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Quirky subject
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<h2 id="subjecthood-tests">Subjecthood tests</h2> <p>Generally, nominative subjects satisfy tests that prove their "subject" status. Quirky subjects were also found to pass these subjecthood tests. </p> <h3>Subject-oriented anaphora binding</h3> <p>Some anaphors only allow subjects to be their <a href="/facts/Antecedent_(grammar)/FdtdTPdG">antecedents</a> when bound. This is also called reflexivization.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:33" href="#fn:33"><sup>33</sup></a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:34" href="#fn:34"><sup>34</sup></a> Subject-oriented anaphoras (SOA) are a special subclass of anaphora that must have subjects as their antecedents. This test shows that an XP is a subject if it binds to a subject-oriented anaphora.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:35" href="#fn:35"><sup>35</sup></a> In Icelandic, this is shown below where the <a href="/facts/Dative_case/bBjY0RVf">dative</a> pronoun subject <i>Honum</i> is only grammatical when binding the anaphor <i>sínum</i>: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:36" href="#fn:36"><sup>36</sup></a><p>Honumi</p><p>he.DAT</p><p>var</p><p>was</p><p>oft</p><p>often</p><p>hjálpað</p><p>helped</p><p>af</p><p>by</p><p>foreldrum</p><p>parents</p><p>sínumi/*hansi</p><p>his.[+REFL]/his.[-REFL]</p><p>Honumi var oft hjálpað af foreldrum sínumi/*hansi</p><p>he.DAT was often helped by parents his.[+REFL]/his.[-REFL]</p><p>'He was often helped by his parents.'</p> <p>Faroese quirky subjects also pass this diagnostic where the subject <i>Kjartani</i> in the dative binds the anaphor <i>sini</i>: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:37" href="#fn:37"><sup>37</sup></a><p>Kjartanii</p><p>Kjartin.DAT</p><p>dámar</p><p>likes</p><p>væl</p><p>well</p><p>nýggja</p><p>new</p><p>bil</p><p>car</p><p>sinii</p><p>REFL</p><p>Kjartanii dámar væl nýggja bil sinii</p><p>Kjartin.DAT likes well new car REFL</p><p>'Kjartin likes his new car.'</p> <p>The same behavior is seen in quirky subjects in Basque where the dative subject <i>Joni</i> binds the anaphor <i>bere burua</i>: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:38" href="#fn:38"><sup>38</sup></a><p>Jon-ii</p><p>Jon-DAT</p><p>[bere</p><p>his</p><p>buru-a]i</p><p>head-DET.NOM</p><p>gusta-tzen</p><p>like-IPFV</p><p>zaio</p><p>AUX(3SG.ABS-3SG.DAT)</p><p>Jon-ii [bere buru-a]i gusta-tzen zaio</p><p>Jon-DAT his head-DET.NOM like-IPFV AUX(3SG.ABS-3SG.DAT)</p><p>'Jon likes himself'</p> <p>In German, the dative DP subject <i>Dem Fritz</i> binds the anaphor <i>sich</i>: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:39" href="#fn:39"><sup>39</sup></a><p>[Dem</p><p>the.DAT</p><p>Fritz]i</p><p>Fritz</p><p>gefällt</p><p>likes</p><p>das</p><p>the.NOM</p><p>Bild</p><p>picture</p><p>von</p><p>of</p><p>sichi</p><p>REFL</p><p>[Dem Fritz]i gefällt das Bild von sichi</p><p>the.DAT Fritz likes the.NOM picture of REFL</p><p>'Fritz likes the picture of himself'</p> <p>Quirky subjects in <a href="/facts/Hindustani_grammar/TMuEUV1M">Hindi</a> also pass this test where the dative subject मुझे (<i>mujhe)</i> binds the <a href="/facts/Anaphora_(linguistics)/gm1WHVBF">anaphor</a> (the reflexive possessive pronoun) अपना (<i>apnā)</i>: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:40" href="#fn:40"><sup>40</sup></a><p>मुझे</p><p>mujhei</p><p>I.DAT</p><p>अपने</p><p>apnei</p><p>REFL.MASC.PL</p><p>सब</p><p>sab</p><p>all.NOM</p><p>रिश्तेदार</p><p>rishtedār</p><p>relatives.MASC</p><p>पसंद</p><p>pasand</p><p>like</p><p>हैं</p><p>haiṁ</p><p>be.PRS.PL</p><p>मुझे अपने सब रिश्तेदार पसंद हैं</p><p>mujhei apnei sab rishtedār pasand haiṁ</p><p>I.DAT REFL.MASC.PL all.NOM relatives.MASC like be.PRS.PL</p><p>'I like all my relatives'</p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:41" href="#fn:41"><sup>41</sup></a><p>मुझे</p><p>mujhei</p><p>I.DAT</p><p>अपनी</p><p>apnii</p><p>REFL.FEM.PL</p><p>चीज़ें</p><p>cīzeṁ</p><p>things.NOM.FEM.PL</p><p>लानी</p><p>lānī</p><p>bring.INF.PTCP.FEM.PL</p><p>हैं</p><p>haiṁ</p><p>be.PRS.PL</p><p>मुझे अपनी चीज़ें लानी हैं</p><p>mujhei apnii cīzeṁ lānī haiṁ</p><p>I.DAT REFL.FEM.PL things.NOM.FEM.PL bring.INF.PTCP.FEM.PL be.PRS.PL</p><p>'I have/want to bring my things.'