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Thomas More
English politician, author and philosopher (1478–1535)

Sir Thomas More (1478–1535) was an English lawyer, judge, author, and Renaissance humanist who served Henry VIII as Lord High Chancellor of England. He authored Utopia, depicting the political system of an imaginary island. More staunchly opposed the Protestant Reformation and rejected Henry’s claim as supreme head of the Church of England. Refusing the Oath of Supremacy, he was executed for treason, famously saying, “I die the King’s good servant, and God’s first.” Pope Pius XI canonised him in 1935, and Pope John Paul II named him patron saint of statesmen in 2000.

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Early life

Born in the City of London, on 7 February 1478, Thomas More was the son of Sir John More11 (a successful lawyer and later a judge1213) and his wife Agnes (née Graunger). John More lived for "the most part of his life" in Milk Street, London and, from this, many biographers (starting in the seventeenth century with More's great-grandson Cresacre More (1572–1649),14 the youngest son and eventual heir of Thomas More II) have asserted, without confirmation, that this was the place of Thomas More's birth. No contemporary biographer recorded this.15 He was the second of six children. More was educated at St. Anthony's School, then considered one of London's best schools.1617 From 1490 to 1492, More served John Morton, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor of England, as a household page.18: xvi 

Morton enthusiastically supported the "New Learning" (scholarship which was later known as "humanism" or "London humanism"), and thought highly of the young More. Believing that More had great potential, Morton nominated him for a place at the University of Oxford, either in St. Mary Hall or Canterbury College, both now defunct.19: 38 

More began his studies at Oxford in 1492, and received a classical education. Studying under Thomas Linacre and William Grocyn, he became proficient in both Latin and Greek. More left Oxford after only two years—at his father's insistence—to begin legal training in London at New Inn, one of the Inns of Chancery.20: xvii 21 In 1496, More became a student at Lincoln's Inn, one of the Inns of Court, where he remained until 1502, when he was called to the bar.22: xvii 

A noted linguist, More could speak and banter in Latin with the same facility as in English, and had competency in Greek and several other languages.23 He wrote and translated poetry.24 He was particularly influenced by Pico della Mirandola and translated the Life of Pico into English.25

Spiritual life

According to his friend, the theologian Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam, More once seriously contemplated abandoning his legal career to become a monk.2627 Between 1503 and 1504 More lived near the Carthusian monastery outside the walls of London and joined in the monks' spiritual exercises. Although he deeply admired their piety, More ultimately decided to remain a layman, standing for election to Parliament in 1504 and marrying the following year.28: xxi 

More continued ascetic practices for the rest of his life, such as wearing a hair shirt next to his skin and occasionally engaging in self-flagellation.29: xxi  A tradition of the Third Order of Saint Francis honours More as a member of that Order on their calendar of saints.30

Family life

More married Joanna "Jane" Colt, the eldest daughter of John Colt of Essex in 1505.31 In that year he leased a portion of a house known as the Old Barge (originally there had been a wharf nearby serving the Walbrook river) on Bucklersbury, St Stephen Walbrook parish, London. Eight years later he took over the rest of the house and in total he lived there for almost 20 years, until his move to Chelsea in 1525.32: 118, 271 3334 Erasmus reported that More wanted to give his young wife a better education than she had previously received at home, and tutored her in music and literature.35: 119  The couple had four children: Margaret, Elizabeth, Cecily, and John. Jane died in 1511.36: 132 

Going "against friends' advice and common custom," within 30 days, More had married one of the many eligible women among his wide circle of friends.3738 He chose Alice Middleton, a widow, to head his household and care for his small children.39 The speed of the marriage was so unusual that More had to get a dispensation from the banns of marriage, which, due to his good public reputation, he easily obtained.40

More had no children from his second marriage, although he raised Alice's daughter from her previous marriage as his own. More also became the guardian of two young girls: Anne Cresacre who would eventually marry his son, John More;41: 146  and Margaret Giggs (later Clement), who was the only member of his family to witness his execution.42 An affectionate father, More wrote letters to his children whenever he was away on legal or government business, and encouraged them to write to him often.43: 150 44: xiv 

More insisted upon giving his daughters the same classical education as his son, an unusual attitude at the time.45: 146–47  His eldest daughter, Margaret, attracted much admiration for her erudition, especially her fluency in Greek and Latin.46: 147  More told his daughter of his pride in her academic accomplishments in September 1522, after he showed the bishop a letter she had written:

When he saw from the signature that it was the letter of a lady, his surprise led him to read it more eagerly [...] he said he would never have believed it to be your work unless I had assured him of the fact, and he began to praise it in the highest terms [...] for its pure Latinity, its correctness, its erudition, and its expressions of tender affection. He took out at once from his pocket a portague [A Portuguese gold coin] [...] to send to you as a pledge and token of his good will towards you.47: 152 

More's decision to educate his daughters set an example for other noble families. Even Erasmus became much more favourable once he witnessed their accomplishments.48: 149 

A large portrait of More and his extended family, Sir Thomas More and Family, was painted by Hans Holbein the Younger; however, it was lost in a fire in the 18th century. More's grandson commissioned a copy, of which two versions survive. The Nostell copy of the portrait shown above also includes the family's two pet dogs and monkey.49

Musical instruments such as a lute and viol feature in the background of the extant copies of Holbein's family portrait. More played the recorder and viol,50: 136  and made sure his wives could join in the family consort.51

Personality according to Erasmus

Concerning More's personality, Erasmus gave a consistent portrait over a period of thirty-five years.

Soon after meeting the young lawyer More, who became his best friend52 and invited Erasmus into his household, Erasmus reported in 1500 "Did nature ever invent anything kinder, sweeter or more harmonious than the character of Thomas More?".53 In 1519, he wrote that More was "born and designed for friendship;54 no one is more open-hearted in making friends or more tenacious in keeping them."55 In 1535, after More's execution, Erasmus wrote that More "never bore ill-intent towards anyone":56

We are 'together, you and I, a crowd'; that is my feeling, and I think I could live happily with you in any wilderness. Farewell, dearest Erasmus, dear as the apple of my eye.

— Thomas More to Erasmus, October 31, 151657

When More died I seem to have died myself: because we were a single soul as Pythagoras once said. But such is the flux of human affairs.

— Erasmus to Piotr Tomiczki (Bishop of Kraków), August 31, 153558

In a 1532 letter, Erasmus wrote "such is the kindliness of his disposition, or rather, to say it better, such is his piety and wisdom, that whatever comes his way that cannot be corrected, he comes to love just as wholeheartedly as if nothing better could have happened to him."59

In a 1533 letter, Erasmus described More's character as imperiosus – commanding, far-ruling, not at all timid.60

For his part, "Thomas More was an unflagging apologist for Erasmus for the thirty-six years of their adult lives (1499–1535)."61

Early political career

In 1504, More was elected to Parliament to represent Great Yarmouth, and in 1510 began representing London.62

More first attracted public attention by his conduct in the parliament of 1504, by his daring opposition to the King's demand for money. King Henry VII was entitled, according to feudal laws, to a grant on occasion of his daughter Margaret Tudor's marriage to James IV of Scotland.63 But he came to the House of Commons for a much larger sum than he intended to give with his daughter. The members, unwilling as they were to vote the money, were afraid to offend the King, until the silence was broken by More, whose speech is said to have moved the house to reduce the subsidy of three-fifteenths which the Government had demanded to £30,000. One of the chamberlains went and told his master that he had been thwarted by a beardless boy. Henry never forgave the audacity; but, for the moment, the only revenge he could take was upon More's father, whom upon some pretext he threw into the Tower, and he only released him upon payment of a fine of £100.64 Thomas More even found it advisable to withdraw from public life into obscurity.65

Henry died in 1509 and was succeeded by his son, who became King Henry VIII.

From 1510, More served as one of the two undersheriffs of the City of London, a position of considerable responsibility in which he earned a reputation as an honest and effective public servant. Interested in public health, he became a Commissioner for Sewers in 1514.66 More became Master of Requests in 1514,67 the same year in which he was appointed as a Privy Counsellor.68 After undertaking a diplomatic mission to the Holy Roman Emperor, Charles V, accompanying Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Archbishop of York, to Calais (for the Field of the Cloth of Gold) and Bruges, More was knighted and made under-treasurer of the Exchequer in 1521.69

As secretary and personal adviser to Henry VIII, More became increasingly influential: welcoming foreign diplomats, drafting official documents, attending the court of the Star Chamber for his legal prowess but delegated to judge in the under-court for 'poor man's cases'70: 491, 492  and serving as a liaison between the King and Lord Chancellor Wolsey. More later served as High Steward for the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.

In 1523, More was elected as knight of the shire (MP) for Middlesex and, on Wolsey's recommendation, the House of Commons elected More its Speaker.71 In 1525, More became Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with executive and judicial responsibilities over much of northern England.72

Chancellorship

After Wolsey fell, More succeeded to the office of Lord Chancellor (the chief government minister) in 1529; this was the highest official responsible for equity and common law, including contracts and royal household cases, and some misdemeanour appeals.73: 527  He dispatched cases with unprecedented rapidity. Putting into effect his proposals for public sanitation that he had first suggested in Utopia, in 1532 he was responsible for introducing into law the Statute of Sewers (23 Henry VIII, cap.5).74

As Lord Chancellor he was a member (and probably the Presiding Judge at the court when present, who spoke last and cast the deciding vote in case of ties)75: 61  of the Court of the Star Chamber, an appeals court on civil and criminal matters, including riot and sedition, that was the final appeal in dissenter's trials.76

No foreign wars were fought in the time he was Lord Chancellor.

Campaign against the Protestant Reformation

More supported the Catholic Church and saw the Protestant Reformation as heresy, a threat to the unity of both church and society. More believed in the theology, argumentation, and ecclesiastical laws of the church, and "heard Luther's call to destroy the Catholic Church as a call to war."77

Heresy was the single most time-consuming issue Thomas More dealt with in his chancellorship, and probably in the whole of the last ten years of his life.

— Richard Rex, More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?78: 107 

More wrote a series of books and pamphlets in English and Latin to respond to Protestants, and in his official capacities took action against the illegal book trade, notably fronting a diplomatically-sensitive raid in 1525 of the Hanseatic Merchants in the Steelyard in his role as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster79: 106  and given his diplomatic experience negotiating with the Hanse.80: 150 

Debates with Tyndale

More wrote several books against the first edition of Tyndale's English translation of the New Testament.81 More wrote the Dialogue concerning Heresies (1529), Tyndale responded with An Answer to Sir T. More's Dialogue (1530), and More replied with his Confutation of Tyndale's Answer (1532).82 More also wrote or contributed to several other anti-Lutheran books.

One of More's criticisms of the initial Tyndale translation was that despite claiming to be in the vernacular, Tyndale had employed numerous neologisms: for example, Jehovah, scapegoat, Passover, atonement, mercy seat, shewbread.83 More also accused Tyndale of deliberately avoiding common translations in favour of biased words: such as using the emotion love instead of the practical action charity for Greek agape, using the neologism senior instead of priest for the Greek presbyteros84 (Tyndale changed this to elder), and the Latinate congregation instead of church.85 Tyndale's Bibles include text other than the scriptures: some of Tyndale's prefaces were direct translations of Martin Luther,86 and it included marginal glosses which challenged Catholic doctrine.87

One notable exchange occurred over More's attack on Tyndale's use of congregation. Tyndale pointed out that he was following "your darling" Erasmus' Latin translation of ecclesia into congregatio. More replied that Erasmus needed to coin congregatio because there was no good Latin word, while English had the perfectly fine church, but that the intent and theology under the words were all important:

I have not contended with Erasmus my darling, because I found no such malicious intent with Erasmus my darling, as I find with Tyndale. For had I found with Erasmus my darling the cunning intent and purpose that I find in Tyndale: Erasmus my darling should be no more my darling. But I find in Erasmus my darling that he detests and abhors the errors and heresies that Tyndale plainly teaches and abides by and therefore Erasmus my darling shall be my dear darling still. And surely if Tyndale had either never taught them, or yet had the grace to revoke them: then should Tyndale be my dear darling too. But while he holds such heresies still I cannot take for my darling him that the devil takes for his darling.

— Thomas More888990

Resignation

As the conflict over supremacy between the Papacy and the King reached its peak, More continued to remain steadfast in supporting the supremacy of the Pope as Successor of Peter over that of the King of England. Parliament's reinstatement of the charge of praemunire in 1529 had made it a crime to support in public or office the claim of any authority outside the realm (such as the Papacy) to have a legal jurisdiction superior to the King's.91

In 1530, More refused to sign a letter by the leading English churchmen and aristocrats asking Pope Clement VII to annul Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon, and also quarrelled with Henry VIII over the heresy laws. In 1531, a royal decree required the clergy to take an oath acknowledging the King as Supreme Head of the Church of England. The bishops at the Convocation of Canterbury in 1532 agreed to sign the Oath but only under threat of prosecution for praemunire and only after these words were added: "as far as the law of Christ allows".92

This was considered to be the final Submission of the Clergy.93 Cardinal John Fisher and some other clergy refused to sign. Henry purged most clergy who supported the papal stance from senior positions in the church. More continued to refuse to sign the Oath of Supremacy and did not agree to support the annulment of Henry's marriage to Catherine.94 However, he did not openly reject the King's actions and kept his opinions private.95

On 16 May 1532, More resigned from his role as Chancellor but remained in Henry's favour despite his refusal.96 His decision to resign was caused by the decision of the convocation of the English Church, which was under intense royal threat, on the day before.97

Controversy on extent of prosecution of heretics

There is considerable variation in opinion on the extent and nature of More's prosecution of heretics: witness the difference in portrayals of More in A Man for All Seasons as an urbane hero of conscience and in Wolf Hall as a "mere dessicated fanatic."98 The English establishment initially regarded Protestants (and Anabaptists) as akin to the Lollards and Hussites whose heresies fed their sedition.99 Ambassador to Charles V Cuthbert Tunstall called Lutheranism the "foster-child" of the Wycliffite heresy100 that had underpinned Lollardy.

