Problem of two emperors

<h2 id="background">Background</h2>
<h3>Political background</h3>

Following <a href="/facts/Fall_of_the_Western_Roman_Empire/EjUtGSJm">the fall</a> of the <a href="/facts/Western_Roman_Empire/PkeT92o9">Western Roman Empire</a> in the 5th century, Roman civilization endured in the remaining eastern half of the <a href="/facts/Roman_Empire/l4E1aUuV">Roman Empire</a>, often termed by historians as the <a href="/facts/Byzantine_Empire/njEELXWF">Byzantine Empire</a> (though it self-identified simply as the "Roman Empire"). As the <a href="/facts/Roman_emperors/sT4nFc67">Roman emperors</a> had done in antiquity, the <a href="/facts/Byzantine_Emperors/zofQz7f7">Byzantine emperors</a> saw themselves as universal rulers. The idea was that the world contained one empire (the Roman Empire) and one church and this idea survived despite the collapse of the empire's western provinces. Although the last extensive attempt at putting the theory back into practice had been <a href="/facts/Justinian_I/6wl5Ivh7">Justinian I</a>'s wars of reconquest in the 6th century, which saw the return of Italy and Africa into imperial control, the idea of a great western reconquest remained a dream for Byzantine emperors for centuries.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:3" href="#fn:3">3</a>
Because the empire was constantly threatened at critical frontiers to its north and east, the Byzantines were unable to focus much attention to the west and Roman control would slowly disappear in the west once more. Nevertheless, their claim to the universal empire was acknowledged by temporal and religious authorities in the west, even if this empire couldn't be physically restored. <a href="/facts/Visigothic_Kingdom/hXFkz67j">Gothic</a> and <a href="/facts/Francia/0fNvWt3n">Frankish</a> kings in the fifth and sixth centuries acknowledged the emperor's suzerainty, as a symbolic acknowledgement of membership in the Roman Empire also enhanced their own status and granted them a position in the perceived world order of the time. As such, Byzantine emperors could still perceive the west as the western part of their empire, momentarily in barbarian hands, but still formally under their control through a system of recognition and honors bestowed on the western kings by the emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:4" href="#fn:4">4</a>
A decisive geopolitical turning point in the relations between East and West was during the long reign of emperor <a href="/facts/Constantine_V/bRlIFXQU">Constantine V</a> (741–775). Though Constantine V conducted several successful military campaigns against the enemies of his empire, his efforts were centered on the <a href="/facts/Abbasid_Caliphate/mPeLAbXt">Muslims</a> and the <a href="/facts/First_Bulgarian_Empire/3RCq0kUp">Bulgars</a>, who represented immediate threats. Because of this, the defense of Italy was neglected. The main Byzantine administrative unit in Italy, the <a href="/facts/Exarchate_of_Ravenna/R3p44ECk">Exarchate of Ravenna</a>, fell to the <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_the_Lombards/Gy9dYPd5">Lombards</a> in 751, ending the Byzantine presence in northern Italy.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:5" href="#fn:5">5</a> The collapse of the Exarchate had long-standing consequences. The <a href="/facts/Popes/e7wFV1Wl">popes</a>, ostensibly <a href="/facts/Byzantine_Papacy/oJg4bKAl">Byzantine vassals</a>, realized that Byzantine support was no longer a guarantee and increasingly began relying on the major kingdom in the West, the Frankish Kingdom, for support against the Lombards. Byzantine possessions throughout Italy, such as <a href="/facts/Venice/Xzc2uVDg">Venice</a> and <a href="/facts/Naples/SXrFcg2C">Naples</a>, began to raise their own militias and effectively became independent. Imperial authority ceased to be exercised in <a href="/facts/Corsica/6xJ6aREr">Corsica</a> and <a href="/facts/Sardinia/7GGJNHCx">Sardinia</a> and religious authority in southern Italy was formally transferred by the emperors from the popes to the <a href="/facts/Patriarchs_of_Constantinople/dbdhgmQm">patriarchs of Constantinople</a>. The <a href="/facts/Mediterranean_world/C9vBpBCf">Mediterranean world</a>, interconnected since the days of Roman Empire of old, had been definitively divided into East and West.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:6" href="#fn:6">6</a>

In 797, the young emperor <a href="/facts/Constantine_VI/sYbKDqHg">Constantine VI</a> was arrested, deposed and blinded by his mother and former regent, <a href="/facts/Irene_of_Athens/Un9j2sU8">Irene of Athens</a>. She then governed the empire as its sole ruler, taking the title <a href="/facts/Basileus/bSEmS54F">Basileus</a> rather than the feminine form Basilissa (used for the empresses who were wives of reigning emperors). At the same time, the political situation in the West was rapidly changing. The Frankish Kingdom had been reorganized and revitalized under King <a href="/facts/Charlemagne/o0PlxScC">Charlemagne</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:7" href="#fn:7">7</a> Though Irene had been on good terms with the papacy prior to her usurpation of the Byzantine throne, the act soured her relations with <a href="/facts/Pope_Leo_III/F4T3KGA3">Pope Leo III</a>. At the same time, Charlemagne's courtier <a href="/facts/Alcuin/w7IbYBoX">Alcuin</a> had suggested that the imperial throne was now vacant since a woman claimed to be emperor, perceived as a symptom of the decadence of the empire in the east.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:8" href="#fn:8">8</a> Possibly inspired by these ideas and possibly viewing the idea of a woman emperor as an abomination, Pope Leo III also began to see the imperial throne as vacant. When Charlemagne visited Rome for Christmas in 800 he was treated not as one territorial ruler among others, but as the sole legitimate monarch in Europe and on Christmas Day he was proclaimed and crowned by Pope Leo III as the <a href="/facts/Holy_Roman_Emperor/RYrqYynl">Emperor of the Romans</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:9" href="#fn:9">9</a>

<h3>Rome and the idea of the Universal Empire</h3>
Main article: <a href="/facts/Universal_monarchy/rz9M4Dqq">Universal monarchy</a>

Though the Roman Empire is an example of a universal monarchy, the idea is not exclusive to the Romans, having been expressed in unrelated entities such as the <a href="/facts/Aztec_Empire/S1tpgRNR">Aztec Empire</a> and in earlier realms such as the <a href="/facts/Achaemenid_Empire/avlzWxF0">Persian</a> and <a href="/facts/Neo-Assyrian_Empire/GzQ9HoXb">Assyrian Empires</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:10" href="#fn:10">10</a>
Most "universal monarchs" justified their ideology and actions through the divine; proclaiming themselves (or being proclaimed by others) as either divine themselves or as appointed on the behalf of the divine, meaning that their rule was theoretically <a href="/facts/Divine_right_of_kings/x3jCGoeJ">sanctioned by heaven</a>. By tying together religion with the empire and its ruler, obedience to the empire became the same thing as obedience to the divine. Like its predecessors, the <a href="/facts/Ancient_Roman_religion/QrNwmgPM">Ancient Roman religion</a> functioned in much the same way, conquered peoples were expected to participate in the <a href="/facts/Imperial_cult_of_ancient_Rome/JKzrGV8X">imperial cult</a> regardless of their faith before Roman conquest. This imperial cult was threatened by religions such as Christianity (where Jesus Christ is explicitly proclaimed as the "Lord"), which is one of the primary reasons for the harsh persecutions of Christians during the early centuries of the Roman Empire; the religion was a direct threat to the ideology of the regime. Although Christianity eventually became the state religion of the Roman Empire in the 4th century, the imperial ideology was far from unrecognizable after its adoption. Like the previous imperial cult, Christianity now held the empire together and though the emperors were no longer recognized as gods, the emperors had successfully established themselves as the rulers of the Christian church in the place of Christ, still uniting temporal and spiritual authority.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:11" href="#fn:11">11</a>
In the Byzantine Empire, the authority of the emperor as both the rightful temporal ruler of the Roman Empire and the head of Christianity remained unquestioned until the fall of the empire in the 15th century.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:12" href="#fn:12">12</a> The Byzantines firmly believed that their emperor was God's appointed ruler and his viceroy on Earth (illustrated in their title as Deo coronatus, "crowned by God"), that he was the Roman emperor (basileus ton Rhomaion), and as such the highest authority in the world due to his universal and exclusive emperorship. The emperor was an absolute ruler dependent on no one when exercising his power (illustrated in their title as <a href="/facts/Autokrator/XCmBdleg">autokrator</a>, or the Latin moderator).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:13" href="#fn:13">13</a> The Emperor was adorned with an aura of holiness and was theoretically not accountable to anyone but God himself. The Emperor's power, as God's viceroy on Earth, was also theoretically unlimited. In essence, Byzantine imperial ideology was simply a Christianization of the old Roman imperial ideology, which had also been universal and absolutist.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:14" href="#fn:14">14</a>
As the Western Roman Empire collapsed and subsequent Byzantine attempts to retain the west crumbled, the church took the place of the empire in the west and by the time Western Europe emerged from the chaos endured during the 5th to 7th centuries, the pope was the chief religious authority and the Franks were the chief temporal authority. Charlemagne's coronation as Roman emperor expressed an idea different from the absolutist ideas of the emperors in the Byzantine Empire. Though the eastern emperor retained control of both the temporal empire and the spiritual church, the rise of a new empire in the west was a collaborative effort, Charlemagne's temporal power had been won through his wars, but he had received the imperial crown from the pope. Both the emperor and the pope had claims to ultimate authority in Western Europe (the popes as the successors of <a href="/facts/Saint_Peter/50X8naSm">Saint Peter</a> and the emperors as divinely appointed protectors of the church) and though they recognized the authority of each other, their "dual rule" would give rise to many controversies (such as the <a href="/facts/Investiture_Controversy/qAe8tYsC">Investiture Controversy</a> and the rise and fall of several <a href="/facts/Antipope/aYCDyln2">antipopes</a>).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:15" href="#fn:15">15</a>

<h2 id="holy-romanbyzantine-dispute">Holy Roman–Byzantine dispute</h2>
<h3>Carolingian period</h3>
<h4>Imperial ideology</h4>

Though the inhabitants of the Byzantine Empire itself never stopped referring to themselves as "Romans" (<a href="/facts/Rhomaioi/gwfJe6CL">Rhomaioi</a>), sources from Western Europe from the coronation of Charlemagne and onwards denied the Roman legacy of the eastern empire by referring to its inhabitants as "Greeks". The idea behind this renaming was that Charlemagne's coronation did not represent a division (divisio imperii) of the Roman Empire into West and East nor a restoration (<a href="/facts/Renovatio_imperii/qkch9x6c">renovatio imperii</a>) of the old Western Roman Empire. Rather, Charlemagne's coronation was the transfer (<a href="/facts/Translatio_imperii/KuAvxjKD">translatio imperii</a>) of the imperium Romanum from the Greeks in the east to the Franks in the west.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:16" href="#fn:16">16</a> To contemporary sources in Western Europe, such as the <a href="/facts/Annals_of_Lorsch/Sb4kaGIy">Annals of Lorsch</a>, Charlemagne's key legitimizing factor as emperor (other than papal approval) was the territories which he controlled. As he controlled formerly Roman lands in Gaul, Germany and Italy (including Rome itself), and acted as a true emperor in these lands, he deserved to be called emperor, while the eastern emperor was seen as having abandoned these traditional provinces.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:17" href="#fn:17">17</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:18" href="#fn:18">18</a> This argument from antiquity or tradition had more longevity than <a href="/facts/Alcuin_of_York/w7IbYBoX">Alcuin of York</a>'s argument that the Roman emperor could not be a woman and therefore was automatically vacant upon <a href="/facts/Irene_of_Athens/Un9j2sU8">Irene of Athens</a>' usurpation in 797, since Irene herself was deposed in 802 and followed by male rulers for the rest of Charlemagne's reign.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:19" href="#fn:19">19</a>
Although crowned as an explicit refusal of the eastern emperor's claim to universal rule, Charlemagne himself does not appear to have been interested in open confrontation with the Byzantine Empire or its rulers, and seems to have desired to eliminate the appearance of division diplomatically.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:20" href="#fn:20">20</a> When Charlemagne wrote to Constantinople in 813, Charlemagne titled himself as the "Emperor and <a href="/facts/Augustus_(honorific)/1mHIqsde">Augustus</a> and also King of the Franks and of the Lombards", identifying the imperial title with his previous royal titles in regards to the Franks and Lombards, rather than to the Romans. As such, his imperial title could be interpreted by the Byzantines as stemming from the fact that he was the king of more than one kingdom (equating the title of emperor with that of <a href="/facts/King_of_Kings/K1FuJ5jX">king of kings</a>), rather than signifying a usurpation of Byzantine power.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:21" href="#fn:21">21</a> Nevertheless, Charlemagne's coronation was in actuality an active challenge to Byzantine imperial legitimacy and was regarded as such by the Pope.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:22" href="#fn:22">22</a>
On his coins, the name and title used by Charlemagne is Karolus Imperator Augustus and in his own documents he used Imperator Augustus Romanum gubernans Imperium ("august emperor, governing the Roman Empire") and serenissimus Augustus a Deo coronatus, magnus pacificus Imperator Romanorum gubernans Imperium ("most serene Augustus crowned by God, great peaceful emperor governing the empire of the Romans").<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:23" href="#fn:23">23</a> The identification as an "emperor governing the Roman Empire" rather than a "Roman emperor" could be seen as an attempt at avoiding the dispute and issue over who was the true emperor and attempting to keep the perceived unity of the empire intact.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:24" href="#fn:24">24</a>