</p> <h3>PRO control</h3> <p>Generally, <a href="/facts/PRO_(linguistics)/xWSqPW85">PRO</a> is the subject in the <a href="/facts/Deep_structure_and_surface_structure/l00JHPXK">underlying structure</a> of an embedded phrase be it subject-controlled, object-controlled, or arbitrarily-controlled.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:42" href="#fn:42"><sup>42</sup></a> A subject can show up in a non-overt form in infinitives as PRO, but a preposed object cannot.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:43" href="#fn:43"><sup>43</sup></a> This diagnostic shows that an XP is a subject if it can be PRO.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:44" href="#fn:44"><sup>44</sup></a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:45" href="#fn:45"><sup>45</sup></a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:46" href="#fn:46"><sup>46</sup></a> To illustrate, Icelandic shows subject-controlled PRO with a nominative DP: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:47" href="#fn:47"><sup>47</sup></a><p>Égi</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>vonast</p><p>hope</p><p>til</p><p>for</p><p>[PROi</p><p>PRO.ACC</p><p>að</p><p>to</p><p>vanta</p><p>lack</p><p>ekki</p><p>not</p><p>peninga]</p><p>money.ACC</p><p>Égi vonast til [PROi að vanta ekki peninga]</p><p>I.NOM hope for PRO.ACC to lack not money.ACC</p><p>'I hope not to lack money'</p> <p>Similarly, in Laz, the same can be seen: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:48" href="#fn:48"><sup>48</sup></a><p>Bere-ki</p><p>child-ERG</p><p>PROi</p><p>PRO.DAT</p><p>layç’-epe</p><p>dog-PL.NOM</p><p>o-limb-u</p><p>NMLZ-love-3.ERG</p><p>gor-um-s</p><p>want-IPFV-3</p><p>ama</p><p>but</p><p>a-s̹k’urin-en</p><p>APPL-fear-IPFV-3</p><p>Bere-ki PROi layç’-epe o-limb-u gor-um-s ama a-s̹k’urin-en</p><p>child-ERG PRO.DAT dog-PL.NOM NMLZ-love-3.ERG want-IPFV-3 but APPL-fear-IPFV-3</p><p>'The child wants to love the dogs, but s/he fears'</p> <h3>Reduced relatives</h3> <p>A reduced relative may only appear in as a subject position in a <a href="/facts/Reduced_relative_clause/5TJWAlod">reduced relative clause</a>. This test shows that a constituent is a subject if it can be relativized in a reduced relative clause. </p><p>Icelandic quirky subjects are not able to be relativized on: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:49" href="#fn:49"><sup>49</sup></a><p>*[____i</p><p>____.DAT</p><p>ekni]</p><p>driven</p><p>bíll-inn</p><p>car-the.NOM</p><p>*[____i ekni] bíll-inn</p><p>____.DAT driven car-the.NOM</p><p>'Intended: the driven car'</p> <p>Laz quirky subjects are able to be relativized on: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:50" href="#fn:50"><sup>50</sup></a><p>*[____i</p><p>____.DAT</p><p>ma]</p><p>1.NOM</p><p>limb-eri</p><p>love.PTCP</p><p>berei</p><p>child.NOM</p><p>*[____i ma] limb-eri berei</p><p>____.DAT 1.NOM love.PTCP child.NOM</p><p>'the child who loved me'</p> <h3>Subject-to-object raising</h3> <p>In Icelandic, some verbs (e.g., <i>telja, álíta</i>) can have their complement in the 'Exceptional Case Marking' (<a href="/facts/Exceptional_Case_Marking/dfqRcWkg">ECM</a>), also known as the 'Accusativus-cum-Infinitivo' (AcI) or 'Subject-to-Object Raising' (SOR) construction. It has been proposed that some non-subject (e.g. a preposed object) cannot be so embedded.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:51" href="#fn:51"><sup>51</sup></a> The ECM construction occurs when a sentence of the form subject-finite verb-X is selected by verbs such as <i>telja, álíta</i> as a CP complement (embedded clause). The nominative subject shows up in the accusative (or else in the dative or genitive) in ECM construction and the verb is in the infinitive. </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:52" href="#fn:52"><sup>52</sup></a><p>Ég</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>tel</p><p>believe</p><p>álfinn</p><p>elf-the.ACC</p><p>hafa</p><p>have.INF</p><p>stolið</p><p>stolen</p><p>ostinum</p><p>cheese-the.DAT</p><p>Ég tel álfinn hafa stolið ostinum</p><p>I.NOM believe elf-the.ACC have.INF stolen cheese-the.DAT</p><p>I believe the elf to have stolen the cheese.