Historian Richard Rex wrote:101: 106 

Thomas More, as lord chancellor [1529–1532], was in effect the first port of call for those arrested in London on suspicion of heresy, and he took the initial decisions about whether to release them, where to imprison them, or to which bishop to send them. He can be connected with police or judicial proceedings against around forty suspected or convicted heretics in the years 1529–33.102

Torture allegations

Torture was not officially legal in England, except in pre-trial discovery phase103: 62  of kinds of extreme cases that the King had allowed, such as seditious heresy. It was regarded as unsafe for evidence, and was not an allowed punishment.

Stories emerged in More's lifetime regarding persecution of the Protestant "heretics" during his time as Lord Chancellor, and he denied them in detail in his Apologia (1533).

Many stories were later published by the 16th-century English Protestant historian John Foxe in his polemical Book of Martyrs. Foxe was instrumental in publicizing accusations of torture, alleging that More had often personally used violence or torture while interrogating heretics.104 Later Protestant authors such as Brian Moynahan and Michael Farris cite Foxe when repeating these allegations.105 Biographer Peter Ackroyd also lists claims from Foxe's Book of Martyrs and other post-Reformation sources that More "tied heretics to a tree in his Chelsea garden and whipped them", that "he watched as 'newe men' were put upon the rack in the Tower and tortured until they confessed", and that "he was personally responsible for the burning of several of the 'brethren' in Smithfield."106: 305 

Historian John Guy commented that "such charges are unsupported by independent proof."107 Modern historian Diarmaid MacCulloch finds no evidence that More was directly involved in torture.108 Richard Marius records a similar claim, which tells about James Bainham, and writes that "the story Foxe told of Bainham's whipping and racking at More's hands is universally doubted today".109

More himself denied these allegations:

Stories of a similar nature were current even in More's lifetime and he denied them forcefully. He admitted that he did imprison heretics in his house – 'theyr sure kepynge'110 – he called it – but he utterly rejected claims of torture and whipping... 'as help me God.'111: 298–299 

More instead claimed in his Apology (1533) that he only applied corporal punishment to two "heretics": a child servant in his household who was caned (the customary punishment for children at that time) for repeating a heresy regarding the Eucharist, and a "feeble-minded" man who was whipped for disrupting the mass by raising women's skirts over their heads at the moment of consecration, More taking the action to prevent a lynching.112: 404 

Executions

Burning at the stake was the standard punishment by the English state for obstinate or relapsed, major seditious or proselytizing heresy, and continued to be used by both Catholics and Protestants during the religious upheaval of the following decades.113 In England, following the Lollard uprisings, heresy had been linked to sedition (see De heretico comburendo and Suppression of Heresy Act 1414.)

Ackroyd and MacCulloch agree that More zealously approved of burning.114: 298  Richard Marius maintained that in office More did everything in his power to bring about the extermination of heretics.115

During More's chancellorship, six people were burned at the stake for heresy, the same rate as under Wolsey: they were Thomas Hitton, Thomas Bilney, Richard Bayfield, John Tewkesbury, Thomas Dusgate, and James Bainham.116: 299–306  However, the court of the Star Chamber, of which More as Lord Chancellor was the presiding judge, could not impose the death sentence: it was a kind of appellate supreme court.117: 263 

More took a personal interest in the three London cases:118: 105 

  • John Tewkesbury was a London leather seller found guilty by the Bishop of London John Stokesley of harbouring English translated New Testaments; he was sentenced to burning for refusing to recant.119 More declared: he "burned as there was neuer wretche I wene better worthy."120
  • Richard Bayfield was found distributing Tyndale's Bibles, and examined by Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall. More commented that he was "well and worthely burned".121: 305 
  • James Bainham was arrested on a warrant of Thomas More as Lord Chancellor and detained at his gatehouse. He was examined by Bishop John Stokesley, abjured, penalized and freed. He subsequently re-canted, and was re-arrested, tried and executed as a relapsed heretic.

Historian Brian Moynahan alleged that More influenced the eventual execution of William Tyndale in the Duchy of Brabant, as English agents had long pursued Tyndale. Historian Richard Rex argues that linking the execution to More was "bizarre".122: 93  Moynihan named Henry Phillips, a student at the University of Louvain and follower of Bishop Stokesley, as the man More commissioned to befriend Tyndale and then betray him.123 However, the execution took place on 6 October 1536, sixteen months after More himself had been executed, and in a different jurisdiction.

Modern treatment

Modern commentators have been divided over More's character and actions.

Some biographers, including Peter Ackroyd, have taken a relatively tolerant124 or even positive125 view of More's campaign against Protestantism by placing his actions within the turbulent religious climate of the time and the threat of deadly catastrophes such as the German Peasants' Revolt, which More blamed on Luther,126 as did many others, such as Erasmus.127

Others have been more critical, such as writer Richard Marius, an American scholar of the Reformation, believing that such persecutions were a betrayal of More's earlier humanist convictions, including More's zealous and well-documented advocacy of extermination for heretics.128: 386–406  This supposed contradiction has been called "schizophrenic."129: 108  He has been called a "zealous legalist [...] [with an] itchy finesse of cruelty".130

Pope John Paul II honoured him by making More patron saint of statesmen and politicians in October 2000, stating: "It can be said that he demonstrated in a singular way the value of a moral conscience [...] even if, in his actions against heretics, he reflected the limits of the culture of his time".131

Australian High Court judge and President of the International Commission of Jurists, Justice Michael Kirby has noted:

More's resignation as Lord Chancellor demonstrates also a recognition of the fact that, so long as he held office, he was obliged to conform to the King's law. It is often the fact that judges and lawyers must perform acts which they do not particularly like. In Utopia, for example, More had written that he believed capital punishment to be immoral, reprehensible and unjustifiable. Yet as Lord Chancellor and as councillor to the King, he certainly participated in sending hundreds of people to their death, a troubling thought. Doubtless he saw himself, as many judges before and since have done, as a mere instrument of the legal power of the State.

— "Thomas More, Martin Luther and the Judiciary today," speech to Thomas More Society, 1997132

Indictment, trial and execution

In 1533, More refused to attend the coronation of Anne Boleyn as Queen of England. Technically, this was not an act of treason, as More had written to Henry seemingly acknowledging Anne's queenship and expressing his desire for the King's happiness and the new Queen's health.133 Despite this, his refusal to attend was widely interpreted as a snub against Anne, and Henry took action against him. Shortly thereafter, More was charged with accepting bribes, but the charges had to be dismissed for lack of any evidence.

In early 1534, More was accused by Thomas Cromwell of having given advice and counsel to the "Holy Maid of Kent," Elizabeth Barton, a nun who had prophesied that the King had ruined his soul and would come to a quick end for having divorced Queen Catherine. This was a month after Barton had confessed, which was possibly done under royal pressure,134135 and was said to be concealment of treason.136 Though it was dangerous for anyone to have anything to do with Barton, More had met her and was impressed by her fervour. However, More was prudent and told her not to interfere with state matters. More was called before a committee of the Privy Council to answer these charges of treason and, after his respectful answers, the matter seemed to have been dropped.137

On 13 April 1534, More was asked to appear before a commission and swear his allegiance to the parliamentary Act of Succession.138 More accepted Parliament's right to declare Anne Boleyn the legitimate Queen of England, though he refused "the spiritual validity of the King's second marriage"139 and, holding fast to the teaching of papal supremacy, he steadfastly refused to take the oath of supremacy of the Crown in the relationship between the kingdom and the church in England. More also publicly refused to uphold Henry's annulment from Catherine. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, refused the oath along with More. The oath reads in part:140

By reason whereof the Bishop of Rome and See Apostolic, contrary to the great and inviolable grants of jurisdictions given by God immediately to emperors, kings and princes in succession to their heirs, hath presumed in times past to invest who should please them to inherit in other men's kingdoms and dominions, which thing we your most humble subjects, both spiritual and temporal, do most abhor and detest...

In addition to refusing to support the King's annulment or supremacy, More refused to sign the 1534 Oath of Succession confirming Anne's role as queen and the rights of their children to succession. More's fate was sealed.141142 While he had no argument with the basic concept of succession as stated in the Act, the preamble of the Oath repudiated the authority of the Pope.143144145

Indictment

More's enemies had enough evidence to have the King arrest him on treason. Four days later, Henry had More imprisoned in the Tower of London. There More prepared a devotional, Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation. While More was imprisoned in the Tower, Thomas Cromwell made several visits, urging More to take the oath, which he continued to refuse.

In his unfinished History of the Passion, written in the Tower to his daughter Meg, he wrote of feeling favoured by God: "For methinketh God maketh me a wanton, and setteth me on his lap and dandleth me."146

The charges of high treason related to More's violating the statutes as to the King's supremacy (malicious silence) and conspiring with Bishop John Fisher in this respect (malicious conspiracy) and, according to some sources, included asserting that Parliament did not have the right to proclaim the King's Supremacy over the English Church. One group of scholars believes that the judges dismissed the first two charges (malicious acts) and tried More only on the final one, but others strongly disagree.147

Regardless of the specific charges, the indictment related to violation of the Treasons Act 1534 which declared it treason to speak against the King's Supremacy:148

If any person or persons, after the first day of February next coming, do maliciously wish, will or desire, by words or writing, or by craft imagine, invent, practise, or attempt any bodily harm to be done or committed to the king's most royal person, the queen's, or their heirs apparent, or to deprive them or any of them of their dignity, title, or name of their royal estates [...] That then every such person and persons so offending [...] shall have and suffer such pains of death and other penalties, as is limited and accustomed in cases of high treason.149

Trial

The trial was held on 1 July 1535, before a panel of judges that included the new Lord Chancellor Sir Thomas Audley, as well as Anne Boleyn's uncle Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, her father Thomas Boleyn, and her brother George Boleyn. Norfolk offered More the chance of the King's "gracious pardon" should he "reform his [...] obstinate opinion". More responded that, although he had not taken the oath, he had never spoken out against it either and that his silence could be accepted as his "ratification and confirmation" of the new statutes.150

Thus More was relying upon legal precedent and the maxim qui tacet consentire videtur ("one who keeps silent seems to consent"),151 understanding that he could not be convicted as long as he did not explicitly deny that the King was Supreme Head of the Church, and he therefore refused to answer all questions regarding his opinions on the subject.152

Thomas Cromwell, at the time the most powerful of the King's advisors, brought forth Solicitor General Richard Rich to testify that More had, in his presence, denied that the King was the legitimate head of the Church. This testimony was characterised by More as being extremely dubious. Witnesses Richard Southwell and Mr. Palmer (a servant to Southwell) were also present and both denied having heard the details of the reported conversation.153 As More himself pointed out:

Can it therefore seem likely to your Lordships, that I should in so weighty an Affair as this, act so unadvisedly, as to trust Mr. Rich, a Man I had always so mean an Opinion of, in reference to his Truth and Honesty, [...] that I should only impart to Mr. Rich the Secrets of my Conscience in respect to the King's Supremacy, the particular Secrets, and only Point about which I have been so long pressed to explain my self? which I never did, nor never would reveal; when the Act was once made, either to the King himself, or any of his Privy Councillors, as is well known to your Honours, who have been sent upon no other account at several times by his Majesty to me in the Tower. I refer it to your Judgments, my Lords, whether this can seem credible to any of your Lordships.154

The jury took only fifteen minutes to find More guilty.

After the jury's verdict was delivered and before his sentencing, More spoke freely of his belief that "no temporal man may be the head of the spirituality" (take over the role of the Pope). According to William Roper's account, More was pleading that the Statute of Supremacy was contrary to Magna Carta, to Church laws and to the laws of England, attempting to void the entire indictment against him.155 He was sentenced to be hanged, drawn, and quartered (the usual punishment for traitors who were not of the nobility), but the King commuted this to execution by decapitation.156

Execution

The execution took place on 6 July 1535 at Tower Hill. When he came to mount the steps to the scaffold, its frame seeming so weak that it might collapse,157158 More is widely quoted as saying (to one of the officials): "I pray you, master Lieutenant, see me safe up and [for] my coming down, let me shift for my self";159 while on the scaffold he declared that he died "the king's good servant, and God's first." Theologian Scott Hahn notes that the misquoted "but God's first" is a line from Robert Bolt's stage play A Man For All Seasons, which differs from More's actual words.160161 After More had finished reciting the Miserere while kneeling,162163 the executioner reportedly begged his pardon, then More rose up, kissed him and forgave him.164165166167

Relics

Another comment More is believed to have made to the executioner is that his beard was completely innocent of any crime, and did not deserve the axe; he then positioned his beard so that it would not be harmed.168 More asked that his adopted daughter Margaret Clement (née Giggs) be given his headless corpse to bury.169 She was the only member of his family to witness his execution. He was buried at the Tower of London, in the chapel of St Peter ad Vincula in an unmarked grave. His head was fixed upon a pike over London Bridge for a month, according to the normal custom for traitors.

More's daughter Margaret Roper (née More) later rescued the severed head.170 It is believed to rest in the Roper Vault of St Dunstan's Church, Canterbury,171 perhaps with the remains of Margaret and her husband's family.172 Some have claimed that the head is buried within the tomb erected for More in Chelsea Old Church.173

Among other surviving relics is his hair shirt, presented for safe keeping by Margaret Clement.174 This was long in the custody of the community of Augustinian canonesses who until 1983 lived at the convent at Abbotskerswell Priory, Devon. Some sources, including one from 2004, claimed that the shirt, made of goat hair, was then kept at the Martyr's church on the Weld family's estate in Chideock, Dorset.175176 It is now preserved at Buckfast Abbey, near Buckfastleigh in Devon.177178

Epitaph

In 1533, More wrote to Erasmus and included what he intended should be the epitaph on his family tomb:

Within this tomb Jane, wife of More, reclines; This More for Alice and himself designs. The first, dear object of my youthful vow, Gave me three daughters and a son to know; The next—ah! virtue in a stepdame rare!— Nursed my sweet infants with a mother's care. With both my years so happily have past, Which most my love, I know not—first or last. Oh! had religion destiny allowed, How smoothly mixed had our three fortunes flowed! But, be we in the tomb, in heaven allied, So kinder death shall grant what life denied.179

Scholarly and literary work

History of King Richard III

Between 1512 and 1519 More worked on a History of King Richard III, which he never finished but which was published after his death. The History is a Renaissance biography, remarkable more for its literary skill and adherence to classical precepts than for its historical accuracy.180 Some consider it an attack on royal tyranny, rather than on Richard III himself or the House of York.181 More uses a more dramatic writing style than had been typical in medieval chronicles; Richard III is limned as an outstanding, archetypal tyrant—however, More was only seven years old when Richard III was killed at the Battle of Bosworth in 1485, so he had no first-hand knowledge of him.