In response to the Frankish adoption of the imperial title, the Byzantine emperors (which had previously simply used "emperor" as a title) adopted the full title of "emperor of the Romans" to make their supremacy clear.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:25" href="#fn:25">25</a> To the Byzantines, Charlemagne's coronation was a rejection of their perceived order of the world and an act of usurpation. Although Emperor <a href="/facts/Michael_I_Rangabe/yAxy6EMp">Michael I</a> (r. 811–813) eventually relented and recognized Charlemagne as an emperor and a "spiritual brother" of the eastern emperor, Charlemagne was not recognized as the Roman emperor and his imperium was seen as limited to his actual domains (as such not universal) and not as something that would outlive him (with his successors being referred to as "kings" rather than emperors in Byzantine sources).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:26" href="#fn:26">26</a>
Following Charlemagne's coronation, the two empires engaged in diplomacy with each other. The exact terms discussed are unknown and negotiations were slow but it seems that Charlemagne proposed in 802 that he and Irene would marry and unite their empires, sending ambassadors to <a href="/facts/Constantinople/fLcY371n">Constantinople</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:27" href="#fn:27">27</a> As such, the empire could have "reunited" without arguments as to which ruler was the legitimate one.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:28" href="#fn:28">28</a> However, as reported by <a href="/facts/Theophanes_the_Confessor/SDzoXkxg">Theophanes the Confessor</a>, the scheme was frustrated by <a href="/facts/Aetios_(eunuch)/yzqErWoC">Aetios</a>, eunuch and favorite of Irene, who was attempting to usurp her on behalf of his brother Leo, even though Irene herself approved of the marriage proposal. The <a href="/facts/General_Logothete/wa88NRp9">General Logothete</a> (finance minister) <a href="/facts/Nikephoros_I/XaGtgyVC">Nikephoros</a>, along with other courtiers disgruntled with Irene's financial policy and fearful of the implications of political union with the <a href="/facts/Franks/RHyCqfkd">Franks</a> through the proposed marriage, overthrew Irene and exiled her on 31 October 802 while the Frankish and papal ambassadors were still in the city, damaging Frankish-Byzantine relations once again.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:29" href="#fn:29">29</a>

<h4>Louis II and Basil I</h4>

One of the primary resources in regards to the problem of two emperors in the Carolingian period is a letter by Emperor <a href="/facts/Louis_II_of_Italy/I7l3tQ6E">Louis II</a>. Louis II was the fourth emperor of the <a href="/facts/Carolingian_Empire/kyp74kXx">Carolingian Empire</a>, though his domain was confined to northern Italy as the rest of the empire had fractured into several different kingdoms, though these still acknowledged Louis as the emperor. His letter was a reply to a provocative letter by Byzantine emperor <a href="/facts/Basil_I/NKXko3u4">Basil I</a>. Though Basil's letter is lost, its contents can be ascertained from the known geopolitical situation at the time and Louis's reply and probably related to the ongoing co-operation between the two empires against the Muslims. The focal point of Basil's letter was his refusal to recognize Louis II as a Roman emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:30" href="#fn:30">30</a>
Basil appears to have based his refusal on two main points. First of all, the title of Roman emperor was not hereditary (the Byzantines still considered it to formally be a <a href="/facts/Roman_Republic/Han0FRLT">republican</a> office, although also tied intimately with religion) and second of all, it was not considered appropriate for someone of a gens (e.g. an ethnicity) to hold the title. The Franks, and other groups throughout Europe, were seen as different gentes but to Basil and the rest of the Byzantines, "Roman" was not a gens. Romans were defined chiefly by their lack of a gens and as such, Louis was not Roman and thus not a Roman emperor. There was only one Roman emperor, Basil himself, and though Basil considered that Louis could be an emperor of the Franks, he appears to have questioned this as well seeing as only the ruler of the Romans was to be titled basileus (emperor).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:31" href="#fn:31">31</a>
As illustrated by Louis's letter, the western idea of ethnicity was different from the Byzantine idea; everyone belonged to some form of ethnicity. Louis considered the gens romana (Roman people) to be the people who lived in the city of Rome, which he saw as having been deserted by the Byzantine Empire. All gentes could be ruled by a basileus in Louis's mind and as he pointed out, the title (which had originally simply meant "king") had been applied to other rulers in the past (notably Persian rulers). Furthermore, Louis disagreed with the notion that someone of a gens could not become the Roman emperor. He considered the gentes of <a href="/facts/Hispania/EYd2cv27">Hispania</a> (the <a href="/facts/Theodosian_dynasty/ajPATmeY">Theodosian dynasty</a>), <a href="/facts/Isauria/QtSAQDFd">Isauria</a> (the <a href="/facts/Byzantine_Empire_under_the_Isaurian_dynasty/BpP1BfWI">Isaurian dynasty</a>), and <a href="/facts/Khazars/KwRflVop">Khazaria</a> (<a href="/facts/Leo_IV_the_Khazar/McIx4pLC">Leo IV</a>) as all having provided emperors, though the Byzantines themselves would have seen all of these as Romans and not as peoples of gentes. The views expressed by the two emperors in regards to ethnicity are somewhat paradoxical; Basil defined the Roman Empire in ethnic terms (defining it as explicitly against ethnicity) despite not considering the Romans as an ethnicity and Louis did not define the Roman Empire in ethnic terms (defining it as an empire of God, the creator of all ethnicities) despite considering the Romans as an ethnic people.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:32" href="#fn:32">32</a>

Louis also derived legitimacy from religion. He argued that as the Pope of Rome, who actually controlled the city, had rejected the religious leanings of the Byzantines as heretical, instead favoring the Franks, and also because the he had also crowned him emperor, Louis was the legitimate Roman emperor. The idea was that it was God himself, acting through his vicar the Pope, who had granted the church, people and city of Rome to him to govern and protect.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:33" href="#fn:33">33</a> Louis's letter details that if he was not the emperor of the Romans then he could not be the emperor of the Franks either, as it was the Roman people themselves who had accorded his ancestors with the imperial title. In contrast to the papal affirmation of his imperial lineage, Louis chastized the eastern empire for its emperors mostly only being affirmed by their <a href="/facts/Byzantine_Senate/oPVYLywt">senate</a> and sometimes lacking even that, with some emperors having been proclaimed by the army, or worse, women (probably a reference to Irene). Louis probably overlooked that affirmation by the army was the original ancient source for the title of <a href="/facts/Imperator/35x68jLx">imperator</a>, before it came to mean the ruler of the Roman Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:34" href="#fn:34">34</a>
Though it would have been possible for either side of the dispute to concede to the obvious truth, that there were now two empires and two emperors, this would have denied the understood nature of what the empire was and meant (its unity).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:35" href="#fn:35">35</a> Louis's letter does offer some evidence that he might have recognized the political situation as such; Louis is referred to as the "august emperor of the Romans" and Basil is referred to as the "very glorious and pious emperor of New Rome",<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:36" href="#fn:36">36</a> and he suggests that the "indivisible empire" is the empire of God and that "God has not granted this church to be steered either by me or you alone, but so that we should be bound to each other with such love that we cannot be divided, but should seem to exist as one".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:37" href="#fn:37">37</a> These references are more likely to mean that Louis still considered there to be a single empire, but with two imperial claimants (in effect an emperor and an <a href="/facts/Anti-king/RRmW2UfJ">anti-emperor</a>). Neither side in the dispute would have been willing to reject the idea of the single empire. Louis referring to the Byzantine emperor as an emperor in the letter may simply be a courtesy, rather than an implication that he truly accepted his imperial rule.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:38" href="#fn:38">38</a>
Louis's letter mentions that the Byzantines abandoned Rome, the seat of empire, and lost the Roman way of life and the Latin language. In his view, that the empire was ruled from Constantinople did not represent it surviving, but rather that it had fled from its responsibilities.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:39" href="#fn:39">39</a> Although he would have had to approve its contents, Louis probably did not write his letter himself and it was probably instead written by the prominent cleric <a href="/facts/Anastasius_Bibliothecarius/4h4QFcn9">Anastasius Bibliothecarius</a>. Anastasius was not a Frank but a citizen of the city of Rome (in Louis's view an "ethnic Roman"). As such, prominent figures in Rome itself would have shared Louis's views, illustrating that by his time, the Byzantine Empire and the city of Rome had drifted very far apart.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:40" href="#fn:40">40</a>
Following the death of Louis in 875, emperors continued to be crowned in the West for a few decades, but their reigns were often brief and problematic and they only held limited power and as such the problem of two emperors ceased being a major issue to the Byzantines, for a time.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:41" href="#fn:41">41</a>

<h3>Ottonian period</h3>

The problem of two emperors returned when <a href="/facts/Pope_John_XII/AXs5MJkf">Pope John XII</a> crowned the king of Germany, <a href="/facts/Otto_the_Great/W4EfIxXd">Otto I</a>, as emperor of the Romans in 962, almost 40 years after the death of the previous papally crowned emperor, <a href="/facts/Berengar_I_of_Italy/Tl6Fny8b">Berengar</a>. Otto's repeated territorial claims to all of Italy and Sicily (as he had also been proclaimed as the <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Italy_(Holy_Roman_Empire)/urn46GyC">king of Italy</a>) brought him into conflict with the Byzantine Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:42" href="#fn:42">42</a> The Byzantine emperor at the time, <a href="/facts/Romanos_II/YR2QbtuX">Romanos II</a>, appears to have more or less ignored Otto's imperial aspirations, but the succeeding Byzantine emperor, <a href="/facts/Nikephoros_II_Phokas/coSX4blB">Nikephoros II</a>, was strongly opposed to them. Otto, who hoped to secure imperial recognition and the provinces in southern Italy diplomatically through a marriage alliance, dispatched diplomatic envoys to Nikephoros in 967.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:43" href="#fn:43">43</a> To the Byzantines, Otto's coronation was a blow as, or even more, serious than Charlemagne's as Otto and his successors insisted on the Roman aspect of their imperium more strongly than their Carolingian predecessors.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:44" href="#fn:44">44</a>

Leading Otto's diplomatic mission was <a href="/facts/Liutprand_of_Cremona/8R4QFe7V">Liutprand of Cremona</a>, who chastized the Byzantines for their perceived weakness; losing control of the West and thus also causing the pope to lose control of the lands which belonged to him. To Liutprand, the fact that Otto I had acted as a restorer and protector of the church by restoring the <a href="/facts/Papal_States/536PqTjo">lands of the papacy</a> (which Liutprand believed had been granted to the pope by Emperor <a href="/facts/Constantine_the_Great/jW1q8TPp">Constantine I</a>), made him the true emperor while the loss of these lands under preceding Byzantine rule illustrated that the Byzantines were weak and unfit to be emperors.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:45" href="#fn:45">45</a> Liutprand expresses his ideas with the following words in his report on the mission, in a reply to Byzantine officials:<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:46" href="#fn:46">46</a><blockquote>My master did not by force or tyrannically invade the city of Rome; but he freed it from a tyrant, nay, from the yoke of tyrants. Did not the slaves of women rule over it; or, which is worse and more disgraceful, harlots themselves? Your power, I fancy, or that of your predecessors, who in name alone are called emperors of the Romans and are it not in reality, was sleeping at that time. If they were powerful, if emperors of the Romans, why did they permit Rome to be <a href="/facts/Saeculum_obscurum/6PGQcRbf">in the hands of harlots</a>? Were not some of them most holy popes banished, others so oppressed that they were not able to have their daily supplies or the means of giving alms? Did not Adalbert send scornful letters to the emperors Romanus and <a href="/facts/Constantine_VII/AXlDmaVh">Constantine</a> your predecessors? Did he not plunder the churches of the most holy apostles? What one of you emperors, led by zeal for God, took care to avenge so unworthy a crime and to bring back the holy church to its proper conditions? You neglected it, my master did not neglect it. For, rising from the ends of the earth and coming to Rome, he removed the impious and gave back to the vicars of the holy apostles their power and all their honor...</blockquote>
Nikephoros pointed out to Liutprand personally that Otto was a mere barbarian king who had no right to call himself an emperor, nor to call himself a Roman.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:47" href="#fn:47">47</a> Just before Liutprand's arrival in Constantinople, Nikephoros II had received an offensive letter from <a href="/facts/Pope_John_XIII/0tQeS7ws">Pope John XIII</a>, possibly written under pressure from Otto, in which the Byzantine emperor was referred to as the "Emperor of the Greeks" and not the "Emperor of the Romans", denying his true imperial status. Liutprand recorded the outburst of Nikephoros's representatives at this letter, which illustrates that the Byzantines too had developed an idea similar to translatio imperii regarding the transfer of power from Rome to Constantinople:<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:48" href="#fn:48">48</a><blockquote>Hear then! The silly pope does not know that the holy Constantine transferred hither the imperial sceptre, the senate, and all the Roman knighthood, and left in Rome nothing but vile minions – fishers, namely, pedlars, bird catchers, bastards, plebeians, slaves.</blockquote>