</p> <p>Note: The object <i>ostinum</i> cannot be embedded in ECM construction. The following sentence is ungrammatical: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:53" href="#fn:53"><sup>53</sup></a><p>*Ég</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>tel</p><p>believe</p><p>ostinum</p><p>cheese-the.DAT</p><p>hafa</p><p>have.INF</p><p>álfurinn</p><p>elf-the.NOM</p><p>stolið</p><p>stolen</p><p>*Ég tel ostinum hafa álfurinn stolið</p><p>I.NOM believe cheese-the.DAT have.INF elf-the.NOM stolen</p><p>I believe the elf to have stolen the cheese.</p> <p>An example of subject-to-object raising in German: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:54" href="#fn:54"><sup>54</sup></a><p>Ich</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>sehe</p><p>see</p><p>ihni</p><p>he.ACC</p><p>ti</p><p> </p><p>das</p><p>the</p><p>Haus</p><p>house.ACC</p><p>verlassen</p><p>leave</p><p>Ich sehe ihni ti das Haus verlassen</p><p>I.NOM see he.ACC {} the house.ACC leave</p><p>I see him leave the house.</p> <h3>Conjunction reduction</h3> <p>The conjunction reduction test is also known as the subject ellipsis test.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:55" href="#fn:55"><sup>55</sup></a> In <a href="/facts/Coordination_(linguistics)/DfFdSlgx">coordinated</a> structures, the subject of the second conjunct can be left out if it is <a href="/facts/Coreference/UH4fUcND">coreferential</a> (i.e., coindexed) with the subject in the first conjunct but not if it is coreferential with the object: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:56" href="#fn:56"><sup>56</sup></a><p>Álfurinni</p><p>Elf-the.NOM</p><p>stal</p><p>stole</p><p>ostinum</p><p>cheese-the.DAT</p><p>og</p><p>and</p><p><i>e</i>i</p><p><i>e</i></p><p>bauð</p><p>invited</p><p>bræðrum</p><p>brothers</p><p>sínum</p><p>his.REFL</p><p>í</p><p>to</p><p>mat</p><p>dinner</p><p>Álfurinni stal ostinum og <i>e</i>i bauð bræðrum sínum í mat</p><p>Elf-the.NOM stole cheese-the.DAT and <i>e</i> invited brothers his.REFL to dinner</p><p>The elf stole the cheese and (he) invited his brothers to dinner.</p> <p>The following example is ungrammatical: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:57" href="#fn:57"><sup>57</sup></a><p>*Ég</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>hitti</p><p>met</p><p>álfinni</p><p>elf-the.ACC</p><p>og</p><p>and</p><p><i>e</i>i</p><p><i>e</i></p><p>bauð</p><p>invited</p><p>mér</p><p>me</p><p>í</p><p>to</p><p>mat</p><p>dinner</p><p>*Ég hitti álfinni og <i>e</i>i bauð mér í mat</p><p>I.NOM met elf-the.ACC and <i>e</i> invited me to dinner</p><p>I met the elf and he invited me to dinner.</p> <h2 id="quirky-subject-hierarchy">Quirky Subject Hierarchy</h2> <p>The Quirky Subject Hierarchy (QSH) exists to governs non-nominative subjects based on three subjecthood tests.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:58" href="#fn:58"><sup>58</sup></a> </p> Quirky Subject Hierarchy<table><tbody><tr><th>Subjecthood Tests</th><th>Laz</th><th>Icelandic</th><th>Hindi</th><th>German</th><th>Basque</th></tr><tr><td>Reduced Relatives</td><td>✓</td><td>x</td><td>x</td><td>x</td><td>x</td></tr><tr><td>PRO Control</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>x</td><td>x</td><td>x</td></tr><tr><td>Subject-Oriented Anaphora Binding</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td></tr></tbody></table> <p>This hierarchy shows that: </p> <ol><li>if a quirky subject passes the reduced relative clause test, it will also pass PRO control and subject-oriented anaphora (SOA) binding, and</li> <li>If a quirky subject passes PRO control, then it will also pass SOA binding.</li></ol> <p>Cross-linguistically, all quirky subjects pass SOA binding test. The QSH governs quirky subjects in Icelandic, Hindi, German, Basque, Laz, Faroese, Gujarati, Hungarian, Kannada, Korean, Malayalam, Marathi, Russian, Spanish, and Telugu.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:59" href="#fn:59"><sup>59</sup></a> </p> <h2 id="proposed-analyses">Proposed analyses</h2> <p>Quirky subjects are analyzed to determine what case a subject may bear. There are many approaches, though the two most prominent are the standard Analysis and the Height Conjecture Analysis.