The History of King Richard III was written and published in both English and Latin, each written separately, and with information deleted from the Latin edition to suit a European readership.182 It greatly influenced William Shakespeare's play Richard III. Modern historians attribute the unflattering portraits of Richard III in both works to both authors' allegiance to the reigning Tudor dynasty that wrested the throne from Richard III in the Wars of the Roses.183184 According to Caroline Barron, Archbishop John Morton, in whose household More had served as a page (see above), had joined the 1483 Buckingham rebellion against Richard III, and Morton was probably one of those who influenced More's hostility towards the defeated king.185186 Clements Markham asserts that the actual author of the chronicle was, in large part, Archbishop Morton himself and that More was simply copying, or perhaps translating, Morton's original material.187188

Utopia

Main article: Utopia (book)

More's best known and most controversial work, Utopia, is a frame narrative written in Latin.189 More completed the book, and theologian Erasmus published it in Leuven in 1516. It was only translated into English and published in his native land in 1551 (16 years after his execution), and the 1684 translation became the most commonly cited. More (who is also a character in the book) and the narrator/traveller, Raphael Hythlodaeus (whose name alludes both to the healer archangel Raphael, and 'speaker of nonsense', the surname's Greek meaning), discuss modern ills in Antwerp, as well as describe the political arrangements of the imaginary island country of Utopia (a Greek pun on 'ou-topos' [no place] and 'eu-topos' [good place]) among themselves as well as to Pieter Gillis and Hieronymus van Busleyden.190 Utopia's original edition included a symmetrical "Utopian alphabet" omitted by later editions, but which may have been an early attempt or precursor of shorthand.

Utopia is structured into two parts, both with much irony: Book I has conversations between friends on various European political issues: the treatment of criminals, the enclosure movement, etc.; Book II is a remembered discourse by Raphael Hythlodaeus on his supposed travels, in which the earlier issues are revisited in fantastical but concrete forms that has been called mythical idealism. For example, the proposition in the Book I "no republic can be prosperous or justly governed where there is private property and money is the measure of everything."191

Utopia contrasts the contentious social life of European states with the perfectly orderly, reasonable social arrangements of Utopia and its environs (Tallstoria, Nolandia, and Aircastle). In Utopia, there are no lawyers because of the laws' simplicity and because social gatherings are in public view (encouraging participants to behave well), communal ownership supplants private property, men and women are educated alike, and there is almost complete religious toleration (except for atheists, who are allowed but despised).

More may have used monastic communalism as his model, although other concepts he presents such as legalising euthanasia remain far outside Church doctrine. Hythlodaeus asserts that a man who refuses to believe in a god or an afterlife could never be trusted, because he would not acknowledge any authority or principle outside himself. A scholar has suggested that More is most interested in the type of citizen Utopia produces.192

Some take the novel's principal message to be the social need for order and discipline rather than liberty. Ironically, Hythlodaeus, who believes philosophers should not get involved in politics, addresses More's ultimate conflict between his humanistic beliefs and courtly duties as the King's servant, pointing out that one day those morals will come into conflict with the political reality.

Utopia gave rise to a literary genre, Utopian and dystopian fiction, which features ideal societies or perfect cities, or their opposite. Works influenced by Utopia included New Atlantis by Francis Bacon, Erewhon by Samuel Butler, and Candide by Voltaire. Although Utopianism combined classical concepts of perfect societies (Plato and Aristotle) with Roman rhetorical finesse (cf. Cicero, Quintilian, epideictic oratory), the Renaissance genre continued into the Age of Enlightenment and survives in modern science fiction.

Epigrams

Erasmus in Basel collected and had published a book of More's latin epigrams:193 the final 1523 edition Epigrammata contained 253 of the short poems, described by historian Damian Grace as "Political theory in a poetic idiom."194

In the 1510s, More had the habit of composing these formal paragraphs, variously serious or facetious, for correspondents. Some show a concern about royal tyranny and may suggest a preference for Roman republican government.195

Religious polemics

In 1520 the reformer Martin Luther published three works in quick succession: An Appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation (Aug.), Concerning the Babylonish Captivity of the Church (Oct.), and On the Liberty of a Christian Man (Nov.).196: 225  In these books, Luther set out his doctrine of salvation through faith alone, rejected certain Catholic practices, and attacked abuses and excesses within the Catholic Church.197: 225–6  In 1521, Henry VIII formally responded to Luther's criticisms with the Assertio, written with More's assistance.198 Pope Leo X rewarded the English king with the title "Fidei defensor" ("Defender of the Faith") for his work combating Luther's heresies.199: 226–7 

Martin Luther then attacked Henry VIII in print, calling him a "pig, dolt, and liar".200: 227  At the King's request, More composed a rebuttal: the Responsio ad Lutherum was published at the end of 1523. In the Responsio, More defended papal supremacy, the sacraments, and other Church traditions. More, though considered "a much steadier personality",201 described Luther as an "ape", a "drunkard", and a "lousy little friar" amongst other epithets.202: 230  Writing under the pseudonym of Gulielmus Rosseus,203 More tells Luther that:

for as long as your reverend paternity will be determined to tell these shameless lies, others will be permitted, on behalf of his English majesty, to throw back into your paternity's shitty mouth, truly the shit-pool of all shit, all the muck and shit which your damnable rottenness has vomited up, and to empty out all the sewers and privies onto your crown divested of the dignity of the priestly crown, against which no less than the kingly crown you have determined to play the buffoon.204

His saying is followed with a kind of apology to his readers, while Luther possibly never apologized for his sayings.205 Stephen Greenblatt argues, "More speaks for his ruler and in his opponent's idiom; Luther speaks for himself, and his scatological imagery far exceeds in quantity, intensity, and inventiveness anything that More could muster. If for More scatology normally expresses a communal disapproval, for Luther, it expresses a deep personal rage."206

Confronting Luther confirmed More's theological conservatism. He thereafter avoided any hint of criticism of Church authority.207: 230  In 1528, More published another religious polemic, A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, that asserted the Catholic Church was the one true church, established by Christ and the Apostles, and affirmed the validity of its authority, traditions and practices.208: 279–81  In 1529, the circulation of Simon Fish's Supplication for the Beggars prompted More to respond with the Supplycatyon of Soulys.

In 1531, a year after More's father died, William Tyndale published An Answer unto Sir Thomas More's Dialogue in response to More's Dialogue Concerning Heresies. More responded with a half million words: the Confutation of Tyndale's Answer. The Confutation is an imaginary dialogue between More and Tyndale, with More addressing each of Tyndale's criticisms of Catholic rites and doctrines.209: 307–9  More, who valued structure, tradition and order in society as safeguards against tyranny and error, vehemently believed that Lutheranism and the Protestant Reformation in general were dangerous, not only to the Catholic faith but to the stability of society as a whole.210: 307–9 

Correspondence

Most major humanists were prolific letter writers, and Thomas More was no exception. As in the case of his friend Erasmus of Rotterdam, however, only a small portion of his correspondence (about 280 letters) survived. These include everything from personal letters to official government correspondence (mostly in English), letters to fellow humanist scholars (in Latin), several epistolary tracts, verse epistles, prefatory letters (some fictional) to several of More's own works, letters to More's children and their tutors (in Latin), and the so-called "prison-letters" (in English) which he exchanged with his oldest daughter Margaret while he was imprisoned in the Tower of London awaiting execution.211 More also engaged in controversies, most notably with the French poet Germain de Brie, which culminated in the publication of de Brie's Antimorus (1519). Erasmus intervened, however, and ended the dispute.212

More also wrote about more spiritual matters. They include: A Treatise on the Passion (a.k.a. Treatise on the Passion of Christ), A Treatise to Receive the Blessed Body (a.k.a. Holy Body Treaty), and De Tristitia Christi (a.k.a. The Agony of Christ). More handwrote the last in the Tower of London while awaiting his execution. This last manuscript, saved from the confiscation decreed by Henry VIII, passed by the will of his daughter Margaret to Spanish hands through Fray Pedro de Soto, dominican confessor of the count of Oropesa ambassador of the Emperor Charles V, that presented to saint Juan de Ribera archbishop of Valencia at that time and founder of Real Colegio Seminario del Corpus Christi and its museum where it remains in the collection.

Veneration

Catholic Church

Pope Leo XIII beatified Thomas More, John Fisher, and fifty-two other English Martyrs on 29 December 1886. Pius XI canonised More and Fisher on 19 May 1935 pre-eminently for their martyrdom, saying:

They were, so to speak, the leaders and chieftains of that illustrious band of men who, from all classes of the people and from every part of Great Britain, resisted the new errors with unflinching spirit, and in shedding their blood, testified their loyal devotedness to the Holy See.

— Pope Pius XI, Homily at the Canonization of Thomas More

The British press greeted the 1935 canonisation ceremony, which Parliament and universities officially boycotted, with a "minimal and hostile" reception.213

More's feast day was established as 9 July.214 Since 1970 the General Roman Calendar has celebrated More with St John Fisher on 22 June (the date of Fisher's execution). On 31 October 2000 Pope John Paul II declared More "the heavenly Patron of Statesmen and Politicians".215 More is the patron of the German Catholic youth organisation Katholische Junge Gemeinde.216

Anglican Communion

In 1980, despite their staunch opposition to the English Reformation, More and Fisher were added as martyrs of the reformation to the Church of England's calendar of "Saints and Heroes of the Christian Church", to be commemorated every 6 July (the date of More's execution) as "Thomas More, scholar, and John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, Reformation Martyrs, 1535".217218 The annual remembrance of 6 July, is recognised by all Anglican Churches in communion with Canterbury, including Australia, Brazil, Canada and South Africa.219

In an essay examining the events around the addition to the Anglican calendar, scholar Bill Sheils links the reasoning for More's recognition to a "long-standing tradition hinted at in Rose Macaulay's ironic debating point of 1935 about More's status as an 'unschismed Anglican', a tradition also recalled in the annual memorial lecture held at St. Dunstan's Church in Canterbury, where More's head is said to be buried."220 Sheils also noted the influence of the 1960s play and film A Man for All Seasons, which gave More a "reputation as a defender of the right of conscience".221 Thanks to the play's depiction, this "brought his life to a broader and more popular audience" with the film "extending its impact worldwide following the Oscar triumphs".222 Around this time the atheist Oxford historian and intellectual Hugh Trevor-Roper held More up as "the first great Englishman whom we feel that we know, the most saintly of Humanists...the universal man of our cool northern Renaissance."223 In 1978, the quincentenary of More's birth, Trevor-Roper wrote an essay putting More in the Renaissance Platonist tradition, claiming his reputation was "quite independent of his Catholicism."224 (Only, later on, did a more critical view arise in academia, led by Professor Sir Geoffrey Elton, which "challenged More's reputation for saintliness by focusing on his dealings with heretics, the ferocity of which, in fairness to him, More did not deny. In this research, More's role as a prosecutor, or persecutor, of dissidents has been at the centre of the debate.")225

Legacy

The steadfastness and courage with which More maintained his religious convictions, and his dignity during his imprisonment, trial, and execution, contributed much to More's posthumous reputation, particularly among Roman Catholics. His friend Erasmus defended More's character as "more pure than any snow" and described his genius as "such as England never had and never again will have."226 Upon learning of More's execution, Emperor Charles V said: "Had we been master of such a servant, we would rather have lost the best city of our dominions than such a worthy councillor."227

G. K. Chesterton, a Roman Catholic convert from the Church of England, predicted More "may come to be counted the greatest Englishman, or at least the greatest historical character in English history."228 He wrote "the mind of More was like a diamond that a tyrant threw away into a ditch, because he could not break it."229

Historian Hugh Trevor-Roper called More "the first great Englishman whom we feel that we know, the most saintly of humanists, the most human of saints, the universal man of our cool northern renaissance."230

Jonathan Swift, an Anglican, wrote that More was "a person of the greatest virtue this kingdom ever produced".231232233 Some consider this quote to be of Samuel Johnson, although it is not found in Johnson's writings.234235 Swift put More in the company of Socrates, Brutus, Epaminondas and Junius.236

The metaphysical poet John Donne, also honoured in their calendar by Anglicans,237 was More's great-great-nephew.238

US Senator Eugene McCarthy had a portrait of More in his office.239 Marxist theoreticians such as Karl Kautsky considered More's Utopia a critique of economic and social exploitation in pre-modern Europe and More is claimed to have influenced the development of socialist ideas.240

In 1963, Moreana, an academic journal focusing on analysis of More and his writings, was founded.241

In 2002, More was placed at number 37 in the BBC's poll of the 100 Greatest Britons.242

Legal

More debated the lawyer and pamphleteer Christopher St. Germain through various books: while agreeing on various issues on equity, More disagreed with secret witnesses, the admissibility of hearsay, and found St Germain's criticism of religious courts superficial or ignorant.243 More and St Germain's views on equity owed in part to the 15th-century humanist theologian, Jean Gerson, who taught that consideration of the individual circumstances should be the norm not the exception.244

Before More, English Lord Chancellors tended to be clerics (with a role as Keeper of the King's Conscience); from More on, they tended to be lawyers.245

A 1999 poll of legal British professionals nominated More as the person who most embodies the virtues of the law needed at the close of the millennium. The virtues were More's views on the primacy of conscience and his role in the practical establishment of the principle of equity in English secular law through the Court of Chancery.246

In literature and popular culture

William Roper's biography of More (his father-in-law) was one of the first biographies in Modern English.