Liutprand attempted to diplomatically excuse the pope by stating that the pope had believed that the Byzantines would not like the term "Romans" since they had moved to Constantinople and changed their customs and assured Nikephoros that in the future, the eastern emperors would be addressed in papal letters as "the great and august emperor of the Romans".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:49" href="#fn:49">49</a> Otto's attempted cordial relations with the Byzantine Empire would be hindered by the problem of the two emperors, and the eastern emperors were less than eager to reciprocate his feelings.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:50" href="#fn:50">50</a> Liutprand's mission to Constantinople was a diplomatic disaster, and his visit saw Nikephoros repeatedly threaten to invade Italy, restore Rome to Byzantine control and on one occasion even threaten to invade Germany itself, stating (concerning Otto) that "we will arouse all the nations against him; and we will break him in pieces like a potter's vessel".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:51" href="#fn:51">51</a> Otto's attempt at a marriage alliance would not materialize until after Nikephoros's death. In 972, in the reign of Byzantine emperor <a href="/facts/John_I_Tzimiskes/VsQbE0tY">John I Tzimiskes</a>, a marriage was secured between Otto's son and co-emperor <a href="/facts/Otto_II/oykXw4A2">Otto II</a> and John's niece <a href="/facts/Theophanu/r42mXeH9">Theophanu</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:52" href="#fn:52">52</a>
Though Emperor Otto I briefly used the title imperator augustus Romanorum ac Francorum ("august emperor of Romans and Franks") in 966, the style he used most commonly was simply Imperator Augustus. Otto leaving out any mention of Romans in his imperial title may be because he wanted to achieve the recognition of the Byzantine emperor. Following Otto's reign, mentions of the Romans in the imperial title became more common. In the 11th century, the German king (the title held by those who were later crowned emperors) was referred to as the rex Romanorum ("<a href="/facts/King_of_the_Romans/G6VrM4HL">king of the Romans</a>") and in the century after that, the standard imperial title was dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus ("by the Grace of God, emperor of the Romans, ever august").<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:53" href="#fn:53">53</a>

<h3>Hohenstaufen period</h3>
To Liutprand of Cremona and later scholars in the west, the eastern emperors were perceived as weak, degenerate, and not true emperors; there was, they felt, a single empire under the true emperors (Otto I and his successors), who demonstrated their right to the empire through their restoration of the Church. In return, the eastern emperors did not recognize the imperial status of their challengers in the west. Although <a href="/facts/Michael_I_Rangabe/yAxy6EMp">Michael I</a> had referred to Charlemagne by the title Basileus in 812, he hadn't referred to him as the Roman emperor. Basileus in of itself was far from an equal title to that of Roman emperor. In their own documents, the only emperor recognized by the Byzantines was their own ruler, the Emperor of the Romans. In <a href="/facts/Anna_Komnene/Rgu2n3AA">Anna Komnene</a>'s <a href="/facts/The_Alexiad/EtNoLbkL">The Alexiad</a> (c. 1148), the Emperor of the Romans is her father, <a href="/facts/Alexios_I_Komnenos/bL2N7ksM">Alexios I</a>, while the Holy Roman emperor <a href="/facts/Henry_IV%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/gqcUM71B">Henry IV</a> is titled simply as the "King of Germany".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:54" href="#fn:54">54</a> According to <a href="/facts/Arnold_of_L%25C3%25BCbeck/gHDNRgrS">Arnold of Lübeck</a>, when King of Romans <a href="/facts/Conrad_III_of_Germany/kDykzk9o">Conrad III</a> met Byzantine emperor <a href="/facts/Manuel_I_Komnenos/60PKKtE0">Manuel I Komnenos</a> in 1147 (who he calls "King of the Greeks"),<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:55" href="#fn:55">55</a> Conrad III refused to submit to Manuel I so they rode to each other and gave each other a welcoming kiss. The accuracy of the account remains disputed.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:56" href="#fn:56">56</a>
In the 1150s, the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos became involved in a three-way struggle between himself, the Holy Roman emperor <a href="/facts/Frederick_I_Barbarossa/cHAmGDKu">Frederick I Barbarossa</a> and the <a href="/facts/Italo-Norman/YkFpvn0X">Italo-Norman</a> <a href="/facts/King_of_Sicily/VprpzL33">King of Sicily</a>, <a href="/facts/Roger_II_of_Sicily/e67RBm64">Roger II</a>. Manuel aspired to lessen the influence of his two rivals and at the same time win the recognition of the Pope (and thus by extension Western Europe) as the sole legitimate emperor, which would unite <a href="/facts/Christendom/vWEEqosk">Christendom</a> under his sway. Manuel reached for this ambitious goal by financing a <a href="/facts/Lombard_League/QDhdAT2c">league of Lombard towns</a> to rebel against Frederick and encouraging dissident Norman barons to do the same against the Sicilian king. Manuel even dispatched his army to southern Italy, the last time a Byzantine army ever set foot in Western Europe. Despite his efforts, Manuel's campaign ended in failure and he won little except the hatred of both Barbarossa and Roger, who by the time the campaign concluded had allied with each other.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:57" href="#fn:57">57</a>

<h4>Frederick Barbarossa's crusade</h4>
See also: <a href="/facts/Third_Crusade/jUy9BYpC">Third Crusade</a>
Soon after the conclusion of the <a href="/facts/Byzantine%25E2%2580%2593Norman_wars/HXkQSvQI">Byzantine–Norman wars</a> in 1185, the Byzantine emperor <a href="/facts/Isaac_II_Angelos/WXhxDELc">Isaac II Angelos</a> received word that a <a href="/facts/Third_Crusade/jUy9BYpC">Third Crusade</a> had been called due to Sultan <a href="/facts/Saladin/NcfPdcNW">Saladin</a>'s 1187 <a href="/facts/Siege_of_Jerusalem_(1187)/43Smpq3V">conquest</a> of Jerusalem. Isaac learnt that Barbarossa, a known foe of his empire, was to lead a large contingent in the footprints of the First and Second crusades through the Byzantine Empire. Isaac II interpreted Barbarossa's march through his empire as a threat and considered it inconceivable that Barbarossa did not also intend to overthrow the Byzantine Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:58" href="#fn:58">58</a> As a result of his fears, Isaac II imprisoned numerous Latin citizens in Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:59" href="#fn:59">59</a> In his treaties and negotiations with Barbarossa (which exist preserved as written documents), Isaac II was insincere as he had secretly allied with Saladin to gain concessions in the Holy Land and had agreed to delay and destroy the German army.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:60" href="#fn:60">60</a>
Barbarossa, who did not in fact intend to take Constantinople, was unaware of Isaac's alliance with Saladin but still wary of the rival emperor. As such he sent out an embassy in early 1189, headed by the Bishop of Münster.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:61" href="#fn:61">61</a> Isaac was absent at the time, putting down a revolt in <a href="/facts/Ala%25C5%259Fehir/9b9nnx9K">Philadelphia</a>, and returned to Constantinople a week after the German embassy arrived, after which he immediately had the Germans imprisoned. This imprisonment was partly motivated by Isaac wanting to possess German hostages, but more importantly, an embassy from Saladin, probably noticed by the German ambassadors, was also in the capital at this time.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:62" href="#fn:62">62</a>
On 28 June 1189, Barbarossa's crusade reached the Byzantine borders, the first time a Holy Roman emperor personally set foot within the borders of the Byzantine Empire. Although Barbarossa's army was received by the closest major governor, the governor of Branitchevo, the governor had received orders to stall or, if possible, destroy the German army. On his way to the city of <a href="/facts/Ni%25C5%25A1/N96bKLAx">Niš</a>, Barbarossa was repeatedly assaulted by locals under the orders of the governor of Branitchevo and Isaac II also engaged in a campaign of closing roads and destroying foragers.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:63" href="#fn:63">63</a> The attacks against Barbarossa amounted to little and only resulted in around a hundred losses. A more serious issue was a lack of supplies, since the Byzantines refused to provide markets for the German army. The lack of markets was excused by Isaac as due to not having received advance notice of Barbarossa's arrival, a claim rejected by Barbarossa, who saw the embassy he had sent earlier as notice enough. Despite these issues, Barbarossa still apparently believed that Isaac was not hostile against him and refused invitations from the enemies of the Byzantines to join an alliance against them. While at Niš he was assured by Byzantine ambassadors that though there was a significant Byzantine army assembled near Sofia, it had been assembled to fight the Serbs and not the Germans. This was a lie, and when the Germans reached the position of this army, they were treated with hostility, though the Byzantines fled at the first charge of the German cavalry.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:64" href="#fn:64">64</a>

Isaac II panicked and issued contradictory orders to the governor of the city of <a href="/facts/Philippopolis_(Thrace)/buT5mJ1j">Philippopolis</a>, one of the strongest fortresses in <a href="/facts/Thrace/26TVWCL0">Thrace</a>. Fearing that the Germans were to use the city as a base of operations, its governor, <a href="/facts/Niketas_Choniates/VmsesVa6">Niketas Choniates</a> (later a major historian of these events), was first ordered to strengthen the city's walls and hold the fortress at all costs, but later to abandon the city and destroy its fortifications. Isaac II seems to have been unsure of how to deal with Barbarossa. Barbarossa meanwhile wrote to the main Byzantine commander, <a href="/facts/Manuel_Kamytzes/joxr4bJA">Manuel Kamytzes</a>, that "resistance was in vain", but also made clear that he had absolutely no intention to harm the Byzantine Empire. On 21 August, a letter from Isaac II reached Barbarossa, who was encamped outside Philippopolis. In the letter, which caused great offense, Isaac II explicitly called himself the "Emperor of the Romans" in opposition to Barbarossa's title and the Germans also misinterpreted the Byzantine emperor as calling himself an angel (on account of his last name, Angelos). Furthermore, Isaac II demanded half of any territory to be conquered from the Muslims during the crusade and justified his actions by claiming that he had heard from the governor of Branitchevo that Barbarossa had plans to conquer the Byzantine Empire and place his son <a href="/facts/Frederick_VI%2c_Duke_of_Swabia/ed82rguM">Frederick of Swabia</a> on its throne. At the same time Barbarossa learnt of the imprisonment of his earlier embassy.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:65" href="#fn:65">65</a> Several of Barbarossa's barons suggested that they take immediate military action against the Byzantines, but Barbarossa preferred a diplomatic solution.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:66" href="#fn:66">66</a>
In the letters exchanged between Isaac II and Barbarossa, neither side titled the other in the way they considered to be appropriate. In his first letter, Isaac II referred to Barbarossa simply as the "King of Germany". The Byzantines eventually realized that the "wrong" title hardly improved the tense situation and in the second letter Barbarossa was called "the most high-born Emperor of Germany". Refusing to recognize Barbarossa as the Roman emperor, the Byzantines eventually relented with calling him "the most noble emperor of Elder Rome" (as opposed to the New Rome, Constantinople). The Germans always referred to Isaac II as the Greek emperor or the Emperor of Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:67" href="#fn:67">67</a>

