness: Luck and Ethics in Greek Tragedy and Philosophy (Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. xx. /wiki/Martha_Nussbaum
Treggiari, "The Freedmen of Cicero", pp. 195, citing Cicero's Paradoxa Stoicorum (46 BC), 5.33 ff.. - Treggiari, Susan (1969). "The Freedmen of Cicero". Greece & Rome. 16 (2): 195–204. doi:10.1017/S0017383500017034. ISSN 0017-3835. JSTOR 642848. https://www.jstor.org/stable/642848
Martha Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in Hellenistic Ethics (Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 505.
C. E. Manning, "Stoicism and Slavery in the Roman Empire", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.36.3 (1972), p. 1523.
Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire, pp. 331, 513.
Michele George, "Slavery and Roman Material Culture", in The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 1, The Ancient Mediterranean World (Cambridge UP, 2011), p. 395.C. E. Manning, "Stoicism and Slavery in the Roman Empire", Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.36.3 (1972), p. 1522, citing Lucretius 1.455–458. /wiki/Lucretius
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 76), citing Cicero, Pro Sestio 134.Ilaria Ramelli, Social Justice and the Legitimacy of Slavery: The Role of Philosophical Asceticism from Ancient Judaism to Late Antiquity (Oxford University Press, 2016), pp. 60–61. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
Ramelli, Social Justice and the Legitimacy of Slavery, p. 61.
Voula Tsouna, Philodemus, "On Property Management" (Society of Biblical Literature, 2012), p. xxx, citing Philodemus, On Property Management 9.32; 10.15–21; 23.4–5, 20–22.
Tsouna, Philodemus, "On Property Management", p. xxxii, citing 23.4–5.
Tsouna, Philodemus, "On Property Management", p. xxxix and xl, citing 23.22.
Ulrike Roth, "Men Without Hope", Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (2011), p. 73.n, Slavery Systems, p. 150.
Roth, "Men Without Hope", passim, especially pp. 88–90, 92–93.Western, Slave Systems, p. 150, and especially notes 5–7 for further discussion.
Mary Ann Beavis, "Ancient Slavery as an Interpretive Context for the New Testament Servant Parables with Special Reference to the Unjust Steward (Luke 16:1-8)", Journal of Biblical Literature 111:1 (1992), p. 37.
Jennifer A. Glancy, "Slaves and Slavery in the Matthean Parables", Journal of Biblical Literature 119:1 (2000), p. 70. /wiki/Jennifer_Glancy
Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, p. 151), citing Lactantius, Institutiones divinae 5.10. - Westermann, William Linn (1955). The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-040-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=FF-uCZRXiO4C
'The Bitter Chain of Slavery': Reflections on Slavery in Ancient Rome. Keith Bradley. Curated studies. Hellenic Centre of Harvard University. https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/ https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/
Augustine of Hippo. "Chapter 15 - Of the Liberty Proper to Man's Nature, And the Servitude Introduced by Sin", City of God 19". Retrieved 11 February 2016. /wiki/Augustine_of_Hippo
Elaine Fantham, "Stuprum: Public Attitudes and Penalties for Sexual Offences in Republican Rome", in Roman Readings: Roman Responses to Greek Literature from Plautus to Statius and Quintilian (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), pp. 118, 128. /wiki/Elaine_Fantham
Servitium amoris, a theme of Latin love poetry; Martin Beckmann, "Stigmata and the Cupids of Piazza Armerina", American Journal of Archaeology 125:3 (2021) 461–469; the V had previously been interpreted as a manufacturer's mark.Jennifer A. Glancy, "The Sexual Use of Slaves: A Response to Kyle Harper on Jewish and Christian Porneia", Journal of Biblical Literature 134:1 (2015), pp. 215-229.
Jennifer A. Glancy, "Obstacles to Slaves' Participation in the Corinthian Church", Journal of Biblical Literature 117:3 (1998), p. 483.
'The Bitter Chain of Slavery': Reflections on Slavery in Ancient Rome. Keith Bradley. Curated studies. Hellenic Centre of Harvard University. https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/ https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/snowden-lectures-keith-bradley-the-bitter-chain-of-slavery/
Neil W. Bernstein, "Adoptees and Exposed Children in Roman Declamation: Commodification, Luxury, and the Threat of Violence", Classical Philology 104:3 (2009), 338–339.