Sir Thomas More is a play written circa 1592 in collaboration between Henry Chettle, Anthony Munday, William Shakespeare, and others, or with multiple script-doctors in view of the dangerous topic. In it More is portrayed as a wise and honest statesman. The original manuscript has survived as a handwritten text that shows many revisions by its several authors, as well as the censorious influence of Edmund Tylney, Master of the Revels in the government of Queen Elizabeth I. The script has since been published and has had several productions.247248 One of the verses in the manuscript in Shakespeare's hand has a small soliloquy249 of More that includes:

... But More, the more that thou hast Either of honour, office, wealth, and calling, Which might accite thee to embrace and hug them, The more do thou e'en serpent's natures think them: Fear their gay skins, with thought of their stings,...

In Europe in the two centuries after his death, there were at least 50 Neo-Latin school plays written about More, performed at Jesuit schools.250

In 1941, the 20th-century British author Elizabeth Goudge (1900–1984) wrote a short story, "The King's Servant", based on the last few years of Thomas More's life, seen through his family, and especially his adopted daughter, Anne Cresacre More.251

The 20th-century agnostic playwright Robert Bolt portrayed Thomas More as the tragic hero of his 1960 play A Man for All Seasons.

More is a man of an angel's wit, and singular learning. I know not his fellow. For where is the man of that gentleness, lowliness and affability? And, as time requireth, a man of marvelous mirth and pastimes, and sometime of as sad gravity. A man for all seasons.252

This passage is derived from an exercise in Robert Whittington's 1520 Latin grammar Vulgaria (which may have some provenance from vir omnium horarum — "man for all hours" — in Erasmus's dedication to More of his 1511 essay Moriae Encomium253254) that called the student to translate:

Moore is a man of an aungel's wyt and synglar lernyng. He is a man of many excellent vertues (yf I shold say as it is) I knowe not his felowe. For where is the man (in whome is so many godly vertues) of yt gentylnes, lowlynes and affabylyte? And, as tyme requyreth, a man of merveylous myrth and pastymes, and somtyme of as sad gravyte, as who say: a man for all seasons.255

In 1966, the play A Man for All Seasons was adapted into a film with the same title. It was directed by Fred Zinnemann and adapted for the screen by the playwright. It stars Paul Scofield, a noted British actor, who said that the part of Sir Thomas More was "the most difficult part I played."256 The film won the Academy Award for Best Picture and Scofield won the Best Actor Oscar. In 1988 Charlton Heston starred in and directed a made-for-television film that restored the character of "the common man" that had been cut from the 1966 film.

In the 1969 film Anne of the Thousand Days, More is portrayed by actor William Squire.

In the 1972 BBC TV series Henry VIII and his Six Wives More was played by Michael Goodliffe.

Catholic science fiction writer R. A. Lafferty wrote his novel Past Master as a modern equivalent to More's Utopia, which he saw as a satire. In this novel, Thomas More travels through time to the year 2535, where he is made king of the world "Astrobe", only to be beheaded after ruling for a mere nine days. One character compares More favourably to almost every other major historical figure: "He had one completely honest moment right at the end. I cannot think of anyone else who ever had one."

Karl Zuchardt's novel, Stirb du Narr! ("Die you fool!"), about More's struggle with King Henry, portrays More as an idealist bound to fail in the power struggle with a ruthless ruler and an unjust world.

In her 2009 novel Wolf Hall, its 2012 sequel Bring Up the Bodies, and the final book of the trilogy, her 2020 The Mirror & the Light, the novelist Hilary Mantel portrays More (from the perspective of a sympathetically portrayed Thomas Cromwell) as an unsympathetic persecutor of Protestants and an ally of the Habsburg empire.

Literary critic James Wood in his book The Broken Estate, a collection of essays, is critical of More and refers to him as "cruel in punishment, evasive in argument, lusty for power, and repressive in politics".257

Aaron S. Zelman's non-fiction book The State Versus the People includes a comparison of Utopia with Plato's Republic. Zelman is undecided as to whether More was being ironic in his book or was genuinely advocating a police state. Zelman comments, "More is the only Christian saint to be honoured with a statue at the Kremlin." By this Zelman implies that Utopia influenced Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks, despite their brutal repression of religion.

Other biographers, such as Peter Ackroyd, have offered a more sympathetic picture of More as both a sophisticated philosopher and man of letters, as well as a zealous Catholic who believed in the authority of the Holy See over Christendom.

The protagonist of Walker Percy's novels, Love in the Ruins and The Thanatos Syndrome, is "Dr Thomas More", a reluctant Catholic and descendant of More.

More is the focus of the Al Stewart song "A Man For All Seasons" from the 1978 album Time Passages, and of the Far song "Sir", featured on the limited editions and 2008 re-release of their 1994 album Quick. In addition, the song "So Says I" by indie rock outfit The Shins alludes to the socialist interpretation of More's Utopia.

Jeremy Northam depicts More in the television series The Tudors as a peaceful man, as well as a devout Roman Catholic and loving family patriarch.258

In David Starkey's 2009 documentary series Henry VIII: The Mind of a Tyrant, More is depicted by Ryan Kiggell.

More is depicted by Andrew Buchan in the television series The Spanish Princess.259

In the years 1968–2007 the University of San Francisco's Gleeson Library Associates awarded the annual Sir Thomas More Medal for Book Collecting to private book collectors of note,260 including Elmer Belt,261 Otto Schaefer,262 Albert Sperisen, John S. Mayfield and Lord Wardington.263

In the 2024 video game, Metaphor: ReFantazio, the narrative focuses on a book depicting a fictional utopia written by a character named More.

Institutions named after More

Main article: List of institutions named after Thomas More

Communism, socialism and anti-communism

Having been praised "as a Communist hero by Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Karl Kautsky" because of the Communist attitude to property in his Utopia,264 under Soviet Communism the name of Thomas More was in ninth position from the top of Moscow's Stele of Freedom (also known as the Obelisk of Revolutionary Thinkers),265 as one of the most influential thinkers "who promoted the liberation of humankind from oppression, arbitrariness, and exploitation."266 This monument was erected in 1918 in Aleksandrovsky Garden near the Kremlin at Lenin's suggestion.267268269

The Great Soviet Encyclopedia's English translation (1979) described More as "the founder of Utopian socialism", the first person "to describe a society in which private property ... had been abolished" (a society in which the family was "a cell for the communist way of life"), and a thinker who "did not believe that the ideal society would be achieved through revolution", but who "greatly influenced reformers of subsequent centuries, especially Morelly, G. Babeuf, Saint-Simon, C. Fourier, E. Cabet, and other representatives of Utopian socialism."270

Utopia also inspired socialists such as William Morris.271

Many see More's communism or socialism as purely satirical.272273 In 1888, while praising More's communism, Karl Kautsky pointed out that "perplexed" historians and economists often saw the name Utopia (which means "no place") as "a subtle hint by More that he himself regarded his communism as an impracticable dream".274

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, the Russian Nobel Prize-winning, anti-Communist author of The Gulag Archipelago, argued that Soviet communism needed enslavement and forced labour to survive, and that this had been " ...foreseen as far back as Thomas More, the great-grandfather of socialism, in his Utopia".275

In 2008, More was portrayed on stage in Hong Kong as an allegorical symbol of the pan-democracy camp resisting the Chinese Communist Party in a translated and modified version of Robert Bolt's play A Man for All Seasons.276

Historic sites

Westminster Hall

A plaque in the middle of the floor of London's Westminster Hall commemorates More's trial for treason and condemnation to execution in that original part of the Palace of Westminster.277 The building, which houses Parliament, would have been well known to More, who served several terms as a member and became Speaker of the House of Commons before his appointment as England's Lord Chancellor.

Beaufort House

Main article: Beaufort House (Chelsea)

As More's royal duties frequently required his attendance at the King's Thames-side palaces in both Richmond and Greenwich, it was convenient to select a riverside property situated between them (the common method of transport being by boat) for his home. In about 1520 he purchased a parcel of land comprising "undisturbed wood and pasture", stretching from the Thames in Chelsea to the present-day King's Road. There he caused to be built a dignified red-brick mansion (known simply as More's house or Chelsea House) in which he lived until his arrest in 1534. In the bawdy poem The Twelve Mery Jestes of Wyddow Edyth, written in 1525 by a member of More's household (or even by More himself) using the pseudonym of "Walter Smith", the widow arrives by boat at "Chelsay...where she had best cheare of all/in the house of Syr Thomas More."278

Upon More's arrest the estate was confiscated, coming into the possession of the Comptroller of the Royal Household, William Paulet.

In 1682, the property was renamed Beaufort House after 1st Duke of Beaufort, a new owner.279

Crosby Hall

Main article: Crosby Hall, London § Tudor period

In June 1523 More bought the "very large and beautiful" Crosby Place (Crosby Hall) in Bishopsgate, London, but this was not a simple transaction: eight months later he sold the property (never having lived there) at a considerable profit to his friend and business partner Antonio Bonvisi who, in turn, leased it back to More's son-in-law William Roper and nephew William Rastell; possibly this was an agreed means of dealing with a debt between More and Bonvisi. Because of this the Crown did not confiscate the property after More's execution.280281282

Chelsea Old Church

Main article: Chelsea Old Church § 16th century and Sir Thomas More

Across a small park and Old Church Street from Crosby Hall is Chelsea Old Church, an Anglican church whose southern chapel More commissioned and in which he sang with the parish choir. Except for his chapel, the church was largely destroyed in the Second World War and rebuilt in 1958.283 The capitals on the medieval arch connecting the chapel to the main sanctuary display symbols associated with More and his office. On the southern wall of the sanctuary is the tomb and epitaph he erected for himself and his wives, detailing his ancestry and accomplishments in Latin, including his role as peacemaker between the various Christian European states as well as a curiously altered portion about his curbing heresy. When More served Mass, he would leave by the door just to the left of it. He is not, however, buried here, nor is it entirely certain which of his family may be. It is open to the public at specific times. Outside the church, facing the River Thames, is a statue by British Sculptor, Leslie Cubitt Bevis erected in 1969, commemorating More as "saint", "scholar", and "statesman"; the back displays his coat-of-arms. Nearby, on Upper Cheyne Row, the Roman Catholic Church of Our Most Holy Redeemer & St. Thomas More honours the martyr.

Tower Hill

A plaque and small garden commemorate the famed execution site on Tower Hill, London, just outside the Tower of London, as well as all those executed there, many as religious martyrs or as prisoners of conscience.284 More's corpse, minus his head, was unceremoniously buried in an unmarked mass grave beneath the Royal Chapel of St. Peter Ad Vincula, within the walls of the Tower of London, as was the custom for traitors executed at Tower Hill. The chapel is accessible to Tower visitors.

St Katharine Docks

Thomas More is commemorated by a stone plaque near St Katharine Docks, just east of the Tower where he was executed. The street in which it is situated was formerly called Nightingale Lane, a corruption of "Knighten Guild", derived from the original owners of the land. It is now renamed Thomas More Street in his honour.285

St Dunstan's Church and Roper House, Canterbury

St Dunstan's Church, an Anglican parish church in Canterbury, possesses More's head, rescued by his daughter Margaret Roper, whose family lived in Canterbury down and across the street from their parish church. A stone immediately to the left of the altar marks the sealed Roper family vault beneath the Nicholas Chapel, itself to the right of the church's sanctuary or main altar. St Dunstan's Church has carefully investigated, preserved and sealed this burial vault. The last archaeological investigation revealed that the suspected head of More rests in a niche separate from the other bodies, possibly from later interference.286 Displays in the chapel record the archaeological findings in pictures and narratives. Roman Catholics donated stained glass to commemorate the events in More's life. A small plaque marks the former home of William and Margaret Roper; another house nearby and entitled Roper House is now a home for deaf people.

Works

Note: The reference "CW" is to the relevant volume of the Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More (New Haven and London 1963–1997)

Published during More's life (with dates of publication)

  • A Merry Jest (c. 1516) (CW 1)
  • Utopia (1516) (CW 4)
  • Epigrammata or Latin Poems (1518, 1520) (CW 3, Pt.2)
  • Letter to Brixius (1520) (CW 3, Pt. 2, App C)
  • Responsio ad Lutherum (The Answer to Luther, 1523) (CW 5)
  • A Dialogue Concerning Heresies (1529, 1530) (CW 6)
  • Supplication of Souls (1529) (CW 7)
  • Letter Against Frith (1532) (CW 7) pdf Archived 25 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine
  • The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer (1532, 1533) (CW 8) Books 1–4, Books 5–9 Archived 9 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine
  • Apology (1533) (CW 9)
  • Debellation of Salem and Bizance (1533) (CW 10) pdf Archived 9 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine
  • The Answer to a Poisoned Book (1533) (CW 11) pdf Archived 9 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine

Published after More's death (with likely dates of composition)

Translations

  • Translations of Lucian (many dates 1506–1534) (CW 3, Pt.1)
  • The Life of Pico della Mirandola, by Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola (c. 1510) (CW 1)

Media portrayals

Notes

Sources

Biographies

Historiography

  • Gushurst-Moore, André (2004), "A Man for All Eras: Recent Books on Thomas More", Political Science Reviewer, 33: 90–143.
  • Guy, John (2000), "The Search for the Historical Thomas More", History Review: 15+
  • Miles, Leland. "Persecution and the Dialogue of Comfort: A Fresh Look at the Charges against Thomas More." Journal of British Studies, vol. 5, no. 1, 1965, pp. 19–30. online

Primary sources

  • More, Thomas (1947), Rogers, Elizabeth (ed.), The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More, Princeton University Press.
  • ——— (1963–1997), Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More, Yale University Press.
  • ——— (2001), da Silva, Álvaro (ed.), The Last Letters of Thomas More.
  • ——— (2003), Thornton, John F (ed.), Saint Thomas More: Selected Writings.
  • ——— (2004), Wegemer, Gerald B; Smith, Stephen W (eds.), A Thomas More Source Book, Catholic University of America Press.
  • ——— (2010), Logan, George M; Adams, Robert M (eds.), Utopia, Critical Editions (3rd ed.), Norton.
  • Saints portal
  • Biography portal
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References