The Byzantines continued to harass the Germans. The wine left behind in the abandoned city of Philippopolis had been poisoned, and a second embassy sent from the city to Constantinople by Barbarossa was also imprisoned, though shortly thereafter Isaac II relented and released both embassies. When the embassies reunited with Barbarossa at Philippopolis they told the Holy Roman emperor of Isaac II's alliance with Saladin, and claimed that the Byzantine emperor intended to destroy the German army while it was crossing the <a href="/facts/Bosporus/3Id0Pfum">Bosporus</a>. In retaliation for spotting anti-Crusader propaganda in the surrounding region, the crusaders devastated the immediate area around Philippopolis, slaughtering the locals. After Barbarossa was addressed as the "King of Germany", he flew into a fit of rage, demanding hostages from the Byzantines (including Isaac II's son and family), asserting that he was the one true Emperor of the Romans and made it clear that he intended to winter in Thrace despite the Byzantine emperor's offer of assisting the German army to cross the Bosporus.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:68" href="#fn:68">68</a>
By this point, Barbarossa had become convinced that Constantinople needed to be conquered in order for the crusade to be successful. On 18 November he sent a letter to his son, Henry, in which he explained to difficulties he had encountered and ordered his son to prepare for an attack against Constantinople, ordering the assembling of a large fleet to meet him in the Bosporus once spring came. Furthermore, Henry was instructed to ensure Papal support for such a campaign, organizing a great Western crusade against the Byzantines as enemies of God. Isaac II replied to Barbarossa's threats by claiming that Thrace would be Barbarossa's "deathtrap" and that it was too late for the German emperor to escape "his nets". As Barbarossa's army, reinforced with Serbian and <a href="/facts/Vlach/HxIXvqtu">Vlach</a> allies, approached Constantinople, Isaac II's resolve faded and he began to favor peace instead.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:69" href="#fn:69">69</a> Barbarossa had continued to send offers of peace and reconciliation since he had seized Philippopolis, and once Barbarossa officially sent a declaration of war in late 1189, Isaac II at last relented, realizing he wouldn't be able to destroy the German army and was at risk of losing Constantinople itself. The peace saw the Germans being allowed to pass freely through the empire, transportation across the Bosporus and the opening of markets as well as compensation for the damage done to Barbarossa's expedition by the Byzantines.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:70" href="#fn:70">70</a> Frederick then continued on towards the Holy Land without any further major incidents with the Byzantines, with the exception of the German army almost sacking the city of Philadelphia after its governor refused to open up the markets to the Crusaders.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:71" href="#fn:71">71</a> The incidents during the Third Crusade heightened animosity between the Byzantine Empire and the west. To the Byzantines, the devastation of Thrace and efficiency of the German soldiers had illustrated the threat they represented, while in the West, the mistreatment of the emperor and the imprisonment of the embassies would be long remembered.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:72" href="#fn:72">72</a>

<h4>Threats of Henry VI</h4>

Frederick Barbarossa died before reaching the Holy Land and his son and successor, <a href="/facts/Henry_VI%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/H9aCwRAy">Henry VI</a>, pursued a foreign policy in which he aimed to force the Byzantine court to accept him as the superior (and sole legitimate) emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:73" href="#fn:73">73</a> By 1194, Henry had successfully consolidated Italy under his own rule after being crowned as King of Sicily, in addition to already being the Holy Roman emperor and the King of Italy, and he turned his gaze east. The Muslim world had fractured after Saladin's death and Barbarossa's crusade had revealed the Byzantine Empire to be weak and also given a useful casus belli for attack. Furthermore, <a href="/facts/Leo_I%2c_King_of_Armenia/H8RvK7TT">Leo II</a>, the ruler of <a href="/facts/Cilician_Armenia/gFPNErLo">Cilician Armenia</a>, offered to swear fealty to Henry VI in exchange for being accorded a royal crown.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:74" href="#fn:74">74</a> Henry bolstered his efforts against the eastern empire by marrying a captive daughter of Isaac II, <a href="/facts/Irene_Angelina/qHrKXXEh">Irene Angelina</a>, to his brother <a href="/facts/Philip_of_Swabia/thsyzred">Philip of Swabia</a> in 1195, giving his brother a dynastic claim that could prove useful in the future.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:75" href="#fn:75">75</a>
In 1195 Henry VI also dispatched an embassy to the Byzantine Empire, demanding from Isaac II that he transfer a stretch of land stretching from <a href="/facts/Durazzo/XuNrFsKR">Durazzo</a> to <a href="/facts/Thessalonica/o3BFhhPR">Thessalonica</a>, previously conquered by the Sicilian king William II, and also wished the Byzantine emperor to promise naval support in preparation for a new crusade. According to Byzantine historians, the German ambassadors spoke as if Henry VI was the "emperor of emperors" and "lord of lords". Henry VI intended to force the Byzantines to pay him to ensure peace, essentially extracting tribute, and his envoys put forward the grievances that the Byzantines had caused throughout Barbarossa's reign. Not in a position to resist, Isaac II succeeded to modify the terms so that they were purely monetary. Shortly after agreeing to these terms, Isaac II was overthrown and replaced as emperor by his older brother, <a href="/facts/Alexios_III_Angelos/vBwEoD6t">Alexios III Angelos</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:76" href="#fn:76">76</a>
Henry VI successfully compelled Alexios III as well <a href="/facts/Alamanikon/VpHDDHNB">to pay tribute to him</a> under the threat of otherwise conquering Constantinople on his way to the Holy Land.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:77" href="#fn:77">77</a> Henry VI had grand plans of becoming the leader of the entire Christian world. Although he would only directly rule his traditional domains, Germany and Italy, his plans were that no other empire would claim <a href="/facts/Ecumene/nAU1az0k">ecumenical</a> power and that all Europe was to recognize his suzerainty. His attempt to subordinate the Byzantine Empire to himself was just one step in his partially successful plan of extending his feudal overlordship from his own domains to France, England, Aragon, Cilician Armenia, Cyprus and the Holy Land.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:78" href="#fn:78">78</a> Based on the establishment of bases in the Levant and the submission of Cilician Armenia and Cyprus, it is possible that Henry VI really considered invading and conquering the Byzantine Empire, thus uniting the rivalling empires under his rule. This plan, just as Henry's plan of making the position of emperor hereditary rather than elective, ultimately never transpired as he was kept busy by internal affairs in Sicily and Germany.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:79" href="#fn:79">79</a>
The threat of Henry VI caused some concern in the Byzantine Empire and Alexios III slightly altered his imperial title to en Christoi to theo pistos basileus theostephes anax krataios huspelos augoustos kai autokrator Romaion in Greek and in Christo Deo fidelis imperator divinitus coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper augustus moderator Romanorum in Latin. Though previous Byzantine emperors had used basileus kai autokrator Romaion ("Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans"), Alexios III's title separated basileus from the rest and replaced its position with augoustos (Augustus, the old Roman imperial title), creating the possible interpretation that Alexios III was simply an emperor (Basileus) and besides that also the moderator Romanorum ("Autocrat of the Romans") but not explicitly the Roman emperor, so that he was no longer in direct competition with his rival in Germany and that his title was less provocative to the West in general. Alexios III's successor, Alexios IV Angelos, continued with this practice and went even further, inverting the order of moderator Romanorum and rendering it as Romanorum moderator.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:80" href="#fn:80">80</a>

<h4>The Latin Empire</h4>

A series of events and the intervention of <a href="/facts/Republic_of_Venice/5aqUw6gJ">Venice</a> led to the <a href="/facts/Fourth_Crusade/XRUWt3xn">Fourth Crusade</a> (1202–1204) <a href="/facts/Sack_of_Constantinople/cyVa6P5v">sacking Constantinople</a> instead of attacking its intended target, Egypt. When the crusaders seized Constantinople in 1204, they founded the <a href="/facts/Latin_Empire/7GMdJzAH">Latin Empire</a> and called their new realm the imperium Constantinopolitanum, the same term used for the Byzantine Empire in Papal correspondence. This suggests that, although they had placed a new Catholic emperor, <a href="/facts/Baldwin_I%2c_Latin_Emperor/9unBax65">Baldwin I</a>, on the throne of Constantinople and changed the administrative structure of the empire into a feudal network of counties, duchies and kingdoms, the crusaders viewed themselves as taking over the Byzantine Empire rather than replacing it with a new entity.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:81" href="#fn:81">81</a> Notably Baldwin I was designated as an emperor, not a king. This is despite the fact that the crusaders, as Western Christians, would have recognized the Holy Roman Empire as the true Roman Empire and its ruler as the sole true emperor and that founding treaties of the Latin Empire explicitly designate the empire as in the service of the Roman Catholic Church.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:82" href="#fn:82">82</a> In 1204, <a href="/facts/Thomas_Morosini/49f319st">Thomas Morosini</a> was elected first <a href="/facts/Latin_Patriarchate_of_Constantinople/njtl5XCp">Latin Patriarch of Constantinople</a>,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:83" href="#fn:83">83</a> while the <a href="/facts/Ecumenical_Patriarchate_of_Constantinople/mq0vBDKl">Greek Orthodox Patriarch</a> fled to <a href="/facts/Second_Bulgarian_Empire/zAWspoUj">Bulgaria</a> and after his death a successor was elected in <a href="/facts/Nicaea/5zn797IS">Nicaea</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:84" href="#fn:84">84</a>
The rulers of the Latin Empire, although they seem to have called themselves Emperors of Constantinople (imperator Constantinopolitanus) or Emperors of Romania (imperator Romaniae, Romania being a Byzantine term meaning the "land of the Romans") in correspondence with the Papacy, used the same imperial titles within their own empire as their direct Byzantine predecessors, with the titles of the Latin Emperors (Dei gratia fidelissimus in Christo imperator a Deo coronatus Romanorum moderator et semper augustus) being near identical to the Latin version of the title of Byzantine emperor Alexios IV (fidelis in Christo imperator a Deo coronatus Romanorum moderator et semper augustus).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:85" href="#fn:85">85</a> As such, the titles of the Latin emperors continued the compromise in titulature worked out by Alexios III.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:86" href="#fn:86">86</a> In his seals, Baldwin I abbreviated Romanorum as Rom., a convenient and slight adjustment that left it open to interpretation if it truly referred to Romanorum or if it meant Romaniae.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:87" href="#fn:87">87</a>

The Latin Emperors saw the term Romanorum or Romani in a new light, not seeing it as referring to the Western idea of "geographic Romans" (inhabitants of the city of Rome) but not adopting the Byzantine idea of the "ethnic Romans" (Greek-speaking citizens of the Byzantine Empire) either. Instead, they saw the term as a political identity encapsulating all subjects of the Roman emperor, i.e. all the subjects of their multi-national empire (whose ethnicities encompassed Latins, "Greeks", Armenians and Bulgarians).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:88" href="#fn:88">88</a>
The embracing of the Roman nature of the emperorship in Constantinople would have brought the Latin emperors into conflict with the idea of translatio imperii. Furthermore, the Latin emperors claimed the dignity of Deo coronatus (as the Byzantine emperors had claimed before them), a dignity the Holy Roman emperors could not claim, being dependent on the Pope for their coronation. Despite the fact that the Latin emperors would have recognized the Holy Roman Empire as the Roman Empire, they nonetheless claimed a position that was at least equal to that of the Holy Roman emperors.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:89" href="#fn:89">89</a> In 1207–1208, Latin emperor <a href="/facts/Henry_of_Flanders/gJgCR2HP">Henry</a> proposed to marry the daughter of the elected rex Romanorum in the Holy Roman Empire, Henry VI's brother Philip of Swabia, yet to be crowned emperor due to an ongoing struggle with the rival claimant <a href="/facts/Otto_IV%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/FjPSWUfP">Otto of Brunswick</a>. Philip's envoys responded that Henry was an advena (stranger; outsider) and solo nomine imperator (emperor in name only) and that the marriage proposal would only be accepted if Henry recognized Philip as the imperator Romanorum and suus dominus (his master). As no marriage occurred, it is clear that submission to the Holy Roman emperor was not considered an option.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:90" href="#fn:90">90</a>
The emergence of the Latin Empire and the submission of Constantinople to the Catholic Church as facilitated by its emperors altered the idea of translatio imperii into what was called divisio imperii (division of empire). The idea, which became accepted by <a href="/facts/Pope_Innocent_III/GrWh740f">Pope Innocent III</a>, saw the formal recognition of Constantinople as an imperial seat of power and its rulers as legitimate emperors, which could rule in tandem with the already recognized emperors in the West. The idea resulted in that the Latin emperors never attempted to enforce any religious or political authority in the West, but attempted to enforce a hegemonic religious and political position, similar to that held by the Holy Roman emperors in the West, over the lands in Eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in regards to the <a href="/facts/Crusader_states/xCooE9pA">Crusader states</a> in the <a href="/facts/Levant/uuJLt3Af">Levant</a>, where the Latin emperors would oppose the local claims of the Holy Roman emperors<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:91" href="#fn:91">91</a> and claims of <a href="/facts/Second_Bulgarian_Empire/zAWspoUj">Bulgarian</a> or Greek Orthodox monarchs.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:92" href="#fn:92">92</a>
Holy Roman Emperor <a href="/facts/Frederick_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/bRH1VNPd">Frederick II</a> later formed an alliance with their rival, <a href="/facts/John_III_Doukas_Vatatzes/MT319vbg">John III Doukas Vatatzes</a> of the <a href="/facts/Nicene_Empire/YPY76v5U">Nicene Empire</a> against the <a href="/facts/Papal_State/536PqTjo">Papal State</a> which had been in <a href="/facts/Guelphs_and_Ghibellines/F3nVoLjc">conflict</a> with.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:93" href="#fn:93">93</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:94" href="#fn:94">94</a> Frederick II deposed <a href="/facts/John_of_Brienne/Na3u8Wr7">John of Brienne</a>, who would soon become co-emperor of the Latin Empire, as the <a href="/facts/King_of_Jerusalem/1pRRyeh0">King of Jerusalem</a> in 1225. John of Brienne launched a <a href="/facts/War_of_the_Keys/pn7nQjL9">crusade</a> with papal support against the <a href="/facts/History_of_Swabian_Sicily/l72YbdFk">Hohenstaufen-held Kingdom of Sicily</a> in 1229 and become Latin Emperor soon after.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:95" href="#fn:95">95</a> Frederick II gained a claim to the defunct Frankish <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Thessalonica/Qpvutm5S">Kingdom of Thessalonica</a> in 1230 which might indicate further ambitions in the Agean maybe connected to earlier <a href="/facts/Byzantine%25E2%2580%2593Norman_wars/HXkQSvQI">Siculo-Norman ambitions</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:96" href="#fn:96">96</a> He reportedly supported the Nicene claim to <a href="/facts/Constantinople/fLcY371n">Constantinople</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:97" href="#fn:97">97</a> and helped John III against a crusade planned by <a href="/facts/Pope_Gregory_IX/VP6eFzzS">Pope Gregory IX</a> following a <a href="/facts/Siege_of_Constantinople_(1235)/ItPJ7TMk">Nicaean-Bulgarian siege of Constantinople</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:98" href="#fn:98">98</a> According to <a href="/facts/Philippe_Mouskes/u2FgWXoB">Philippe Mouskes</a>, John III offered him <a href="/facts/Vassalage/LKfLc2Cz">vassalage</a> if Frederick II conquered <a href="/facts/Constantinople/fLcY371n">Constantinople</a> for him and expelled Latin Emperor <a href="/facts/Baldwin_II%2c_Latin_Emperor/qujKJ2Io">Baldwin II</a> to France. Such arrangement is seen as unlikely<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:99" href="#fn:99">99</a> and Frederick II rather addressed him as his equal avoiding the term vassal which he had been using for <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Italy_(Holy_Roman_Empire)/urn46GyC">Italian lords and cities</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:100" href="#fn:100">100</a> but it is seen as probably that John III provided military help in exchange for his claims.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:101" href="#fn:101">101</a> The Latin Empire was politically unstable. The Greek Orthodox population resisted the new government and sympathized with the new Greek rump states and the Slavic-speaking <a href="/facts/Second_Bulgarian_Empire/zAWspoUj">Second Bulgarian Empire</a> and <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Serbia_(1217%25E2%2580%25931346)/IkSg4V4w">Kingdom of Serbia</a>, which tried to profit of the weakness of the Latin Empire or even conquer Constantinople, which eventually happened in 1261.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:102" href="#fn:102">102</a>