Gustafson, "Inscripta in Fronte", p. 79.Martha C. Nussbaum, "The Incomplete Feminism of Musonius Rufus, Platonist, Stoic, and Roman" in The Sleep of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome (University of Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 307–308 /wiki/Martha_Nussbaum
Westerman, Slave Systems, p. 53, citing the Lille Papyrus 29:27–36.Holt Parker, "Free Women and Male Slaves, or Mandingo meets the Roman Empire", in Fear of Slaves—Fear of Enslavement in the Ancient Mediterranean (Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2007), p. 286, observing that having sex with one's own slaves was considered "one step up from masturbation". /wiki/Lille_Stesichorus
Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425, pp. 294–295. - Harper, Kyle (2011-05-12). Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-50406-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=IPU8ZAcrOtIC
Gaca's argument is not primarily based on property rights but on the idea that rape would be an imposition of the military sphere on the domus.[848]
Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425, pp. 294–295. - Harper, Kyle (2011-05-12). Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-50406-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=IPU8ZAcrOtIC
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", p. 45), and citing Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, "Public Honour and Private Shame: The Urban Texture of Pompeii" in Urban Society in Roman Italy (1995), 39–62. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Watson, "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology", p. 56. - Watson, Alan (1983). "Roman Slave Law and Romanist Ideology". Phoenix. 37 (1): 53–65. doi:10.2307/1087314. ISSN 0031-8299. JSTOR 1087314. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1087314
Laes, "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity", pp. 253, 255. - Laes, Christian (2008-12-31). "Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity". Ancient Society. 38: 235–283. doi:10.2143/AS.38.0.2033278. ISSN 0066-1619. http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=2033278
Cantarella, Bisexuality in the Ancient World, p. 103. - Cantarella, Eva (2002-01-01). Bisexuality in the Ancient World. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09302-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=clZgThbI5yIC
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", pp. 120, 135 (n. 36). - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Harper, Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425, pp. 203–204. - Harper, Kyle (2011-05-12). Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-50406-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=IPU8ZAcrOtIC
Clarke, Looking at Lovemaking, p. 93. - Clarke, John R. (2001-04-16). Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art, 100 B.C. – A.D. 250. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-22904-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=w7MwDwAAQBAJ
Parker, "Free Women and Male Slaves", p. 283.
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", p. 41. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit". - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", pp. 60–61. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
Harris, "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade", p. 138, n. 90citing Martial 9.59.1–6. - Harris, William V. (1980). "Towards a Study of the Roman Slave Trade". Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome. 36: 117–140. doi:10.2307/4238700. ISSN 0065-6801. JSTOR 4238700. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F4238700
Nussbaum, The Sleep of Reason, p. 308, citing Seneca, Epistula 47
Bernstein, "Adoptees", p. 339, n. 32, citing Seneca, Controversia 10.4.17 on the cruelty of castrating male slaves to prolong their appeal to pederasts. /wiki/Pederasty_in_ancient_Rome
Laes, Child Slaves at Work in Roman Antiquity, p. 245) harvtxt error: no target: CITEREFLaes,_Child_Slaves_at_Work_in_Roman_Antiquity (help), citing Digest 9.2.27.8 and 39.4.16.7; Suetonius, Domitian 7.1; Pliny, Natural History 7.129.
Ra'anan Abusch, "Circumcision and Castration under Roman Law in the Early Empire", in The Covenant of Circumcision: New Perspectives on an Ancient Jewish Rite (Brandeis University Press, 2003), pp. 77–78.
Flemming, "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit", p. 53. - Flemming, Rebecca (1999). "Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female Prostitution in the Roman Empire". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 38–61. doi:10.2307/300733. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 300733. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F300733
McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome, p. 288ff, especially p. 297 on manumission. - McGinn, Thomas A. J. (2003). Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516132-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=BmH31IK-OgEC
Cantarella, Bisexuality in the Ancient World, p. 103. - Cantarella, Eva (2002-01-01). Bisexuality in the Ancient World. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09302-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=clZgThbI5yIC
McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome, p. 314. - McGinn, Thomas A. J. (2003). Prostitution, Sexuality, and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516132-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=BmH31IK-OgEC
Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society (Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 119.
Hopkins, Keith (1993). "Novel Evidence for Roman Slavery". Past & Present (138): 6, 8. doi:10.1093/past/138.1.3. /wiki/Doi_(identifier)
Keith Bradley and Paul Cartledge, introduction to The Cambridge World History of Slavery: Volume 1, The Ancient Mediterranean World (Cambridge UP, 2011), p. 3.
Segal, Erich. Roman Laughter: The Comedy of Plautus. New York: Oxford University Press, 1968. (99–169).
Segal, Erich. Roman Laughter: The Comedy of Plautus. New York: Oxford University Press, 1968. (99–169).
Stewart, Plautus and Roman Slavery. - Stewart, Roberta (2012-04-25). Plautus and Roman Slavery. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-27415-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=wZf9hbUb65YC
Terence, Andria. - Terence (2002-09-26). Andria. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-85399-640-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=FTMMAQAAIAAJ