  1. "St. Thomas More". savior.org. Retrieved 29 May 2024. https://www.savior.org/saints/saint-thomas-more/ ↩

  2. Glenn, Garrard (1 January 1941). "St. Thomas More As Judge and lawyer". Fordham Law Review. 10 (2): 187. https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol10/iss2/2/ ↩

  3. Kristeller, Paul Oskar (1980). "Thomas More as a renaissance humanist". Moreana. 17 (Number 65-6 (1–2): 5–22. doi:10.3366/more.1980.17.1-2.3. ISSN 0047-8105. https://doi.org/10.3366/more.1980.17.1-2.3 ↩

  4. Linder, Douglas O. "The Trial of Sir Thomas More: A Chronology". University Of Missouri-Kansas City (UMKC) School Of Law. http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/more/morechrono.html ↩

  5. King, Margaret L. (2014). Renaissance Humanism: An Anthology of Sources. Hackett Publishing. p. 157. ISBN 978-1-62466-146-4. 978-1-62466-146-4 ↩

  6. "Homily at the Canonization of St. Thomas More". The Center for Thomas More Studies at the University of Dallas. 2010. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 14 April 2012. Recorded in The Tablet, June 1, 1935, pp. 694–695. https://web.archive.org/web/20160304125607/http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/rep_canonization.html ↩

  7. Apostolic letter issued motu proprio proclaiming Saint Thomas More Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 31 October 2000 Vatican.va /wiki/Ecclesiastical_letter#Letters_of_the_popes_in_modern_times ↩

  8. Jubilee of parliament and government members, proclamation of Saint Thomas More as patron of statesmen vatican.va https://www.vatican.va/jubilee_2000/jubilevents/jub_jubilparlgov_20001026_thomas-more_en.html#BIOGRAPHY ↩

  9. "Holy Days". Worship – The Calendar. Church of England. 2011. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 20 April 2011. https://web.archive.org/web/20181225084824/https://www.churchofengland.org/prayer-and-worship/join-us-daily-prayer ↩

  10. Apostolic letter issued motu proprio proclaiming Saint Thomas More Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 31 October 2000 Vatican.va /wiki/Ecclesiastical_letter#Letters_of_the_popes_in_modern_times ↩

  11. Jokinen, A. (13 June 2009). "The Life of Sir Thomas More." Luminarium. Retrieved 19 September 2011. http://www.luminarium.org/renlit/morebio.htm ↩

  12. Glenn, Garrard (1 January 1941). "St. Thomas More As Judge and lawyer". Fordham Law Review. 10 (2): 187. https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol10/iss2/2/ ↩

  13. House 2008, More, Sir Thomas. - House, Seymour B. (2008) [2004]. "More, Thomas". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/19191. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fref%3Aodnb%2F19191 ↩

  14. Wood, Martin (18 November 2008). "The Family and Descendants of Sir Thomas More" (PDF). Thomas More Studies. https://thomasmorestudies.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Descendants_John.pdf ↩

  15. Paul, Joanne (July 2024). "The Mystery of Thomas More's Birthplace". History Today. 74 (7). https://www.historytoday.com/archive/history-matters/mystery-thomas-mores-birthplace ↩

  16. "Sir Thomas More". The Biography Channel website. 2014. Retrieved 30 January 2014. http://www.biography.com/people/thomas-more-9414278 ↩

  17. "Thomas More: Always a Londoner". tudortimes.co.uk. 24 September 2016. Retrieved 1 May 2019. http://tudortimes.co.uk/people/thomas-more-always-a-londoner ↩

  18. Rebhorn, Wayne A, ed. (2005). "Introduction". Utopia. Classics. New York: Barnes & Noble.. ↩

  19. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  20. Rebhorn, Wayne A, ed. (2005). "Introduction". Utopia. Classics. New York: Barnes & Noble.. ↩

  21. Harpsfield, Nicholas (1931). The Life and Death of Sr Thomas More. London: Early English Text Society. pp. 12–3. ↩

  22. Rebhorn, Wayne A, ed. (2005). "Introduction". Utopia. Classics. New York: Barnes & Noble.. ↩

  23. Sylvester, Richard S. (1963). "The "Man for All Seasons" Again: Robert Whittington's Verses to Sir Thomas More". Huntington Library Quarterly. 26 (2): 147–154. doi:10.2307/3816811. ISSN 0018-7895. JSTOR 3816811. (modernized puntuation) https://www.jstor.org/stable/3816811 ↩

  24. More, Sir Thomas (10 December 2018). Delphi Collected Works of Sir Thomas More (Illustrated). Delphi Classics. ISBN 978-1-78877-995-1. Retrieved 28 August 2023. 978-1-78877-995-1 ↩

  25. Seebohm, Frederic (1869). The Oxford Reformers. John Colet, Erasmus and Thomas More (3rd ed.). Longmans, Green and Co. https://reformationchurch.org.uk/book_oxford-reformers_seebohm.php ↩

  26. Erasmus, Desiderius (1991). "Letter to Ulrich von Hutten". In Adams, Robert M. (ed.). Utopia. New York: WW Norton & Co. p. 125. ISBN 9780393961454. 9780393961454 ↩

  27. "Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten" (PDF). The Center for Thomas More Studies. Biographical Accounts: Erasmus' Letters about More. https://thomasmorestudies.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Erasmus-to-Ulrich-von-Hutten.pdf ↩

  28. Rebhorn, Wayne A, ed. (2005). "Introduction". Utopia. Classics. New York: Barnes & Noble.. ↩

  29. Rebhorn, Wayne A, ed. (2005). "Introduction". Utopia. Classics. New York: Barnes & Noble.. ↩

  30. "Franciscan Calendar". Tau Cross Region of the Secular Franciscan Order. Archived from the original on 5 May 2013. https://web.archive.org/web/20130505201117/http://www.taucrossregion.org/calendarfranciscansaints.htm ↩

  31. Pattison, Mark (1911). "More, Sir Thomas" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 824. /wiki/Mark_Pattison_(academic) ↩

  32. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  33. Wood, Alexander (1874). Ecclesiastical Antiquities of London and Its Suburbs. London: Burns & Oates. pp. 105–6. OCLC 18479600. /wiki/Burns_%26_Oates ↩

  34. Reynolds, Ernest E. (1968). The field is won; the life and death of Saint Thomas More. Milwaukee: Bruce Pub. Co. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-223-97628-3. 978-0-223-97628-3 ↩

  35. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  36. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  37. Wegemer, Gerard B. (1995). Thomas More: A Portrait of Courage. Scepter Publishing. ↩

  38. Wagner, John A.; Walters Schmid, Susan (2011). Encyclopedia of Tudor England. ABC-CLIO. pp. 769–770. ISBN 978-1-59884-299-9. 978-1-59884-299-9 ↩

  39. Maddison, The Rev. Canon, ed. (1903). Lincolnshire Pedigrees. London: Harleian Society. p. 5. ↩

  40. Wegemer, Gerard B. (1995). Thomas More: A Portrait of Courage. Scepter Publishing. ↩

  41. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  42. Giggs died on the 35th anniversary of More's execution, and her daughter would go on to marry More's nephew William Rastell. /wiki/William_Rastell ↩

  43. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  44. More, Thomas (1961). Rogers, Elizabeth Frances (ed.). Selected Letters. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.. https://archive.org/details/utopia00lumbgoog ↩

  45. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  46. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  47. More, Thomas (1961). Rogers, Elizabeth Frances (ed.). Selected Letters. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.. https://archive.org/details/utopia00lumbgoog ↩

  48. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  49. Erasmus wrote about this monkey in his Colloquy Amicitia. /wiki/Colloquies#Amicitia_(Friendship) ↩

  50. Bryan, John (January 2011). "Extended Play: Reflections of Heinrich Isaac's Music in Early Tudor England". The Journal of Musicology. 28 (1): 118–141. doi:10.1525/jm.2011.28.1.118. ISSN 0277-9269. S2CID 18594216. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/10511/ ↩

  51. "Sir Thomas More's first wife was instructed 'in learning and every kind of music'; his second wife, in middle age, was induced 'to learn to play apon the gittern, the lute, the clavichord and the recorders.'" Stevens, John (1961). Music & Poetry in the Early Tudor Court. CUP Archive., p 276 https://books.google.com/books?id=Mos4AAAAIAAJ ↩

  52. Victorian biographer Seebohm commented "Along with great intellectual gifts was combined in the young student (More) a gentle and loving disposition, which threw itself into the bosom of a friend with so guileless and pure an affection, that when men came under the power of its unconscious enchantment they literally fell in love with More."[22] ↩

  53. Baker-Smith, Dominic (May 2010). "Erasmus and More: A Friendship Revisited". Recusant History. 30 (1): 7–25. doi:10.1017/S0034193200012607. S2CID 164968766. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  54. "More held that the experience of friendship is a partial anticipation of the secure friendship of heaven, where we may hope that all will "be merry together"—not just our friends in this life but our enemies too." McEvoy, James (2006). "The Theory of Friendship in Erasmus and Thomas More". American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly. 80 (2): 227–252. doi:10.5840/acpq200680243. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  55. "Brethren of the Christian humanist life, Christian History Magazine". Christian History Institute. Retrieved 29 July 2023. https://christianhistoryinstitute.org/magazine/article/ch-145-thomas-more-and-erasmus ↩

  56. Baker-Smith, Dominic (May 2010). "Erasmus and More: A Friendship Revisited". Recusant History. 30 (1): 7–25. doi:10.1017/S0034193200012607. S2CID 164968766. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  57. Translated by R.A.B. Mynors & D.F.S. Thomson. ↩

  58. Translated by Gerald Malsbary & Mary Taneyhill. ↩

  59. Erasmus to John Faber (later Bishop of Vienna), 1532 ↩

  60. Erasmus to Conrad Goclenius (Chair of Latin, Louvain), 2 September 1535 ↩

  61. Scheck, Thomas P. (June 2021). "Thomas More: First and Best Apologist for Erasmus". Moreana. 58 (1): 75–111. doi:10.3366/more.2021.0093. S2CID 236358666. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  62. "History of Parliament". History of Parliament Trust. Retrieved 13 October 2011. http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1509-1558/member/more-thomas-i-147778-1535 ↩

  63. Richard S. Sylvester & Davis P. Harding, Two Early Tudor Lives (Yale, 1962), pp. xvi, 199. ↩

  64. Ackroyd (1999) p. 106. Ackroyd, however, regards the tale as "less than plausible". ↩

  65. Pattison, Mark (1911). "More, Sir Thomas" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 824. /wiki/Mark_Pattison_(academic) ↩

  66. Krivatsy, Peter (1973). "Erasmus' Medical Milieu". Bulletin of the History of Medicine. 47 (2): 121. ISSN 0007-5140. JSTOR 44447526. PMID 4584234. Retrieved 28 July 2023. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44447526 ↩

  67. Magnusson (ed.) Chambers Biographical Dictionary (1990) p. 1039 ↩

  68. Rebhorn, W. A. (ed.) p. xviii ↩

  69. Rebhorn, W. A. (ed.) p. xviii ↩

  70. Guy, J. A. (1976). "Wolsey, the Council and the Council Courts". The English Historical Review. 91 (360): 481–505. doi:10.1093/ehr/XCI.CCCLX.481. ISSN 0013-8266. JSTOR 566623. https://www.jstor.org/stable/566623 ↩

  71. Rebhorn, W. A. (ed.) p. xviii ↩

  72. Rebhorn, W. A. (ed.) p. xviii ↩

  73. Pollard, A. F. (1922). "Council, Star Chamber, and Privy Council under the Tudors: II. The Star Chamber". The English Historical Review. 37 (148): 516–539. doi:10.1093/ehr/XXXVII.CXLVIII.516. ISSN 0013-8266. JSTOR 552200. https://www.jstor.org/stable/552200 ↩

  74. Krivatsy, Peter (1973). "Erasmus' Medical Milieu". Bulletin of the History of Medicine. 47 (2): 121. ISSN 0007-5140. JSTOR 44447526. PMID 4584234. Retrieved 28 July 2023. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44447526 ↩

  75. Howard, George Elliott (1901). Review of A Study of the Court of Star Chamber. pp. 775–777. JSTOR 1834183. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1834183 ↩

  76. It seems this court could affirm a conviction that carried the death penalty, but not impose it. Snell, Melissa. "English Court of Star Chamber: A Brief History". ThoughtCo. Retrieved 16 October 2023. https://www.thoughtco.com/court-of-star-chamber-1789073 ↩

  77. Gerard B. Wegemer, Portrait of Courage, p. 136. ↩

  78. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  79. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  80. Colvin, Ian Duncan (1915). The Germans in England, 1066–1598. London: "The National Review" Office. ↩

  81. Mueller & Loewenstein 2002, p. 93, (footnote 36). - Mueller, Janel; Loewenstein, David, eds. (2002). The Cambridge History of Early Modern English Literature. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-63156-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=J90cWIBoAPcC&pg=PA93 ↩

  82. Chuilleanáin, Eiléan Ní (July 1988). "The Debate Between Thomas More and William Tyndale, 1528–33: Ideas on Literature and Religion". The Journal of Ecclesiastical History. 39 (3): 382–411. doi:10.1017/S0022046900038392. S2CID 163326083. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  83. "Words "Fitly Spoken": Tyndale's English Translation of the Bible | Religious Studies Center". rsc.byu.edu. Retrieved 30 July 2023. https://rsc.byu.edu/prelude-restoration/words-fitly-spoken-tyndales-english-translation-bible ↩

  84. Hiscock & Wilcox 2017, p. 547. - Hiscock, Andrew; Wilcox, Helen, eds. (2017). The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern English Literature and Religion. Oxford: University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-165342-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=HCwpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA547 ↩