<h3>Restoration of the Byzantine Empire</h3>

With the Byzantine <a href="/facts/Reconquest_of_Constantinople/DE1a6ESC">reconquest of Constantinople</a> in 1261 under Emperor <a href="/facts/Michael_VIII_Palaiologos/7mx2BoGN">Michael VIII Palaiologos</a>, the Papacy suffered a loss of prestige and endured severe damage to its spiritual authority. Once more, the easterners had asserted their right not only to the position of Roman emperor but also to a church independent of the one centered in Rome. The popes who were active during Michael's reign all pursued a policy of attempting to assert their religious authority over the Byzantine Empire. As Michael was aware that the popes held considerable sway in the west (and wishing to avoid a repeat of the events of 1204), he dispatched an embassy to <a href="/facts/Pope_Urban_IV/VtnX26HN">Pope Urban IV</a> immediately after taking possession of the city. The two envoys were immediately imprisoned once they sat foot in Italy: one was flayed alive and the other managed to escape back to Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:103" href="#fn:103">103</a> From 1266 to his death in 1282, Michael would repeatedly be threatened by the King of Sicily, <a href="/facts/Charles_I_of_Anjou/YnhThNxs">Charles of Anjou</a>, who aspired to restore the Latin Empire and periodically enjoyed Papal support.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:104" href="#fn:104">104</a> Meanwhile in the Holy Roman Empire, there had been no emperor during this time period. <a href="/facts/Pope_Innocent_IV/Ha0Xqg1H">Pope Innocent IV</a> officially deposed emperor <a href="/facts/Frederick_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/bRH1VNPd">Frederick II</a> with his <a href="/facts/Papal_bull/rddm96cW">bull</a> <a href="/facts/Ad_apostolicae_dignitatis_apicem/193U9pkV">Ad apostolicae dignitatis apicem</a> in 1245<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:105" href="#fn:105">105</a> but Frederick II rejected the legitimacy of the bull.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:106" href="#fn:106">106</a> Following his death in 1250, the <a href="/facts/Interregnum_(Holy_Roman_Empire)/NYoXBz2T">Interregnum</a> started which lasted until the <a href="/facts/1273_imperial_election/l4JPGfQt">election</a> of <a href="/facts/Rudolf_I_of_Germany/Y8VpNYaF">Rudolf</a> of the <a href="/facts/House_of_Habsburg/0ttzWDwA">House of Habsburg</a> in 1273 to <a href="/facts/King_of_the_Romans/G6VrM4HL">King of the Romans</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:107" href="#fn:107">107</a> The next king crowned to be emperor was <a href="/facts/Henry_VII%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/4F3rnq5E">Henry VII</a> in 1312, 92 years after the coronation of Frederick II.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:108" href="#fn:108">108</a>
Michael VIII and his successors, the <a href="/facts/Palaiologan_dynasty/9VY0Ekqs">Palaiologan dynasty</a>, aspired to reunite the <a href="/facts/Eastern_Orthodox_Church/5n20Akh5">Eastern Orthodox Church</a> with the Church of Rome, chiefly because Michael recognized that only the Pope could constrain Charles of Anjou. To this end, Byzantine envoys were present at the <a href="/facts/Second_Council_of_Lyons/CxBL4YMJ">Second Council of Lyons</a> in 1274, where the Church of Constantinople was formally reunified with Rome, restoring communion after more than two centuries.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:109" href="#fn:109">109</a> On his return to Constantinople, Michael was taunted with the words "you have become a <a href="/facts/Franks/RHyCqfkd">Frank</a>", which remains a term in Greek to taunt converts to Catholicism to this day.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:110" href="#fn:110">110</a> The Union of the Churches aroused passionate opposition from the Byzantine people, the Orthodox clergy, and even within the imperial family itself. Michael's sister <a href="/facts/Irene_Komnene_Palaiologina/hjPuM8Yx">Eulogia</a>, and her daughter Anna, wife of the ruler of <a href="/facts/Despotate_of_Epirus/ML4wUY6v">Epirus</a> <a href="/facts/Nikephoros_I_Komnenos_Doukas/HMKK2dwK">Nikephoros I Komnenos Doukas</a>, were among the chief leaders of the anti-Unionists. Nikephoros, his half-brother <a href="/facts/John_I_Doukas_of_Thessaly/mMcMPS76">John I Doukas of Thessaly</a>, and even the <a href="/facts/Emperor_of_Trebizond/jgBlNRur">Emperor of Trebizond</a>, <a href="/facts/John_II_of_Trebizond/AHonY5TG">John II Megas Komnenos</a>, soon joined the anti-Unionist cause and gave support to the anti-Unionists fleeing Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:111" href="#fn:111">111</a>
Nevertheless, the Union achieved Michael's main aim: it legitimized Michael and his successors as rulers of Constantinople in the eyes of the west. Furthermore, Michael's idea of a crusade to recover the lost portions of Anatolia received positive reception at the council, though such a campaign would never materialize.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:112" href="#fn:112">112</a> The union was disrupted in 1281 when Michael was excommunicated, possibly due to <a href="/facts/Pope_Martin_IV/XoPaRAYE">Pope Martin IV</a> having been pressured by Charles of Anjou.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:113" href="#fn:113">113</a> Following Michael's death, and with the threat of an Angevin invasion having subsided following the <a href="/facts/Sicilian_Vespers/soUXGTjc">Sicilian Vespers</a>, his successor, <a href="/facts/Andronikos_II_Palaiologos/0PzuGENC">Andronikos II Palaiologos</a>, was quick to repudiate the hated Union of the Churches.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:114" href="#fn:114">114</a> Although popes after Michael's death would periodically consider a new crusade against Constantinople to once more impose Catholic rule, no such plans materialized.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:115" href="#fn:115">115</a> The Angevin pretenders of the Latin throne held on to the nominal sovereigns over <a href="/facts/Frankish_Greece/r48ggNJg">Frankish Greece</a> namely <a href="/facts/Principality_of_Achaea/wENCo3sR">Achaea</a>, <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Albania_(medieval)/protNcaM">Albania</a>, <a href="/facts/Duchy_of_Athens/3sA3BgK9">Athens</a> and <a href="/facts/Duchy_of_the_Archipelago/zqqTWsLf">Naxos</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:116" href="#fn:116">116</a>
Although Michael VIII, unlike his predecessors, did not protest when addressed as the "Emperor of the Greeks" by the popes in letters and at the Council of Lyons, his conception of his universal emperorship remained unaffected.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:117" href="#fn:117">117</a> As late as 1395, when Constantinople was more or less surrounded by the <a href="/facts/Rise_of_the_Ottoman_Empire/IWb7h4Hz">rapidly expanding</a> <a href="/facts/Ottoman_Empire/6QvfTRsg">Ottoman Empire</a> and it was apparent that its fall was a matter of time, Patriarch <a href="/facts/Antony_IV_of_Constantinople/vapm0f8y">Antony IV of Constantinople</a> still referenced the idea of the universal empire in a letter to the <a href="/facts/Grand_Prince_of_Moscow/323GmbSt">Grand Prince of Moscow</a>, <a href="/facts/Vasily_I_of_Moscow/HoQH5NBk">Vasily I</a>, stating that anyone other than the Byzantine emperor assuming the title of "emperor" was "illegal" and "unnatural".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:118" href="#fn:118">118</a>
Faced with the Ottoman danger, Michael's successors, prominently <a href="/facts/John_V_Palaiologos/TXp80dhT">John V</a> and <a href="/facts/Manuel_II_Palaiologos/pgnQCIYH">Manuel II</a>, periodically attempted to restore the Union, much to the dismay of their subjects. At the <a href="/facts/Council_of_Florence/aaA8rq7a">Council of Florence</a> in 1439, Emperor <a href="/facts/John_VIII_Palaiologos/5VGsKBvT">John VIII</a> reaffirmed the Union in the light of imminent Turkish attacks on what little remained of his empire. To the Byzantine citizens themselves, the Union of the Churches, which had assured the promise of a great western crusade against the Ottomans, was a death warrant for their empire. John VIII had betrayed their faith and as such their entire imperial ideology and world view. The promised <a href="/facts/Crusade_of_Varna/V2b3djGn">crusade</a>, the fruit of John VIII's labor, ended only in disaster as it was defeated by the Turks at the <a href="/facts/Battle_of_Varna/orWFg0gy">Battle of Varna</a> in 1444.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:119" href="#fn:119">119</a>
The last claimant to the Latin Empire <a href="/facts/James_of_Baux/7bBfgrsp">James of Baux</a> transferred his title to <a href="/facts/Louis_I_of_Anjou/GQSWKDxw">Louis I of Anjou</a> in 1383<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:120" href="#fn:120">120</a> who has not use it either because of his failed conquest of Naples.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:121" href="#fn:121">121</a> Around his death the Avenings lost control over both remaining footholds in Greece, namely Achaea and Durazzo in Albania.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:122" href="#fn:122">122</a> Only a few Capetians like <a href="/facts/Marie_of_Blois%2c_Duchess_of_Anjou/65Ib9gwB">Marie of Blois</a> (for her <a href="/facts/Louis_II_of_Anjou/vpUsB9DX">son</a>)<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:123" href="#fn:123">123</a> and king <a href="/facts/Charles_VIII_of_France/tDXcKLCH">Charles VIII of France</a> had some plans to regain their former dominions.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:124" href="#fn:124">124</a> Similarly, the last claimant to the Byzantine throne <a href="/facts/Andreas_Palaiologos/CDs09Q8h">Andreas Palaiologos</a> transferred his title to Charles VIII and again testimonially to <a href="/facts/Ferdinand_II_of_Aragon/lt1dHN67">Ferdinand II of Aragon</a> and <a href="/facts/Isabella_I_of_Castile/R3wN94z3">Isabella I of Castile</a> but neither of them actively used the title with <a href="/facts/Charles_IX_of_France/5aTPABkd">Charles IX of France</a> stopping the usage all together<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:125" href="#fn:125">125</a> and the Spanish Crown falling to the Habsburgs.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:126" href="#fn:126">126</a>