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:60" href="#fn:60"><sup>60</sup></a> </p> <h3>Standard analysis</h3> <p>In the standard analysis, quirky subjects are treated as regular subjects that are assigned lexical or idiosyncratic cases. Dative-marked nominals are often analyzed as subjects because they pass most subjecthood tests. By passing these tests, quirky subjects seem to bear the lexical case (cannot be overwritten), while non-quirky subjects bear the structural case (can be overwritten). This approach is most often used to analyze Icelandic,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:61" href="#fn:61"><sup>61</sup></a> as all of its quirky subjects bear the lexical case and cannot be overwritten. However, the standard analysis does not sufficiently explain why lexical cases are overwritten in several languages, such as <a href="/facts/Faroese_language/1nf145FG">Faroese</a> and <a href="/facts/Imbabura_Quechua/G5pULfVA">Imbabura Quechua</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:62" href="#fn:62"><sup>62</sup></a> </p><p>Unlike Icelandic, Faroese does not possess passive quirky subjects. Instead, passivized direct objects appear in the nominative: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:63" href="#fn:63"><sup>63</sup></a><p>√ Hann /</p><p>he.NOM</p><p>* honum</p><p>he.DAT</p><p>bleiv</p><p>becomes</p><p>hjálpin</p><p>helped</p><p>{√ Hann /} {* honum} bleiv hjálpin</p><p>he.NOM he.DAT becomes helped</p><p>He is helped.</p> <p>Furthermore, quirky subjects do not retain its case under raising in Faroese. In the following example, the subject <i>Jógvan</i> changes from the dative case to the accusative case after it is raised: </p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:64" href="#fn:64"><sup>64</sup></a>Faroese: Before Raising<p>Jógvan</p><p>Jógvan.DAT</p><p>tørvaði</p><p>needed</p><p>ein</p><p>a</p><p>nýggjan</p><p>new</p><p>bil</p><p>car</p><p>Jógvan tørvaði ein nýggjan bil</p><p>Jógvan.DAT needed a new car</p><p>Jógvan needed a new car.</p> <a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:65" href="#fn:65"><sup>65</sup></a>Faroese: After Raising<p>Eg</p><p>I.NOM</p><p>helt</p><p>believe</p><p>Jógvani</p><p>Jógvan.ACC</p><p>ti</p><p> </p><p>tørva</p><p>need</p><p>ein</p><p>a</p><p>nýggjan</p><p>new</p><p>bil</p><p>car</p><p>Eg helt Jógvani ti tørva ein nýggjan bil</p><p>I.NOM believe Jógvan.ACC {} need a new car</p><p>I believed Jógvan to need a new car.</p> <p>The <a href="/facts/Arc_pair_grammar/ung2zXuf">arc pair grammar</a> (multistratal analysis) was proposed to explain why quirky subjects overwrite the lexical in languages such as Faroese. This analysis suggests that quirky subjects are the result of inversion: an initial subject is demoted to an indirect object, and subject properties are not tied to final subjects but can make reference to subjects at a distinct strata.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:66" href="#fn:66"><sup>66</sup></a> </p> <h3>Height conjecture</h3> <p>In height conjecture analysis, a quirky subject gains the properties of a <a href="/facts/Focus_(linguistics)/B2VnJYrz">Focus Phrase</a> (FP) whenever it lands in the <a href="/facts/X-bar_theory/JGdlFWnT">specifier</a> (SPEC) of that FP. </p><p>To account for the quirky subject hierarchy: TP is split into PerspP and BP </p> <ol><li>T is split into 2 heads Persp then B; the former to bear PRO and the latter to bind to SOA # The heads are marked [⋆nom⋆] (nominative DPs only), [⋆dep⋆] (dependent-case and nominative DPs), and [⋆d⋆] (any DP). A subject can pass through both [SPEC, Persp] and [SPEC, B], or only [SPEC, B]</li> <li>If the head B agrees with the QS, they merge. If B and the QS merge successfully, the same merging occurs if head Persp agrees with the QS.</li></ol> <p>The raising of PRO to [SPEC, Persp] determines whether the quirky can occur in complement during control. This is according to the Perspectival Centre Constraint. If the quirky subject lands at [SPEC, Persp], it may be relativized on into a reduced relative clause. </p> <h2 id="other-examples-of-quirky-subjects">Other examples of quirky subjects</h2> <p>In Icelandic, verbs can require a non-nominative subject. The following examples show an accusative subject and a dative subject, respectively. </p> <p>Mig</p><p>I.ACC</p><p>vantar</p><p>need</p><p>peninga</p><p>money.ACC</p><p>Mig vantar peninga</p><p>I.ACC need money.ACC</p><p>I need money.