  85. "William Tyndale's Concept of the Church | Christian Library". www.christianstudylibrary.org. Retrieved 30 July 2023. https://www.christianstudylibrary.org/article/william-tyndales-concept-church ↩

  86. Collinson, Patrick (January 1996). "William Tyndale and the Course of the English Reformation". Reformation. 1 (1): 72–97. doi:10.1179/ref_1996_1_1_007. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  87. Moynahan 2014. - Moynahan, Brian (2014). God's Bestseller: William Tyndale, Thomas More, and the Writing of the English Bible – A Story of Martyrdom and Betrayal. St. Martin's Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-4668-6650-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=RgrHAgAAQBAJ ↩

  88. Scheck, Thomas P. (June 2021). "Thomas More: First and Best Apologist for Erasmus". Moreana. 58 (1): 75–111. doi:10.3366/more.2021.0093. S2CID 236358666. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  89. Schuster (Ed), L.A.; Marius (Ed), R.C. (173). Thomas More, The Complete Works of St Thomas More, vol. 8, ed. L. A. Schuster, R. C. Marius and J. P. Lusardi. New Haven, CT. p. 177. ↩

  90. Louis Martz points out that More's repeated references to Erasmus as "darling" was his retort to Tyndale's mocking use of the word, being an adroit example of the rhetorical technique of repetition, culminating in the quip that, unlike Erasmus, Tyndale could never be his darling: Martz, Louis L. (1990). Thomas More: the search for the inner man. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. pp. 36–37. ISBN 9780300056686. 9780300056686 ↩

  91. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. xiv–xvi. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  92. Tanner, Joseph Robson, ed. (1922). Tudor Constitutional Documents: A. D. 1485–1603. CUP Archive. p. 17. Retrieved 15 June 2021. https://books.google.com/books?id=Q9o8AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA17 ↩

  93. Gerard Wegemer (1995). Thomas More: A Portrait of Courage. Scepter Publishers. p. xiv. ISBN 1-889334-12-X. 1-889334-12-X ↩

  94. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. xiv–xvi. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  95. Thomas More (2010). Utopia. Translated by G.C. Richards, William P. Weaver. Broadview Press. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-1-4604-0211-5. 978-1-4604-0211-5 ↩

  96. Daniel Eppley (2016). Defending Royal Supremacy and Discerning God's Will in Tudor England. Routledge. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-351-94579-0. 978-1-351-94579-0 ↩

  97. George M. Logan, ed. (2011). The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More. Cambridge University Press. p. 116. ISBN 978-1-139-82848-2. 978-1-139-82848-2 ↩

  98. Rist, Rebecca (12 February 2015). "A Historical Perspective on "Wolf Hall": Thomas Cromwell and Thomas More Revisited". Reading History. Retrieved 2 December 2024. https://unireadinghistory.com/2015/02/12/a-historical-perspective-on-wolf-hall-thomas-cromwell-and-thomas-more-revisited/ ↩

  99. The intertwining of sedition and heresy can be seen in Henry VIII's pronouncement about the Lutherans' heresy "tending principally and chiefly to the withdrawing of the obedience of the Church of Rome, and also of the governance, regyment and supreme dignity of Princes and all nobility." Luther's attacks on German princes were evidence of the seditious nature of his doctrine. Baker House, Seymour (December 2022). "Richard Rex, ed., Henry VIII and Martin Luther: The Second Controversy, 1525–1527". Moreana. 59 (2): 254–269. doi:10.3366/more.2022.0130. S2CID 254358434. Even 150 years later, "one of the assumptions that John Locke had to deal with in arguing for religious tolerance was that religious assemblies other than those sponsored by the established church invariably gave rise to sedition" Manning, Roger B. (1980). "The Origins of the Doctrine of Sedition". Albion. 12 (2): 99–121. doi:10.2307/4048812. JSTOR 4048812. /wiki/Henry_VIII ↩

  100. Potter, R. "Documents on the changing status of the English Vernacular, 1500–1540". RIC. Retrieved 11 March 2008. http://www.ric.edu/faculty/rpotter/statutes.html ↩

  101. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  102. There were a succession of policies towards heretics, from the Wolsey/John Fisher approach of persuasion, the 1529–1531 William Warham approach of reform and counter-propaganda, to More's brief approach of capital punishment of key networkers, to the subsequent Tudor policy of torture and terror. See D'Alton, Craig (1 August 2004). "William Warham and English heresy policy after the fall of Wolsey". Historical Research. 77 (197): 337–357. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00213.x. p.345 /wiki/Wolsey ↩

  103. Hanson, Elizabeth (1991). "Torture and Truth in Renaissance England". Representations (34): 53–84. doi:10.2307/2928770. ISSN 0734-6018. JSTOR 2928770. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2928770 ↩

  104. Rex, Richard (2011). Logan, George M. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More. Cambridge University Press. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-139-82848-2. 978-1-139-82848-2 ↩

  105. Farris, Michael (2007). From Tyndale to Madison. Nashville, Tennessee: B & H Publishing Group. ISBN 9780805426113. 9780805426113 ↩

  106. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  107. "Serious analysis precludes the repetition of protestant stories that Sir Thomas flogged heretics against a tree in his garden at Chelsea. It must exclude, too, the accusations of illegal imprisonment made against More by John Field and Thomas Phillips. Much vaunted by J.A. Froude, such charges are unsupported by independent proof. More indeed answered them in his Apology with emphatic denial. None has ever been substantiated, and we may hope that they were all untrue." Guy, John; More, Thomas (1980). The public career of Sir Thomas More. Brighton, Sussex: Harvester Pr. ISBN 085527963X. 085527963X ↩

  108. "[More] [...] turned to waging implacable war on enemies of the Church whom he could crush without inhibition. [...] He had a positive relish for burning heretics. [...] Claims [...] that he personally tortured heretics have no evidence to back them up. MacCulloch, Diarmaid (27 September 2018). Thomas Cromwell: a life. Penguin Books. pp. 160–62. ISBN 978-1-84614-429-5. 978-1-84614-429-5 ↩

  109. Marius suggests that the rumours of More's cruelty started with renegade priest John Constantine, who was arrested, betrayed Bayfield, and escaped from More's house to stay with a friend in Antwerp who he also later betrayed. p.404 ↩

  110. I.e., "their sure-keeping" ↩

  111. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  112. Marius, Richard (1999). Thomas More: A Biography, Harvard University Press ↩

  113. Guy, John A. Tudor England Oxford, 1988. p 26 ↩

  114. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  115. Richard Marius (1999). Thomas More: A Biography. Harvard University Press. p. 406. ISBN 0-674-88525-2. 0-674-88525-2 ↩

  116. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  117. Maitland, Frederic William (1911). The Constitutional History of England: A Course of Lectures. Cambridge: University Press. https://books.google.com/books?id=211LvgAACAAJ ↩

  118. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  119. Daniell, David, ed. (1995). Tyndale's New Testament. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. p. xxix. ISBN 0-300-06580-9. [More] [...] with the new Bishop of London, burned John Tewkesbury, Richard Bayfield and James Bainham for the heresy of not renouncing what Tyndale had written. 0-300-06580-9 ↩

  120. More, Thomas (1973). Schuster, LA; Marius, RC; Lusardi, JP; Schoeck, RJ (eds.). The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer. Complete Works. Vol. 8. Yale. p. 20. ↩

  121. Ackroyd, Peter (1999). The Life of Thomas More. New York: Anchor Books.. ↩

  122. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  123. Moynahan, Brian (2002). If God spare my life: William Tyndale, the English Bible and Sir Thomas More—a story of martyrdom and betrayal. London: Little, Brown. pp. 325–328, 340. ISBN 0-316-86092-1. 0-316-86092-1 ↩

  124. Peter Ackroyd (1998). The Life of Thomas More. Chatto & Windus. p. 244. ISBN 1-85619-711-5. (Chapter 22) [...] Already, in these early days of English heresy, he was thinking of the fire. It is a measure of his alarm at the erosion of the traditional order that he should, in this letter, compose a defence of scholastic theology—the same scholasticism which in his younger days he had treated with derision. This was no longer a time for questioning, or innovation, or uncertainty, of any kind. He blamed Luther for the Peasants' Revolt in Germany, and maintained that all its havoc and destruction were the direct result of Luther's challenge to the authority of the Church; under the pretext of 'libertas' Luther preached 'licentia' which had in turn led to rape, sacrilege, bloodshed, fire and ruin. (Online citation here) Archived 27 September 2018 at the Wayback Machine 1-85619-711-5 ↩

  125. Joanne Paul (2016). Thomas More. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-7456-9220-3. Princes were 'driven by necessity' by the 'importune malice of heretics raising rebellions' to set 'sorer and sorer punishments thereunto' (CTA, 956). In other words, the heretics had started it: 'the Catholic Church did never persecute heretics by any temporal pain or any secular power until the heretics began such violence themself' (CTA, 954). More had in mind violent conflicts on the continent, such as the German Peasants' War (1524–5) and the Münster Rebellion (1532–5).[page needed] (CTA=Confutation of Tyndale's Answer) 978-0-7456-9220-3 ↩

  126. "...civil chaos will surely follow" (691–93). This prediction seemed to come true very quickly, as More noted in his next polemical work, A dialogue Concerning Heresies. There he argued that the Peasants' Revolt in Germany (1525), the Lutheran mercenaries' sack of Rome (1527), and the growing unrest in England all stemmed from Luther's inflammatory teachings and especially the lure of false freedom (Wegemer 1996, p. 173). - Wegemer, Gerard (1996). Thomas More on Statesmanship. Catholic University of America Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0836-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=RazaAAAAMAAJ ↩

  127. Wegemer, Gerard (31 October 2001). "Thomas More as statesman" (PDF). The Center for Thomas More Studies. p. 8. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 March 2017. Retrieved 27 September 2018. In the Peasants' Revolt in Germany in 1525, More pointed out, 70,000 German peasants were slaughtered – and More, along with Erasmus and many others, considered Luther to be largely responsible for that wildfire. /wiki/Gerard_Wegemer ↩

  128. Marius, Richard (1999). Thomas More: A Biography, Harvard University Press ↩

  129. Rex, Richard (27 January 2011). "Thomas More and the heretics: statesman or fanatic?". The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More: 93–115. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521888622.006. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  130. Wood, James (16 April 1998). "The Great Dissembler". London Review of Books. 20 (8). ISSN 0260-9592. https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v20/n08/james-wood/the-great-dissembler ↩

  131. Apostolic letter issued motu proprio proclaiming Saint Thomas More Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 31 October 2000 Vatican.va /wiki/Ecclesiastical_letter#Letters_of_the_popes_in_modern_times ↩

  132. Speech to St Thomas More Society, 1997 https://www.michaelkirby.com.au/images/stories/speeches/1990s/vol40/1997/1444-Thomas_More%2C_Martin_Luther_and_the_Judiciary_Today_%28St_Thomas_More_Society%29.doc ↩

  133. Ives, Eric W (2004), The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn, p. 47, [More wrote on the subject of the Boleyn marriage that] [I] neither murmur at it nor dispute upon it, nor never did nor will. [...] I faithfully pray to God for his Grace and hers both long to live and well, and their noble issue too... /wiki/Eric_Ives ↩

  134. David Knowles (1979). The Religious Orders in England. Vol. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 188–189. ISBN 0-521-29568-8. 0-521-29568-8 ↩

  135. Patricia Crawford (2014). Women and Religion in England: 1500–1720. Routledge. p. 29. ISBN 978-1-136-09756-0. 978-1-136-09756-0 ↩

  136. Peter Ackroyd (2012). The Life of Thomas More. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 342. ISBN 978-0-307-82301-4. 978-0-307-82301-4 ↩

  137. Lee, Sidney (1904). Great Englishmen of the Sixteenth Century. London: Archibald Constable, Limited. p. 48. https://archive.org/details/greatenglishmen00leegoog ↩

  138. In March 1534, the First Succession Act passed parliament, "investing Henry VIII with the power to "visit, redress, reform, correct or amend all errors, heresies and enormities;" to define faith; and to appoint bishops. This law also directed the monies which had previously been paid to Rome to the King's coffers. The Treason Act 1534 (26 Hen. 8. c. 13) passed in the same month among other things made it treasonable to deny the King's role as Supreme Head of the Church.' "St. Thomas More". Catholic Encyclopaedia. /wiki/First_Succession_Act ↩

  139. George M. Logan, ed. (2011). The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More. Cambridge University Press. p. 122. ISBN 978-1-139-82848-2. 978-1-139-82848-2 ↩

  140. Elton, Geoffrey Rudolph (1982). "The Crown". The Tudor constitution: documents and commentary (2nd ed.). Cambridge, Cambridgeshire: Cambridge University Press. p. 7. ISBN 0-521-24506-0. OCLC 7876927. Retrieved 24 July 2009. 0-521-24506-0 ↩

  141. Gerard Wegemer; Stephen W. Smith, eds. (2004). A Thomas More Source Book. The Catholic University of America Press. p. 305. ISBN 0-8132-1376-2. 0-8132-1376-2 ↩

  142. Lawrence Wilde (2016). Thomas More's Utopia: Arguing for Social Justice. Routledge. pp. 112–113. ISBN 978-1-317-28137-5. 978-1-317-28137-5 ↩

  143. Thomas More (2010). Utopia. Translated by G.C. Richards, William P. Weaver. Broadview Press. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-1-4604-0211-5. 978-1-4604-0211-5 ↩

  144. G. R. Elton (1985). Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell. CUP Archive. p. 223. ISBN 0-521-31309-0. 0-521-31309-0 ↩

  145. The Twentieth Century, Volume 30, Nineteenth Century and After, 1891, p. 556 https://books.google.com/books?id=Z0c-AQAAMAAJ&q=thomas+more+oath+of+succession+not+agreeable&pg=PA556 ↩

  146. "Review of Book: St Thomas More's History of the Passion". The Downside Review. 60 (2): 230–232. April 1942. doi:10.1177/001258064206000211. S2CID 220418917. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  147. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. xiv–xvi. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  148. John A. Wagner (2015). Voices of the Reformation: Contemporary Accounts of Daily Life. ABC-CLIO. p. 170. ISBN 978-1-61069-680-7. 978-1-61069-680-7 ↩