<h2 id="eastern-disputes">Eastern disputes</h2>
See also: <a href="/facts/Byzantine_commonwealth/HMrjlBV6">Byzantine commonwealth</a>
<h3>Byzantine–Bulgarian dispute</h3>
See also: <a href="/facts/Byzantine%25E2%2580%2593Bulgarian_wars/QHYEfuGR">Byzantine–Bulgarian wars</a> and <a href="/facts/Latin-Bulgarian_Wars/4Wk4vHAE">Latin-Bulgarian Wars</a>

The dispute between the Byzantine Empire and the Holy Roman Empire was mostly confined to the realm of diplomacy, never fully exploding into open war. This was probably mainly due to the great geographical distance separating the two empires; a large-scale campaign would have been infeasible to undertake for either emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:127" href="#fn:127">127</a> Events in Germany, France and the west in general were of little compelling interest to the Byzantines as they firmly believed that the western provinces would eventually be reconquered.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:128" href="#fn:128">128</a> Of more compelling interest were political developments in their near vicinity and in 913, the Knyaz (prince or king) of <a href="/facts/First_Bulgarian_Empire/3RCq0kUp">Bulgaria</a>, <a href="/facts/Simeon_I_of_Bulgaria/EYp7o5fd">Simeon I</a>, arrived at the walls of Constantinople with an army. Simeon I's demands were not only that Bulgaria would be recognized as independent from the Byzantine Empire, but that it was to be designated as a new universal empire, absorbing and replacing the universal empire of Constantinople. Because of the threat represented, the Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="/facts/Nicholas_Mystikos/fDPQjJS8">Nicholas Mystikos</a>, granted an imperial crown to Simeon. Simeon was designated as the Ceasar of the Bulgarians, not of the Romans and as such, the diplomatic gesture had been somewhat dishonest.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:129" href="#fn:129">129</a> Caesar had been replaced by Basileus and later other titles and devalued in Byzantium over the years as it was granted to different people like <a href="/facts/Tervel_of_Bulgaria/LU3BBamS">Tervel of Bulgaria</a> who helped Emperor <a href="/facts/Justinian_II/hdTjXDNN">Justinian II</a> in 695–715.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:130" href="#fn:130">130</a> In 919, Archbishop <a href="/facts/Leontius_of_Bulgaria/cCd7rb7T">Leontius of Bulgaria</a> was unilaterally elevated to "<a href="/facts/Patriarch/TwvdJlMP">patriarch</a>". It was widely seen that the status of the church had to be "equal" of that of the state.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:131" href="#fn:131">131</a>
The Byzantines soon discovered that Simeon was in fact titling himself as not only the Ceasar of the Bulgarians, but as the Basileus of the Bulgarians and the Romans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:132" href="#fn:132">132</a> The problem was solved when Simeon died in 927 and his son and successor, Peter I, simply adopted Emperor of the Bulgarians as a show of submission to the universal empire of Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:133" href="#fn:133">133</a> Byzantine emperor <a href="/facts/Romanos_I_Lekapenos/93P9Hcc9">Romanos I Lekapenos</a> recognized the Bulgarian patriarchate soon after thus the Bulgarian Church became the sixth patriarchate joining the <a href="/facts/Pentarchy/BT4xVhAb">older five</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:134" href="#fn:134">134</a> By 1018, Bulgaria was <a href="/facts/Byzantine_conquest_of_Bulgaria/kQGAtzjY">conquered</a> by the Byzantines and the <a href="/facts/Second_Bulgarian_Empire/zAWspoUj">tsardom</a> was restored over a century later in 1186.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:135" href="#fn:135">135</a> The dispute, deriving from Simeon's claim, would on occasion be revived by strong Bulgarian monarchs who once more adopted the title of Emperor of the Bulgarians and the Romans, such as <a href="/facts/Kaloyan_of_Bulgaria/n1VCFGpL">Kaloyan</a> (r. 1196–1207) and <a href="/facts/Ivan_Asen_II_of_Bulgaria/dPLM0o54">Ivan Asen II</a> (r. 1218–1241).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:136" href="#fn:136">136</a>

In 1202, Emperor <a href="/facts/Alexios_III_Angelos/vBwEoD6t">Alexios III Angelos</a> was willing to accept Kaloyan as an emperor and restore the Bulgarian Patriarchate if he stopped his negotiations with Rome.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:137" href="#fn:137">137</a> Kaloyan attempted to receive recognition by <a href="/facts/Pope_Innocent_III/GrWh740f">Pope Innocent III</a> as emperor,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:138" href="#fn:138">138</a> but Innocent addressed him only as dominus Bulgarorum et Blachorum instead of imperator<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:139" href="#fn:139">139</a> and offered to provide a <a href="/facts/Cardinal_(Catholic_Church)/Acxx5Hd4">cardinal</a> to crown him simply as king<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:140" href="#fn:140">140</a> (which would be equivalent to <a href="/facts/Charles/p3hART8N">kral'</a>)<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:141" href="#fn:141">141</a> but he would continue to claim the title imperator.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:142" href="#fn:142">142</a> The papacy could not accept a third empire<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:143" href="#fn:143">143</a> and only saw Bulgaria as a member of the <a href="/facts/Res_publica_Christiana/Df25LcTX">family of Christian kingdoms</a> under papal guidance <a href="/facts/Precedence_among_European_monarchies/XBm8oPjU">equal</a> to the <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Hungary_(1000%25E2%2580%25931301)/Dvz5teGw">Kingdom of Hungary</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:144" href="#fn:144">144</a> In 1204, the archbishop <a href="/facts/Basil_I_of_Bulgaria/07L2zD2j">Basil I</a> of <a href="/facts/Bulgarian_Orthodox_Church/cLb1HNal">Bulgarian Church</a>, which regained its <a href="/facts/Autocephaly/qngSvDo7">autocephaly</a> from the <a href="/facts/Ecumenical_Patriarchate_of_Constantinople/mq0vBDKl">Patriarchate of Constantinople</a> in 1186, was elevated to <a href="/facts/Primate_(bishop)/N60QPnf0">Primas</a> of All Bulgaria and Wallachia by the pope who argued that primas is equal to patriarch<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:145" href="#fn:145">145</a> but still refused to officially recognize it as such.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:146" href="#fn:146">146</a> The Latin Emperors were less pragmatic than the Byzantines and probably did not recognize the Bulgarian claim as they saw the Eastern Empire as indivisible.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:147" href="#fn:147">147</a> Hopes of a potential reconciliation with the Latins ended with the <a href="/facts/Battle_of_Adrianople_(1205)/bWpzMemN">attack on Adrianople</a> in 1205.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:148" href="#fn:148">148</a> In an inscription in the <a href="/facts/Holy_Forty_Martyrs_Church%2c_Veliko_Tarnovo/jXHvVjWD">Holy Forty Martyrs Church</a> following the <a href="/facts/Battle_of_Klokotnitsa/EW5HsMLs">Battle of Klokotnitsa</a>, Ivan Asen II refers to <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Thessalonica/BJg6r0yh">Thessalonican emperor</a> <a href="/facts/Theodore_Komnenos_Doukas/LKvRu0Jt">Theodore Komnenos Doukas</a> as "tsar". In the same inscription, the Bulgarian tsar claimed that the "<a href="/facts/Frankokratia/r48ggNJg">Franks</a>" have "no tsar but [him]",<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:149" href="#fn:149">149</a> which <a href="/facts/John_Van_Antwerp_Fine_Jr./N2MJUnw8">John Van Antwerp Fine Jr.</a> interpreted as considering gaining the regency over Latin Emperor <a href="/facts/Baldwin_II%2c_Latin_Emperor/qujKJ2Io">Baldwin II</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:150" href="#fn:150">150</a> Ivan Asen II suggested a betrothal between his daughter <a href="/facts/Elena_Asenina_of_Bulgaria/eGlso6lD">Elena</a> and Baldwin II and promised to return the territories occupied by Theodore to the Latins. The Latin nobility who saw this as a surrender to the Bulgarians rejected the proposal.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:151" href="#fn:151">151</a> In the 1230s, <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Nicaea/YPY76v5U">Nicene</a> emperor <a href="/facts/John_III_Doukas_Vatatzes/MT319vbg">John III Doukas Vatatzes</a> forged an alliance with Ivan Asen II against the Latins by marrying his son <a href="/facts/Theodore_II_Laskaris/Q77B8woK">Theodore</a> to Elena.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:152" href="#fn:152">152</a> In 1235, the <a href="/facts/Bulgarian_Orthodox_Church/cLb1HNal">Bulgarian Church</a> ended its communion with the <a href="/facts/Latin_Church/PfAJxEDg">Latin Church</a> in exchange for the establishment of the <a href="/facts/Tarnovo_Patriarchate/mSuSah2o">Tarnovo Patriarchate</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:153" href="#fn:153">153</a> The same year, they launched an unsuccessful <a href="/facts/Siege_of_Constantinople_(1235)/ItPJ7TMk">joint siege on Constantinople</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:154" href="#fn:154">154</a> John III then moved to an alliance with Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:155" href="#fn:155">155</a>
The dispute was also momentarily revived by the rulers of <a href="/facts/Serbian_Empire/HwX5KX0Y">Serbia</a> in 1346 with <a href="/facts/Stefan_Du%25C5%25A1an/7WK9VIHh">Stefan Dušan</a>'s coronation as Emperor of the Serbs and Romans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:156" href="#fn:156">156</a> The same year, the <a href="/facts/Serbian_Patriarchate_of_Pe%25C4%2587/3poWzfDM">an independent Patriarchate</a> was established leading to a schism with Constantinople, which lasted until 1375.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:157" href="#fn:157">157</a> Following his death, the Serbian Empire was divided between his son <a href="/facts/Stefan_Uro%25C5%25A1_V/sEHbmkp9">Stefan Uroš V</a> and his half-brother <a href="/facts/Simeon_Uro%25C5%25A1/QNfHF3AA">Simeon Uroš</a> who established a rival empire in Epirus and Thessaly.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:158" href="#fn:158">158</a> By 1371, <a href="/facts/Fall_of_the_Serbian_Empire/1AtppyG6">the empire disintegrated</a> into small states and the Serbian rulers gave the title up.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:159" href="#fn:159">159</a> After Ivan Asen II's death in 1241, the Bulgarian Empire began to decline.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:160" href="#fn:160">160</a> In the 1370s, tsar <a href="/facts/Ivan_Shishman_of_Bulgaria/6gXBb7Vj">Ivan Shishman of Bulgaria</a> who resided in <a href="/facts/Veliko_Tarnovo/N0vC3oAD">Tarnovo</a> became an Ottoman vassal and in 1393, his realm <a href="/facts/Bulgarian%25E2%2580%2593Ottoman_wars/cPxPIASQ">fell into direct Ottoman control</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:161" href="#fn:161">161</a> Another rump state nicknamed the <a href="/facts/Tsardom_of_Vidin/gv7F1n4y">Tsardom of Vidin</a> was created in the 1360s to avoid a succession crisis.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:162" href="#fn:162">162</a> It was ruled by <a href="/facts/Ivan_Sratsimir_of_Bulgaria/jgrVK5BM">Ivan Sratsimir of Bulgaria</a>, a half-brother of Ivan Shishman.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:163" href="#fn:163">163</a> Vidin split from the Tarnovo Patriarchate and returned to the Patriarchate of Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:164" href="#fn:164">164</a> This tsardom was conquered by the Ottomans in 1396.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:165" href="#fn:165">165</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:166" href="#fn:166">166</a>

<h3>Byzantine–Georgian dispute</h3>
See also: <a href="/facts/Byzantine%25E2%2580%2593Georgian_wars/bbbPVmJy">Byzantine–Georgian wars</a> and <a href="/facts/Style_of_the_Georgian_sovereign/Y3Jvk2UJ">Style of the Georgian sovereign</a>