</p> <p>Quirky subjects can also occur when verbs taking a dative or genitive argument occur in the passive.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:67" href="#fn:67"><sup>67</sup></a> </p> <p>Stelpunum</p><p>The girls.DAT</p><p>var</p><p>was</p><p>hjálpað</p><p>helped</p><p>Stelpunum var hjálpað</p><p>{The girls.DAT} was helped</p><p>The girls were helped.</p> <p>Hennar</p><p>She.GEN</p><p>var</p><p>was</p><p>saknað</p><p>missed</p><p>Hennar var saknað</p><p>She.GEN was missed</p><p>She was missed.</p> <h2 id="see-also">See also</h2> <ul><li><a href="/facts/Dative_construction/o6arKh11">Dative construction</a></li> <li><a href="/facts/Ergative%E2%80%93absolutive_language/fxGo9Ah2">Ergative–absolutive language</a></li></ul> <h2 id="further-reading">Further reading</h2> <ul><li>Fanselow, Gisbert (2002). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=I51vBFDg_cwC&q=%22Quirky+subject%22&pg=PA227">"Quirky 'subjects' and other specifiers"</a>. In Dieter Wunderlich; Ingrid Kaufmann; Barbara Stiebels (eds.). <i>More Than Words: A Festschrift for Dieter Wunderlich</i>. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. pp. 227–250. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 3-05-003759-8.</li></ul> <h2 id="references">References</h2> <ol> <li id="fn:1"><p>Rögnvaldsson, Eiríkur (1991). "Quirky Subjects in Old Icelandic" (PDF). In Halldór Ármann Sigurðsson (ed.). Papers from the Twelfth Scandinavian Conference of Linguistics. pp. 369–378. <a href="http://www.hi.is/~eirikur/quirkysb.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.hi.is/~eirikur/quirkysb.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:1" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:2"><p>Fischer, Susann (2004). "The diachronic relationship between quirky subjects and stylistic fronting". In Peri Bhaskararao; Karumuri V. Subbarao (eds.). Non-nominative Subjects. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 193–212. ISBN 90-272-2970-8. <a href="90-272-2970-8" target="_blank">90-272-2970-8</a> <a href="#fnref:2" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:3"><p>Poole, Ethan (2014). Deconstructing quirky subjects. University of Massachusetts Amherst. North East Linguistic Society 45. <a href="http://ethanpoole.com/handouts/2014/poole-quirky-subjects.pdf" target="_blank">http://ethanpoole.com/handouts/2014/poole-quirky-subjects.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:3" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:4"><p>Faarlund, Jan T. (2001). "The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic". In Jan T. Faarlund (ed.). Grammatical relations in change. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. pp. 99–135. ISBN 9789027298041. <a href="9789027298041" target="_blank">9789027298041</a> <a href="#fnref:4" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:5"><p>Pankau, Andreas (2016). Quirky subjects in Icelandic, Faroese, and German: a relational account. Presentation at the Joint 2016 Conference on HPSG and LFG, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X6BrXSV6ZfI&t=1291s" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X6BrXSV6ZfI&t=1291s</a> <a href="#fnref:5" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:6"><p>Þráinsson, Höskuldur (2007). The syntax of Icelandic. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. <a href="#fnref:6" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:7"><p>Poole, Ethan (2014). Deconstructing quirky subjects. University of Massachusetts Amherst. North East Linguistic Society 45. <a href="http://ethanpoole.com/handouts/2014/poole-quirky-subjects.pdf" target="_blank">http://ethanpoole.com/handouts/2014/poole-quirky-subjects.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:7" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></p></li> <li id="fn:8"><p>Þráinsson, Höskuldur (2007). The syntax of Icelandic. 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