  149. "Annotated original text". November 2017. http://home.freeuk.net/don-aitken/ast/h8a.html#149 ↩

  150. Ackroyd (1998) p383 ↩

  151. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. p. 189. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  152. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. p. 22. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  153. Hadfield, Andrew (2017). Lying in early modern English culture: from the Oath of supremacy to the Oath of allegiance. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 36–38. ISBN 9780192844804. 9780192844804 ↩

  154. "The Trial and Execution of Sir Thomas More". law2.umkc.edu. http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/more/moretrialreport.html ↩

  155. Henry Ansgar Kelly; Louis W. Karlin; Gerard Wegemer, eds. (2011). Thomas More's Trial by Jury: A Procedural and Legal Review with a Collection of Documents. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. pp. xiv–xvi. ISBN 978-1-84383-629-2. 978-1-84383-629-2 ↩

  156. Anne Manning; Edmund Lodge (1852). The Household of Sir Thomas More. C. Scribner. p. xiii. thomas more sentenced hanged, drawn and quartered. https://archive.org/details/householdsirtho00manngoog ↩

  157. MacFarlane, Charles; Thomson, Thomas (1876). The comprehensive history of England, from the earliest period to the suppression of the Sepoy revolt. Blackie and Son. p. 798. /wiki/Charles_Macfarlane ↩

  158. Bridgett, Thomas Edward (1891). Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More: Lord Chancellor of England and Martyr Under Henry VIII (3 ed.). Burns & Oates. p. 434. /wiki/Thomas_Edward_Bridgett ↩

  159. Elizabeth M. Knowles, ed. (1999). The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations. Oxford University Press. p. 531. ISBN 0-19-860173-5. 0-19-860173-5 ↩

  160. "Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January–July 1535". British History Online. University of London. Retrieved 26 June 2022. This is a translation from the archives of Michel de Castelnau, a later French ambassador to England, of an anonymous French eyewitness: Wegemer, Smith (2004), page 357, provides the original text in French: "[...]qu'il mouroit son bon serviteur et de Dieu premièrement.". https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol8/pp379-402#anchorn13 ↩

  161. Scott W. Hahn; David Scott, eds. (2009). Liturgy and Empire: Faith in Exile and Political Theology. Emmaus Road Publishing. p. 73. ISBN 978-1-931018-56-2. I die the king's good servant, but God's first." Footnote 133: "This phrase from Robert Bolt's play 'A Man for All Seasons' [...] is an adjustment of More's actual last words: 'I die the king's good servant, and God's first.' 978-1-931018-56-2 ↩

  162. Kerry McCarthy (2008). Liturgy and Contemplation in Byrd's Gradualia. Routledge. p. 61. ISBN 978-1-135-86564-1. 978-1-135-86564-1 ↩

  163. Wordsworth 1810, pp. 222–223. - Wordsworth, Christopher (1810). Ecclesiastical Biography, Or, Lives of Eminent Men Connected with the History of Religion in England. Vol. 2. London: Rivingtons. https://books.google.com/books?id=_5ppAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA222 ↩

  164. Spencer J. Weinreich, ed. (2017). Pedro de Ribadeneyra's 'Ecclesiastical History of the Schism of the Kingdom of England'. BRILL. p. 238. ISBN 978-90-04-32396-4. 978-90-04-32396-4 ↩

  165. A Collection of the most remarkable Trials of persons for High-Treason, Murder, Rapes, Heresy, Bigamy, Burglary; and Other Crimes and Misdemeanors. Vol. IV. London: T. Read. 1736. p. 94. https://books.google.com/books?id=SnxEAAAAcAAJ ↩

  166. Agnes M. Stewart (1876). The Life and Letters of Sir Thomas More. Burns & Oates. p. 339. https://archive.org/details/lifeandletterss00stewgoog ↩

  167. W. Jos Walter (1840). Sir Thomas More His Life and Times: Illustrated from His Own Writings and from Contemporary Documents. London: Charles Dolman. p. 353. https://books.google.com/books?id=nx86AAAAcAAJ ↩

  168. Hume, David (1813), The History of England, p. 632. ↩

  169. Guy, John, A Daughter's Love: Thomas & Margaret More, London: Fourth Estate, 2008, ISBN 978-0-00-719231-1, p. 266. /wiki/ISBN_(identifier) ↩

  170. Thomas Edward Bridgett (1891). Life and Writings of Sir Thomas More: Lord Chancellor of England and Martyr Under Henry VIII. Burns & Oates. p. 436. thomas more head buried. https://archive.org/details/LifeAndWritingsOfSirThomasMore ↩

  171. "The Head of Simon Sudbury". Journal of the British Archaeological Association. 1. British Archaeological Association: 142–144. 1895. https://books.google.com/books?id=KGc_AQAAMAAJ&q=thomas+more++roper+vault+skull&pg=PA142 ↩

  172. "Lady Margaret Roper and the head of Sir Thomas More". Insert Logo Here Lynsted with Kingsdown Society. Retrieved 24 July 2017. http://www.lynsted-society.co.uk/resources_documents_articles_lady_margaret_roper_and_the_head_of_sir_thomas_more.html ↩

  173. Doyne Courtenay Bell (1877). Notices of the Historic Persons Buried in the Chapel of St. Peter Ad Vincula: In the Tower of London. J. Murray. pp. 88–91. https://books.google.com/books?id=aGjSAAAAMAAJ&q=thomas+more+skull+buried+at&pg=PA88 ↩

  174. "St. Thomas More". Catholic Encyclopaedia.. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14689c.htm ↩

  175. David Hilliam (2010). Little Book of Dorset. History Press. ISBN 978-0-7524-6265-3.[page needed] 978-0-7524-6265-3 ↩

  176. Anne Vail (2004). Shrines of Our Lady in England. Gracewing Publishing. p. 42. ISBN 0-85244-603-9. 0-85244-603-9 ↩

  177. Simon Caldwell (21 November 2016). "St. Thomas More's hair shirt now enshrined for public veneration". Catholic Telegraph. https://www.thecatholictelegraph.com/st-thomas-mores-hair-shirt-now-enshrined-for-public-veneration/37221 ↩

  178. "Hair-shirt worn by St Thomas More is enshrined for public veneration for possibly the first time". Diocese of Shrewsbury. Archived from the original on 2 April 2019. Retrieved 31 March 2022. https://web.archive.org/web/20190402084533/http://www.dioceseofshrewsbury.org/news/hair-shirt-worn-st-thomas-enshrined-public-veneration-possibly-first-time ↩

  179. "Thomas More to Erasmus, 1533" (PDF). Thomas More Studies. http://people.uncw.edu/atkinsa/388/erasmus.pdf ↩

  180. Wegemer 1996, p. 218. - Wegemer, Gerard (1996). Thomas More on Statesmanship. Catholic University of America Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0836-7. https://books.google.com/books?id=RazaAAAAMAAJ ↩

  181. Meyer, Jürgen (2014). "An Unthinkable History of King Richard the Third: Thomas More's Fragment and his Answer to Lucian's Tyrannicide". Modern Language Review. 109 (3): 629–639. doi:10.5699/modelangrevi.109.3.0629. /wiki/Modern_Language_Review ↩

  182. Logan (2011) p168 ↩

  183. Logan (2011) p168 ↩

  184. Bate, Jonathan (2008). Soul of the age : the life, mind and world of William Shakespeare. London: Viking. p. 268. ISBN 9780670914821. 9780670914821 ↩

  185. Schwyzer, Philip (2013). Shakespeare and the remains of Richard III. Oxford University Press. p. 4. ISBN 9780199676101. 9780199676101 ↩

  186. Barron, Caroline M. (2011). "The making of a London citizen". In Logan, George M. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Thomas More. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521888622. 9780521888622 ↩

  187. Markham, Clements (1906). Richard III: His Life and Character, reviewed in the light of recent research. Smith, Elder & Co. pp. 168–171. /wiki/Clements_Markham ↩

  188. Yoran, H. Thomas More's Richard III: Probing the Limits of Humanism. Renaissance Studies 15, no. 4 (2001): 514–37. Retrieved 1 December 2015. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24413094?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=richard&searchText=iii&searchText=history&searchUri=/action/doBasicSearch?Query=richard+iii+history&prq=richard+iii+historicity&group=none% ↩

  189. More, Thomas (31 October 2013). "Introduction". In Lumby, J Rawson (ed.). More's Utopia. Translated by Robynson, Raphe (1952 ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. vii. ISBN 978-1-107-64515-8. 978-1-107-64515-8 ↩

  190. Logan (2011) pp 39, 142, 144 ↩

  191. Nyers, Peter (2000). "The Politics of Enclosure in Thomas More's Utopia". Problematique. 6. http://www.yorku.ca/problema/issue06.html ↩

  192. Nyers, Peter (2000). "The Politics of Enclosure in Thomas More's Utopia". Problematique. 6. http://www.yorku.ca/problema/issue06.html ↩

  193. "Thomas More's Utopia (1516) and Epigrammata (1520) | St John's College, University of Cambridge". www.joh.cam.ac.uk. https://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/special_collections/early_books/utopia.htm ↩

  194. Grace, Damian (15 December 2020). "Thomas More's Epigrammata: political theory in a poetic idiom". Parergon (ns 3). doi:10.3316/ielapa.851101444. https://search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/ielapa.851101444 ↩

  195. Brooks, Veronica (December 2021). "The Political Theory of Thomas More's Epigrammata". Moreana. 58 (2): 188–205. doi:10.3366/more.2021.0103. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

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  198. O'Donovan, Louis (5 November 2019). The Defence of the Seven Sacraments. Dalcassian Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1-5380-9202-6. 978-1-5380-9202-6 ↩

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  201. John Vidmar (2005). The Catholic Church Through the Ages: A History. Paulist Press. p. 184. ISBN 0-8091-4234-1. 0-8091-4234-1 ↩

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  203. Rebhorn, W. A. (ed.) p. xviii ↩

  204. Rex (2011) p.102 ↩

  205. Rex (2011) p.102 ↩

  206. Stephen Greenblatt (2012). Learning to Curse: Essays in Early Modern Culture. Routledge. p. 95. ISBN 978-1-136-77420-1. 978-1-136-77420-1 ↩

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  211. Gerard B. Wegemer, Portrait of Courage, p. 136. ↩

  212. Moynahan 2014. - Moynahan, Brian (2014). God's Bestseller: William Tyndale, Thomas More, and the Writing of the English Bible – A Story of Martyrdom and Betrayal. St. Martin's Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-4668-6650-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=RgrHAgAAQBAJ ↩

  213. Miles, Leland (1965). "Persecution and the Dialogue of Comfort: A Fresh Look at the Charges against Thomas More". Journal of British Studies. 5 (1): 19–30. doi:10.1086/385507. ISSN 0021-9371. JSTOR 175180. S2CID 143128538. https://www.jstor.org/stable/175180 ↩

  214. Brown, Brendan F. (1935). "St. Thomas More, lawyer". Fordham Law Review. 3 (3): 375–390. https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1064&context=flr ↩

  215. Apostolic letter issued motu proprio proclaiming Saint Thomas More Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 31 October 2000 Vatican.va /wiki/Ecclesiastical_letter#Letters_of_the_popes_in_modern_times ↩

  216. "Thomas Morus". kjg.de. Retrieved 1 July 2016. http://www.kjg.de/?id=12 ↩

  217. "Holy Days". Worship – The Calendar. Church of England. 2011. Archived from the original on 25 December 2018. Retrieved 20 April 2011. https://web.archive.org/web/20181225084824/https://www.churchofengland.org/prayer-and-worship/join-us-daily-prayer ↩

  218. "The Calendar". The Church of England. Retrieved 27 March 2021. https://www.churchofengland.org/prayer-and-worship/worship-texts-and-resources/common-worship/churchs-year/calendar ↩

  219. David J. Crankshaw, George W. C. Gross, ed. (2020). Reformation Reputations: The Power of the Individual in English Reformation History. Springer International Publishing. ↩

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  226. Daniel J. Boorstin (1999). The Seekers: The Story of Man's Continuing Quest to Understand His World. Random House Digital, Inc. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-375-70475-8. 978-0-375-70475-8 ↩

  227. Quoted in Britannica – The Online Encyclopedia, article: Sir Thomas More http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/392018/Sir-Thomas-More ↩

  228. Chesterton, G. K. (1929). The Fame of Blessed Thomas More. London: Sheed & Ward. p. 63. /wiki/G._K._Chesterton ↩

  229. Chesterton, G. K. (9 November 2021). The Well and the Shallows. Good Press. https://books.google.com/books?id=KkNZEAAAQBAJ&dq=mind+of+More+was+like+a+diamond+that+a+tyrant+threw+away+into+a+ditch,+because+he+could+not+break+it.&pg=PT165 ↩

  230. Cited in O'Connell, Marvin (March–April 2002). "A Man for all Seasons: an Historian's Demur". Catholic Dossier. 8 (2): 16–19. Archived 12 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/politics/pg0078.html ↩

  231. Jonathan Swift. "Writings on Religion and the Church, Vol. I. by Jonathan Swift: Ch. 14: Concerning that Universal Hatred". http://www.online-literature.com/swift/religion-church-vol-one/14/ ↩

  232. Jonathan Swift, Prose Works of Jonathan Swift v. 13, Oxford UP, 1959, p. 123 ↩

  233. "Reputation". Thomas More Studies. Archived from the original on 14 August 2017. Retrieved 14 April 2011.. https://web.archive.org/web/20170814194921/http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/reputation.html ↩

  234. Kenny, Jack (2011). "A Man of Enduring Conscience". Resource Center. Catholic Culture via Trinity Communications. http://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=7769 ↩

  235. Chambers, R. W. (1929). Sir Thomas More's Fame Among His Countrymen. London: Sheed & Ward. p. 13. /wiki/Raymond_Wilson_Chambers ↩