In 994, <a href="/facts/Gurgen_of_Iberia/THSsFpXA">Gurgen of Iberia</a> adopted the title mepet <a href="/facts/Mepe/qBXPsaed">mepe</a> ("<a href="/facts/King_of_Kings/K1FuJ5jX">King of Kings</a>")<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:167" href="#fn:167">167</a> and was granted "<a href="/facts/Magistros/Q1b3fHBb">magistros</a>" by the Byzantines, his son meanwhile <a href="/facts/Bagrat_III_of_Georgia/Cx8em0gp">Bagrat III of Georgia</a> who united <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Georgia/RFHczxgd">Georgia</a> in 1008 only became a "<a href="/facts/Kouropalates/zWry6wQq">kouropalates</a>".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:168" href="#fn:168">168</a> In 1010, Catholicos <a href="/facts/Melchizedek_I_of_Georgia/mb90x0xT">Melchizedek I</a> assumed the title "Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:169" href="#fn:169">169</a> The Georgian kings were inspired by the Persian King of Kings (<a href="/facts/Shahanshah/5fHmcDtU">Shahanshah</a>)<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:170" href="#fn:170">170</a> and were as such the king over the Near East and Caucasia and equal to the emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:171" href="#fn:171">171</a> The Byzantine Empire saw Georgia as a vassal even though it was superficial.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:172" href="#fn:172">172</a> <a href="/facts/George_II_of_Georgia/vcULwwJd">George II of Georgia</a> also adopted the title caesar which he minted on coins which were based on Byzantine coins.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:173" href="#fn:173">173</a> His son <a href="/facts/David_IV/U4p9762u">David IV</a> declared himself "King of Kings of the Abkhazians, Iberians, Armenians, Arranians, Kakhetians, sword of the Messiah, Emperor/Basileus of all the East".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:174" href="#fn:174">174</a> He denounced the titles granted by the Byzantine emperors and declared himself autocrat<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:175" href="#fn:175">175</a> but the Byzantines did not use the title basileus for him.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:176" href="#fn:176">176</a> Throughout the 11th century up to the early 13th century, Georgian kings claimed to be the "ruler of the whole East and West" challenging the authority of Byzantium over the <a href="/facts/Byzantine_commonwealth/HMrjlBV6">Eastern Christian world</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:177" href="#fn:177">177</a> David IV and <a href="/facts/Tamar_of_Georgia/uGwrKRxU">Tamar</a> would link themselves to <a href="/facts/Constantine_the_Great/jW1q8TPp">Constantine the Great</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:178" href="#fn:178">178</a> After the Fourth Crusade, Georgia presented itself as the Orthodox Church and Queen Tamar of Georgia invaded Chaldia and installed her relatives of the deposed <a href="/facts/Komnenos/UaeY7SLT">Komnenos</a> dynasty as emperors of the <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Trebizond/QvbzwfVQ">Empire of Trebizond</a> which remained a close ally of Georgia to the very end<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:179" href="#fn:179">179</a> but there had also been Georgian invasions into Lazica.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:180" href="#fn:180">180</a> In the 1220s, Georgia lists "Greece" as their vassals which may refer to Trebizond.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:181" href="#fn:181">181</a> Despite their disputes, the ties between Georgia and Constantinople remained and Georgia saw themselves as their ally against the Muslims which surrounded the kingdom.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:182" href="#fn:182">182</a> In 1651, king <a href="/facts/Alexander_III_of_Imereti/jpGoAyar">Alexander III of Imereti</a> swore allegiance to tsar <a href="/facts/Alexis_of_Russia/aT9j2vLK">Alexis of Russia</a> calling himself tsar and Alexis Tsar and Grand Prince […] of all Russia, autocrat in all his sovereign will.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:183" href="#fn:183">183</a> In the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Georgievsk/8tYw0yWx">Treaty of Georgievsk</a> (1783), which turned the Georgian <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Kartli-Kakheti/hbW2zCav">Kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti</a> into a Russian protectorate, <a href="/facts/Catherine_the_Great/FTVM1heM">Catherine the Great</a> is referred to as Her Imperial Majesty and King <a href="/facts/Heraclius_II_of_Georgia/8bwybsq9">Heraclius II</a> as His Serene Highness Tsar.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:184" href="#fn:184">184</a>

<h3>Byzantine rump states</h3>
See also: <a href="/facts/Struggle_for_Constantinople/3XYY1hhA">Struggle for Constantinople</a> and <a href="/facts/Byzantine%25E2%2580%2593Trapezuntine_treaty_of_1282/nNbQASIB">Byzantine–Trapezuntine treaty of 1282</a>

Following the Fourth Crusade in 1204, there had also been multiple Byzantine <a href="/facts/Pretender/P0kudC0X">pretenders</a> including <a href="/facts/Alexios_Aspietes/VYmShW4d">Alexios Aspietes</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:185" href="#fn:185">185</a> but none of these rump states were able to gain the military strength of other major powers of that time.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:186" href="#fn:186">186</a> The loss of Constantinople was seen as the main problem rather than the existence of multiple emperors.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:187" href="#fn:187">187</a> The different pretenders would present their descent from older ruling dynasties for example <a href="/facts/Michael_VIII_Palaiologos/7mx2BoGN">Michael VIII Palaiologos</a> wielded the quadruple surname <a href="/facts/Komnenos/UaeY7SLT">Komnenos</a> <a href="/facts/Angelos/1hPYaU6k">Angelos</a> <a href="/facts/Doukas/YfRtpprr">Doukas</a> <a href="/facts/Palaiologos/9VY0Ekqs">Palaiologos</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:188" href="#fn:188">188</a> Eventually, the <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Nicaea/YPY76v5U">Empire of Nicaea</a> rose to become the dominant <a href="/facts/Rump_state/j965C8Kz">rump state</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:189" href="#fn:189">189</a> The new Latin Emperors recognize these pretenders and claimed the sole leadership over the Eastern Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:190" href="#fn:190">190</a> <a href="/facts/Pope_Gregory_X/RDqyVmUa">Pope Gregory X</a> denied his imperial title only calling John III a nobili viro ("noble man").<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:191" href="#fn:191">191</a> Frederick II was the only Western sovereign monarch to recognize John III's imperial title.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:192" href="#fn:192">192</a> Though, even he addressed John III only as imperatorem Graecorum illustri ("Illustrious Emperor of the Greeks") rejecting his Roman claim<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:193" href="#fn:193">193</a> while insisting to be the Roman Emperor himself<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:194" href="#fn:194">194</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:195" href="#fn:195">195</a> but Frederick II did recognize his people as "<a href="/facts/Rhomaioi/gwfJe6CL">Roman</a>".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:196" href="#fn:196">196</a>
In 1225 or 1227, the <a href="/facts/Despot_of_Epirus/14X95bEs">Despot of Epirus</a> <a href="/facts/Theodore_Komnenos_Doukas/LKvRu0Jt">Theodore Komnenos Doukas</a> was crowned by <a href="/facts/Archbishop_of_Ohrid/8nCR3R31">Archbishop of Ohrid</a> <a href="/facts/Demetrios_Chomatenos/IKycqszz">Demetrios Chomatenos</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:197" href="#fn:197">197</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:198" href="#fn:198">198</a> This state was given the name <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Thessalonica/BJg6r0yh">Empire of Thessalonica</a> by historians. Demetrios claimed that the <a href="/facts/Ecumenical_Patriarchate_of_Constantinople/mq0vBDKl">Patriarchate of Constantinople</a> ceased to exist with the death of <a href="/facts/John_X_of_Constantinople/zN2dPfyv">John X</a> in 1206 and argued that the <a href="/facts/Archbishopric_of_Ohrid/CKpGsrYe">Archbishopric of Ohrid</a> (or <a href="/facts/Archbishopric_of_Justiniana_Prima/qABYexeY">Justiniana Prima</a>) ranked higher than Nicaea only seeing the Patriarch residing in Nicaea <a href="/facts/Germanus_II_of_Constantinople/1smSsQze">Germanus II</a> as a regular bishop.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:199" href="#fn:199">199</a> This resulted to a schism between Nicaea and Thessalonica.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:200" href="#fn:200">200</a> The Emperor of Nicaea <a href="/facts/John_III_Doukas_Vatatzes/MT319vbg">John III Doukas Vatatzes</a> was willing to name Theodore Komnenos Doukas co-emperor if he recognized his supremacy, which Theodore refused.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:201" href="#fn:201">201</a> Fearing an attack by Theodore, the Latin Empire and the Nicene Empire reached a temporary truce.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:202" href="#fn:202">202</a> Theodore's attempt to capture Constantinople failed at the <a href="/facts/Battle_of_Klokotnitsa/EW5HsMLs">Battle of Klokotnitsa</a> against the <a href="/facts/Second_Bulgarian_Empire/zAWspoUj">Bulgarian Empire</a> where he was captured.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:203" href="#fn:203">203</a> Bulgarian Tsar <a href="/facts/Ivan_Asen_II_of_Bulgaria/dPLM0o54">Ivan Asen II</a> still recognized Theodore as a tsar/emperor in an inscription in the <a href="/facts/Holy_Forty_Martyrs_Church%2c_Veliko_Tarnovo/jXHvVjWD">Holy Forty Martyrs Church</a> about the battle.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:204" href="#fn:204">204</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:205" href="#fn:205">205</a> Theodore's son <a href="/facts/Manuel_Doukas/QwbpEfVH">Manuel Doukas</a> became his successor but he became de facto a <a href="/facts/Vassal/LKfLc2Cz">vassal</a> of Ivan Asen II.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:206" href="#fn:206">206</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:207" href="#fn:207">207</a> Manuel reaffirmed the supremacy of the patriarch in Nicaea.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:208" href="#fn:208">208</a> John III attacked Thessalonica in 1242 but he had to end the attack following the <a href="/facts/Mongol_conquest_of_Anatolia/UuElQDp5">Mongol advance</a>. Emperor of Thessalonica <a href="/facts/John_Komnenos_Doukas/pqpYLtut">John Komnenos Doukas</a> still had to give up his imperial title and change it to <a href="/facts/Despot_(court_title)/NpPda3sh">despot</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:209" href="#fn:209">209</a>
Additionally, the <a href="/facts/Empire_of_Trebizond/QvbzwfVQ">Empire of Trebizond</a> was formed in 1204 by <a href="/facts/Alexios_I_of_Trebizond/nVsuPLHR">Alexios I</a> and <a href="/facts/David_Komnenos/urzLldCe">David</a> with support from <a href="/facts/Tamar_of_Georgia/uGwrKRxU">Tamar of Georgia</a>. They were members of the <a href="/facts/Komnenos/UaeY7SLT">Komnenos</a> dynasty which was deposed in 1185.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:210" href="#fn:210">210</a> Trebizond was more remote than Nicaea<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:211" href="#fn:211">211</a> and was constantly threatened by the <a href="/facts/Sultanate_of_Rum/FxM7T3tz">Sultanate of Rum</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:212" href="#fn:212">212</a> Trebizond soon came into conflict with Nicene emperor <a href="/facts/Theodore_I_Laskaris/jUkm5SuL">Theodore I Laskaris</a>, after this David submitted to the Latin Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:213" href="#fn:213">213</a> Thus, they abandoned their plans on conquering Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:214" href="#fn:214">214</a> <a href="/facts/William_Miller_(historian)/Q2AIVsUv">William Miller</a> speculated that "nominal Latin suzerainty" was preferential to annexation by the Nicaeans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:215" href="#fn:215">215</a> <a href="/facts/Niketas_Choniates/VmsesVa6">Niketas Choniates</a> called the Trapezuntine emperors in his Panegyric of Theodore I Laskaris "lads of the Pontus". Different Palaiologan chronicles described them as rulers, princes or tyrants. <a href="/facts/Antony_Eastmond/vKGDHBeQ">Antony Eastmond</a> states that "in Palaiologan historiography, Trebizond was neither an empire nor even a Greek state at all."<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:216" href="#fn:216">216</a> The Emperors of Trebizond continued to use the imperial title even after the restoration of the Byzantine Empire by the Nicene emperors in 1261. In 1282, Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII proposed <a href="/facts/John_II_of_Trebizond/AHonY5TG">John II of Trebizond</a> to use the title despot instead and cease using the imperial insignia in return for a marriage with his daughter <a href="/facts/Eudokia_Palaiologina/uqfnT02K">Eudokia Palaiologina</a>. John II did not adopt the title though but changed his title from pistos basileus kai autokrator ton Romaíon ("Faithful Basileus and Autocrat of the Romans") to en Christoi to theo pistos basil kai autokrator pásis Anatolís, Ivíron kai Perateías ("Faithful to Lord Christ Basileus and Autocrat of all the East, <a href="/facts/Kartli/F2R9cunw">Iberia</a> and <a href="/facts/Perateia/WGU9c4Pw">Perateia</a>") referring to the territory of his realm and removing direct mentions of the Romans. In 1461, the Empire of Trebizond ended.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:217" href="#fn:217">217</a>