  236. Gury, Jacques (1987). "The Image of Thomas More in the Age of Enlightenment". XVII-XVIII. Revue de la Société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. 24 (1): 53–61. doi:10.3406/xvii.1987.1353. https://www.persee.fr/doc/xvii_0291-3798_1987_num_24_1_1353 ↩

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  238. Colclough, David (2011) [2004]. "Donne, John (1572–1631)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/7819. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.) /wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography#Oxford_Dictionary_of_National_Biography ↩

  239. McNamara, Robert (2003). "Irish Perspectives on the Vietnam War". Irish Studies in International Affairs. 14 (–1): 75–94. doi:10.3318/ISIA.2003.14.1.75. JSTOR 30001965. S2CID 153710978. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  240. Kautsky, Karl (1888). Thomas More and his Utopia Part 3 Chapter 5 The Aim of Utopia. Retrieved 23 November 2023. Historians and economists who are perplexed by Utopia perceive in this name a subtle hint by More that he himself regarded his communism as an impracticable dream. /wiki/Karl_Kautsky ↩

  241. Moreau, Jean-Philippe (1992). "Review of Miscellanea Moreana: Essays for Germain Marc'hadour". Études Anglaises. 45 (2): 202–204. ↩

  242. Sue Parrill, William Baxter Robison (2013). "The Tudors on Film and Television", p. 92. McFarland, ↩

  243. Curtright, Travis (2012). The One Thomas More. Catholic University of America Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt284wpm. ISBN 978-0-8132-1995-0. JSTOR j.ctt284wpm. Retrieved 29 July 2023. 978-0-8132-1995-0 ↩

  244. Mazour-Matusevich, Yelena (1 April 2017). "Some Aspects of Jean Gerson's Legal Influence in Sixteenth Century England: The Issue of Epikeia". Journal of Early Modern Christianity. 4 (1): 47–62. doi:10.1515/jemc-2017-0003. S2CID 164459672. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  245. Gneist, Rudolph (1886). The History of the English Constitution [Englische Verfassungsgeschichte]. Vol. 2. Translated by Ashworth, Philip. London: William Clowes. p. 178. /wiki/Rudolf_von_Gneist ↩

  246. Herian, Robert (January 2022). "The Conscience of Thomas More: An Introduction to Equity in Modernity" (PDF). The Heythrop Journal. 63 (1): 64–75. doi:10.1111/heyj.13507. S2CID 214203101. https://oro.open.ac.uk/69459/9/69459.pdf ↩

  247. Long, William B. The Occasion of the Book of Sir Thomas More. Howard-Hill, T.H. editor. Shakespeare and Sir Thomas More; essays on the play and its Shakespearean Interest. Cambridge University Press. (1989) ISBN 0-521-34658-4. pages 49–54 /wiki/ISBN_(identifier) ↩

  248. Gabrieli, Vittorio. Melchiori, Giorgio, editors Introduction. Munday, Anthony. And others. Sir Thomas More. Manchester University Press. ISBN 0-7190-1544-8. Page 1 /wiki/ISBN_(identifier) ↩

  249. Shakespeare, William. "Sir Thomas More: Act 3, Scene 1". www.playshakespeare.com. https://www.playshakespeare.com/sir-thomas-more/scenes/1195-act-iii-scene-1 ↩

  250. Sutter, Nicholas De (June 2022). "Sanctus martyr Thomas Morus : an unknown Neo-Latin More play from the College of Marchiennes". Moreana. 59 (1): 1–65. doi:10.3366/more.2022.0115. /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  251. Rawlins, Christine (2015). Beyond the snow : the life and faith of Elizabeth Goudge. Bloomington, IN: Westbow. ISBN 978-1-4908-8619-0. 978-1-4908-8619-0 ↩

  252. Cited in O'Connell, Marvin (March–April 2002). "A Man for all Seasons: an Historian's Demur". Catholic Dossier. 8 (2): 16–19. Archived 12 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/politics/pg0078.html ↩

  253. Miller, Clarence H. (5 November 2005). A man for all seasons (PDF). Thomas More Studies Conference. University of Dallas. Retrieved 25 March 2025. /wiki/Clarence_H._Miller ↩

  254. Erasmus had set the precedent of using sweetly extravagant praise of More such as "More is inscribed in my heart in letters that no injurious time can erode" for Latin grammatical examples in his 1512 De copia. /wiki/Works_of_Erasmus#De_copia_(1512) ↩

  255. Sylvester, Richard S. (1963). "The "Man for All Seasons" Again: Robert Whittington's Verses to Sir Thomas More". Huntington Library Quarterly. 26 (2): 147–154. doi:10.2307/3816811. ISSN 0018-7895. JSTOR 3816811. (modernized puntuation) https://www.jstor.org/stable/3816811 ↩

  256. Gary O'Connor (2002), Paul Scofield: An Actor for All Seasons, Applause Books. Page 150. ↩

  257. Wood, James (2010). The Broken Estate: Essays on Literature and Belief. New York: Picador. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-312-42956-0. 978-0-312-42956-0 ↩

  258. Robison, William B. (2016). History, fiction, and the Tudors : sex, politics, power, and artistic license in the Showtime television series. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-137-43881-2. 978-1-137-43881-2 ↩

  259. Nissen, Dano (26 September 2019). "TV News Roundup: 'The Spanish Princess' Sets New and Returning Cast". Variety. https://variety.com/2019/tv/news/tv-news-roundup-spanish-princess-casting-real-housewives-of-atlanta-season-12-1203350779/ ↩

  260. USF perhaps considering to sell rare books, phil-hum-ren.uni-muenchen.de. Retrieved 19 May 2021. Archived 19 May 2021 at the Wayback Machine http://www.phil-hum-ren.uni-muenchen.de/W4RF/YaBB.pl?num=1242283350 ↩

  261. Sangorski Manuscript a Top Lot at PBA's Sale of Dr. Elmer Belt's Collection, finebooksmagazine.com. Retrieved 19 May 2021. https://www.finebooksmagazine.com/news/sangorski-manuscript-top-lot-pbas-sale-dr-elmer-belts-collection ↩

  262. Otto Schaefer, "Aims in Book Collecting", The Record, Gleeson Library Associates, Number 11, San Francisco: University of San Francisco, 1978. /wiki/Otto_Schaefer ↩

  263. Lord Wardington, oxfordmail.co.uk. Retrieved 19 May 2021. https://www.oxfordmail.co.uk/news/6641389.lord-wardington/ ↩

  264. King, Margaret L. (2014). Renaissance Humanism: An Anthology of Sources. Hackett Publishing. p. 157. ISBN 978-1-62466-146-4. 978-1-62466-146-4 ↩

  265. Valavoi, Dmitry; Lapshina, Henrietta (1983). Names on an obelisk. Translated by Peter Greenwood. Moscow: Progress Publishers. pp. 8–9. OCLC 878939730. /wiki/Peter_Greenwood ↩

  266. "The Center for Thomas More Studies Art > Gallery > Moscow". The Center for Thomas More Studies at The University of Dallas. 2010. Archived from the original on 15 January 2019. Retrieved 20 December 2014. This monument, suggested by Lenin and built in 1918, lists Thomas More (ninth from the top) among the most influential thinkers "who promoted the liberation of humankind from oppression, arbitrariness, and exploitation." It is in Aleksndrovsky Garden near the Kremlin. https://web.archive.org/web/20190115073923/http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/g-c1.html ↩

  267. King, Margaret L. (2014). Renaissance Humanism: An Anthology of Sources. Hackett Publishing. p. 157. ISBN 978-1-62466-146-4. 978-1-62466-146-4 ↩

  268. Guy, John Alexander (2000). Thomas More. Arnold. pp. 95–96. ISBN 978-0-340-73139-0. 978-0-340-73139-0 ↩

  269. "The Center for Thomas More Studies Art > Gallery > Moscow". The Center for Thomas More Studies at The University of Dallas. 2010. Archived from the original on 15 January 2019. Retrieved 20 December 2014. This monument, suggested by Lenin and built in 1918, lists Thomas More (ninth from the top) among the most influential thinkers "who promoted the liberation of humankind from oppression, arbitrariness, and exploitation." It is in Aleksndrovsky Garden near the Kremlin. https://web.archive.org/web/20190115073923/http://www.thomasmorestudies.org/g-c1.html ↩

  270. ""Thomas More." The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition. 1970–1979. The Gale Group, Inc". Thefreedictionary.com. The Free Dictionary [Internet]. 1979. Retrieved 14 September 2021. The following article is from The Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1979). It might be outdated or ideologically biased. ... More, Thomas ... English humanist, statesman, and writer; founder of Utopian socialism. ... More is especially famous for the dialogue Utopia (1516; Russian translation, 1789), which describes the ideal society on the imaginary island of Utopia. ... He was the first to describe a society in which private property (even personal property) has been abolished, equality of consumption has been introduced (as in the early Christian communes), and production and the way of life have been socialized. ... The family, a cell for the communist way of life, is organized more as a productive unit than as a kinship unit. ... More did not believe that the ideal society would be achieved through revolution. Utopia ... greatly influenced reformers of subsequent centuries, especially Morelly, G. Babeuf, Saint-Simon, C. Fourier, E. Cabet, and other representatives of Utopian socialism. ... The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition (1970–1979). © 2010 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved. https://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Thomas+More ↩

  271. "St. Thomas More". Catholic Encyclopaedia. 1913. The whole work is really an exercise of the imagination with much brilliant satire upon the world of More's own day. ... there can be no doubt that he would have been delighted at entrapping William Morris, who discovered in it a complete gospel of Socialism http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14689c.htm ↩

  272. "St. Thomas More". Catholic Encyclopaedia. 1913. The whole work is really an exercise of the imagination with much brilliant satire upon the world of More's own day. ... there can be no doubt that he would have been delighted at entrapping William Morris, who discovered in it a complete gospel of Socialism http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14689c.htm ↩

  273. Bostaph, Samuel (1 June 2010), Hoover, Kevin D. (ed.), "Deepening the Irony of Utopia: An Economic Perspective", History of Political Economy, 42 (2), Duke University Press: 361–382, doi:10.1215/00182702-2010-006 /wiki/Doi_(identifier) ↩

  274. Kautsky, Karl (1888). Thomas More and his Utopia Part 3 Chapter 5 The Aim of Utopia. Retrieved 23 November 2023. Historians and economists who are perplexed by Utopia perceive in this name a subtle hint by More that he himself regarded his communism as an impracticable dream. /wiki/Karl_Kautsky ↩

  275. Bloom, Harold; Hobby, Blake (2010). Enslavement Enslavement and Emancipation] and Emancipation. Infobase Publishing. pp. 173–174. ISBN 978-1-60413-441-4. Retrieved 20 January 2015. Moreover, Solzhenitsyn insists that the Soviet system cannot survive without the camps, that Soviet communism requires enslavement and forced labour. " ...foreseen as far back as Thomas More, the great-grandfather of socialism, in his Utopia [, the] labor of zeks was needed for degrading and particularly heavy work, which no one, under socialism, would wish to perform" (Gulag, Vol 3. 578). 978-1-60413-441-4 ↩

  276. Chen, Chapman (2011). Pekka Kujamäki (ed.). "Postcolonial Hong Kong Drama Translation" in "Beyond Borders: Translations Moving Languages, Literatures and Cultures". Volume 39 of TransÜD. Arbeiten zur Theorie und Praxis des Übersetzens und Dolmetschens. Frank & Timme GmbH, Berlin. pp. 47–54. ISBN 978-3-86596-356-7. Retrieved 8 January 2015. 978-3-86596-356-7 ↩

  277. Thomas More : the saint and the society; addresses and articles on St Thomas More further published to commemorate the Golden Jubilee of the foundation of the St Thomas More Society on 14th August 1945. Sydney: St Thomas More Society. 1995. p. 110. ISBN 978-0-646-26104-1. 978-0-646-26104-1 ↩

  278. Ackroyd (1999) p. 244. Bibliographer William Carew Hazlitt in his Shakespeare Jest Book Volume III (OCLC 690506548) assigns publication of the work to More's brother-in-law John Rastell, with a date of 23 March 1525. /wiki/William_Carew_Hazlitt ↩

  279. Beaver, Alfred (1892). Memorials of Old Chelsea. London: Elliot Stock. pp. 118–138. OCLC 499072940. In...1682...Chelsey...was sold to...the first Duke of Beaufort...and henceforth bore [the] name. /wiki/Elliot_Stock ↩

  280. Ackroyd (1999) pp. 234–5 ↩

  281. Weinreb, Ben; Hibbert, Christopher (1983). "Crosby Hall". The London Encyclopædia (1993 ed.). London: Macmillan. pp. 219–220. ISBN 0-333-57688-8. 0-333-57688-8 ↩

  282. Norman, Philip; Caroe, W. D. (1908). Survey of London Monograph 9, Crosby Place. London: Committee for the Survey of the Memorials of Greater London. pp. 15–32. OCLC 644450239. From the[...] indentures between More and the executors of Sir John Rest[...]More paid to the said executors...£150, and the date was June 1st, 1523. /wiki/Philip_Norman_(artist) ↩

  283. "Thomas More Comes to Chelsea". www.rbkc.gov.uk. Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea. Archived from the original on 21 June 2021. Retrieved 19 January 2021. https://web.archive.org/web/20210621225239/https://www.rbkc.gov.uk/vmhistory/general/vm_hs_p02.asp ↩

  284. Eagle, Dorothy; et al., eds. (2008). The Oxford guide to literary Britain & Ireland (3rd ed.). Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press. p. 115. ISBN 978-0-19-861460-9. 978-0-19-861460-9 ↩

  285. "St Katharine's Dock". Exploring East London. Retrieved 4 November 2015. http://www.exploringeastlondon.co.uk/eel/Stkatharines/Stkatharines.htm#More ↩

  286. Schulte Herbrüggen, Hubertus (1982). Das Haupt des Thomas Morus in der St. Dunstan-Kirche zu Canterbury. Forschungsberichte des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. ↩