<h2 id="early-modern-period">Early modern period</h2>
See also: <a href="/facts/Succession_to_the_Byzantine_Empire/EmtxUIhC">Succession to the Byzantine Empire</a>
<h3>Holy Roman–Ottoman dispute</h3>
See also: <a href="/facts/Ottoman_claim_to_Roman_succession/t54WJCIx">Ottoman claim to Roman succession</a> and <a href="/facts/Ottoman%25E2%2580%2593Habsburg_wars/a2AW6mua">Ottoman–Habsburg wars</a>
With the <a href="/facts/Fall_of_Constantinople/JwpayQqv">fall of Constantinople</a> in 1453 and the rise of the <a href="/facts/Ottoman_Empire/6QvfTRsg">Ottoman Empire</a> in the Byzantine Empire's stead, the problem of two emperors returned.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:218" href="#fn:218">218</a> <a href="/facts/Mehmed_II/gdtDX2nE">Mehmed II</a>, who had conquered the city, explicitly titled himself as the Kayser-i <a href="/facts/R%25C3%25BBm/ctEcYbjR">Rûm</a> (<a href="/facts/Caesar_(title)/75YBKUXu">Caesar</a> of the Roman Empire), postulating a claim to world domination through the use of the Roman title. Mehmed deliberately linked himself to the Byzantine imperial tradition, making few changes in Constantinople itself and working on restoring the city through repairs and (sometimes forced) immigration, which soon led to an economic upswing. Mehmed also appointed a new Greek Orthodox patriarch, <a href="/facts/Gennadius_Scholarius/WdxusCCr">Gennadios</a>, and began minting his own coins (a practice which the Byzantine emperors had engaged in, but the Ottomans never had previously). Furthermore, Mehmed introduced stricter court ceremonies and protocols inspired by those of the Byzantines.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:219" href="#fn:219">219</a> The sultans controlled the leadership of the Orthodox church and ensured its hostility towards the Catholic church.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:220" href="#fn:220">220</a> Under <a href="/facts/Bayezid_II/KwYGdMPN">Bayezid II</a>, a <a href="/facts/Synod_of_Constantinople_(1484)/FIkFWr7z">council</a> was held which lasted until 1484 which condemned "the terrible and foreign doctrines of the Latins" and broke with any agreements of the <a href="/facts/Council_of_Florence/aaA8rq7a">Council of Florence</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:221" href="#fn:221">221</a>

The Holy Roman idea that the empire located primarily in Germany constituted the only legitimate empire eventually gave rise to the association with Germany and the imperial title, rather than associating it with the ancient Romans. The earliest mention of "the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation" (a phrase rarely used officially) is from the 15th century and its later increasingly used shorthand, imperium Romano-Germanicum, demonstrates that contemporaries of the empire increasingly saw the empire and its emperors not as successors of a Roman Empire that had existed since Antiquity but instead as a new entity that appeared in medieval Germany whose rulers were referred to as "emperors" for political and historical reasons. In the 16th century up to modern times, the term "emperor" was thus also increasingly applied to rulers of other countries.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:222" href="#fn:222">222</a> In the Holy Roman Empire türkischer Kaiser ("Turkish Emperor") became common while in Italy and the <a href="/facts/Papal_States/536PqTjo">Papal States</a> Turcus ("Turk"), Magnus Turcus ("Great Turk") or Turcorum Tyrannus ("Turkish Tyrant") were more prominent and avoided the term emperor at the start.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:223" href="#fn:223">223</a> <a href="/facts/Pope_Pius_II/9szSgFPQ">Pope Pius II</a> was willing to recognize Mehmed as emperor if he converted to Catholicism.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:224" href="#fn:224">224</a> <a href="/facts/Johannes_Cuspinian/mW9pN4Bs">Johannes Cuspinian</a>, who served under <a href="/facts/Maximilian_I%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/4f8SjFsX">Maximilian I</a> lists Ottoman sultans alongside Holy Roman, Byzantine and emperors from the Antiquity in his book Caesares.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:225" href="#fn:225">225</a> In 1496 and 1497, Maximilian I met an Ottoman delegation in <a href="/facts/Vigevano/8P4MTqaK">Vigevano</a> and in Stift Stams [de]. During the meetings, Maximilian I accepted the Imperial title used for the sultan<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:226" href="#fn:226">226</a> and called him Turc-emperor privately.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:227" href="#fn:227">227</a> Maximilian I even hosted an imposter pretender Calixtus Ottomanus [la] who was called "Turkish emperor" by both Maximilian I and himself.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:228" href="#fn:228">228</a> Emperor <a href="/facts/Charles_VI%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/DLG9Jlda">Charles VI</a> considered using his potential claim to the Byzantine throne through <a href="/facts/Andreas_Palaiologos/CDs09Q8h">Andreas Palaiologos</a>'s last will against the Ottomans but the expected success by <a href="/facts/Prince_Eugene_of_Savoy/P5mvmynS">Prince Eugene of Savoy</a> did not came to fruition.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:229" href="#fn:229">229</a> The Holy Roman emperors themselves maintained that they were the successors of the ancient Roman emperors up until the abdication of <a href="/facts/Francis_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/P3trV5zq">Francis II</a>, the final Holy Roman emperor, in 1806.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:230" href="#fn:230">230</a>
Contemporaries within the Ottoman Empire recognized Mehmed's assumption of the imperial title and his claim to world domination. The historian <a href="/facts/Michael_Critobulus/cAs6QEQn">Michael Critobulus</a> described the sultan as "emperor of emperors", "autocrat" and "Lord of the Earth and the sea according to God's will". In a letter to the <a href="/facts/Doge_of_Venice/4VzhfNHt">doge of Venice</a>, Mehmed was described by his courtiers as the "emperor". Other titles were sometimes used as well, such as "grand duke" and "prince of the Turkish Romans".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:231" href="#fn:231">231</a> The citizens of Constantinople and the former Byzantine Empire (which still identified as "Romans" and not "Greeks" until modern times) saw the Ottoman Empire as still representing their empire, the universal empire; the imperial capital was still Constantinople and its ruler, Mehmed II, was the basileus.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:232" href="#fn:232">232</a>
As with the Byzantine emperors before them, the imperial status of the Ottoman sultans was primarily expressed through the refusal to recognize the Holy Roman emperors as equal rulers. In diplomacy, the western emperors were titled as kıral (kings) of Vienna or Hungary.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:233" href="#fn:233">233</a> This practice had been cemented and reinforced by the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Constantinople_(1533)/u0qGCnYS">Treaty of Constantinople</a> in 1533, signed by the Ottoman Empire (under <a href="/facts/Suleiman_the_Magnificent/AQKbFdJu">Suleiman I</a>) and the <a href="/facts/Archduchy_of_Austria/WpHKUa55">Archduchy of Austria</a> (as represented by <a href="/facts/Ferdinand_I%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/4mMFlXNV">Ferdinand I</a> on behalf of <a href="/facts/Emperor_Charles_V/QdqkWAeq">Emperor Charles V</a>), wherein it was agreed that Ferdinand I was to be considered as the king of Germany and Charles V as the king of Spain. These titles were considered to be equal in rank to the Ottoman Empire's <a href="/facts/Grand_vizier_of_the_Ottoman_Empire/gaRwpe1q">grand vizier</a>, subordinate to the imperial title held by the sultan. The treaty also banned its signatories to count anyone as an emperor except the Ottoman sultan.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:234" href="#fn:234">234</a> From 1547, the Austrians had to pay tribute similar to Ottoman vassals which the Habsburgs called Ehrengeschenk (honorary gift) to downplay it.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:235" href="#fn:235">235</a>

The problem of two emperors and the dispute between the Holy Roman Empire and the Ottoman Empire would be finally resolved after the two empires signed a peace treaty following a string of Ottoman defeats. In the 1606 <a href="/facts/Peace_of_Zsitvatorok/3nAAqPLw">Peace of Zsitvatorok</a> Ottoman sultan <a href="/facts/Ahmed_I/gWeX3EPY">Ahmed I</a>, for the first time in his empire's history, formally recognized the Holy Roman Emperor <a href="/facts/Rudolf_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/XoKJsYAd">Rudolf II</a> with the title császár (Hungarian for Ceasar) rather than kıral.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:236" href="#fn:236">236</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:237" href="#fn:237">237</a> For a last payment of 200,000 Gulden, the Sublime Porte's annual tribute demands were stopped.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:238" href="#fn:238">238</a> Ahmed made sure to write "like a father to a son", symbolically emphasizing that the eastern empire retained some primacy over its western counterpart.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:239" href="#fn:239">239</a> The Ottoman Empire later shifted towards imperator or imperador which fell out of use by the Ottoman sultans at this point and was not associated with him anymore.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:240" href="#fn:240">240</a> In the Ottoman Empire itself, the idea that the sultan was a universal ruler lingered on despite his recognition of the Holy Roman emperor as an equal. Writing in 1798, the <a href="/facts/Greek_Orthodox_patriarch_of_Jerusalem/3jyVCFnB">Greek Orthodox patriarch of Jerusalem</a>, <a href="/facts/Anthemus_of_Jerusalem/BfEAAxtD">Anthemus</a>, saw the Ottoman Empire as imposed by God himself as the supreme empire on Earth and something which had arisen due to the dealings of the Palaiologan emperors with the western Christians:<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:241" href="#fn:241">241</a><blockquote>Behold how our merciful and omniscient Lord has managed to preserve the integrity of our holy Orthodox faith and to save (us) all; he brought forth out of nothing the powerful Empire of the Ottomans, which he set up in the place of our Empire of the Romaioi, which had begun in some ways to deviate from the path of the Orthodox faith; and he raised this Empire of the Ottomans above every other in order to prove beyond doubt that it came into being by the will of God .... For there is no authority except that deriving from God.</blockquote>
Ottoman administrative documents continued to call the Roman-German emperors "Kings of Vienna" up to the early 18th century. Nevertheless it was an important step to equality in foreign politics. The treaty was reaffirmed multiple times for example by the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Karlowitz/eAlAqMDb">Treaty of Karlowitz</a> in 1699.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:242" href="#fn:242">242</a> European nations adopted a secular foreign policy and in 1771, Austria formed an alliance with the Ottomans against <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Prussia/x796l7vx">Kingdom of Prussia</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:243" href="#fn:243">243</a> After the <a href="/facts/Austro-Turkish_War_(1788%25E2%2580%25931791)/2mLlVeuR">unsuccessful Austrian invasion</a>, the Ottomans accepted Western diplomatic practices with the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Sistova/bIrqr6Sj">Treaty of Sistova</a> of 1791.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:244" href="#fn:244">244</a> The <a href="/facts/Austrian_Empire/AnAU9bdG">Austrian Empire</a> continued to respect the compromise with the Ottomans after the <a href="/facts/Dissolution_of_the_Holy_Roman_Empire/Bghw8y6e">dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:245" href="#fn:245">245</a>

<h3>Holy Roman–Russian dispute</h3>

By the time of the first embassy from the Holy Roman Empire to <a href="/facts/Russian_Tsardom/m0scLsSq">Russia</a> in 1488, "the two-emperor problem had [already] translated to Moscow."<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:246" href="#fn:246">246</a> In 1472, <a href="/facts/Ivan_III_of_Russia/PDrI0no8">Ivan III</a>, the <a href="/facts/Grand_prince_of_Moscow/323GmbSt">grand prince of Moscow</a>, married the niece of the last Byzantine emperor, <a href="/facts/Zoe_Palaiologina/WP21QcUK">Zoe Palaiologina</a>, and informally declared himself <a href="/facts/Tsar/qTE59C0T">tsar</a> (emperor) of all the Russian principalities. In 1480, he stopped paying tribute to the <a href="/facts/Golden_Horde/Cnee5NcY">Golden Horde</a> and adopted the imperial <a href="/facts/Double-headed_eagle/yGVEuNTm">double-headed eagle</a> as one of his symbols. A distinct Russian theory of translatio imperii was developed by Abbot <a href="/facts/Philotheus_of_Pskov/IjPU9Qfm">Philotheus of Pskov</a>. In this doctrine, the first Rome fell to heresy (Catholicism) and the second Rome (Constantinople) to the infidel (Ottomans), but <a href="/facts/Moscow%2c_third_Rome/jM4VKKfG">the third Rome (Moscow)</a> would endure until the end of the world.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:247" href="#fn:247">247</a>
In 1488, Ivan III demanded recognition of his title as the equivalent of emperor, but this was refused by the Holy Roman emperor <a href="/facts/Frederick_III%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/de0dgy6d">Frederick III</a> and other western European rulers. <a href="/facts/Ivan_IV_of_Russia/T0kT4xAs">Ivan IV</a> went even further in his imperial claims. He <a href="/facts/The_Tale_of_the_Princes_of_Vladimir/llFRLGcl">claimed descent</a> from the first Roman emperor, <a href="/facts/Augustus/RGfMCR2V">Augustus</a>, and at his <a href="/facts/Coronation_of_the_Russian_monarch/FpdbVAHN">coronation</a> as the <a href="/facts/Tsar_of_all_Russia/323GmbSt">tsar of all Russia</a> in 1547, he used the <a href="/facts/Church_Slavonic_language/8R4I8vPs">Slavic</a> translation of the Byzantine coronation service and what he claimed was Byzantine <a href="/facts/Regalia_of_the_Russian_tsars/AcL6mQqQ">regalia</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:248" href="#fn:248">248</a> Around this time, Ivan IV stopped using the term "brother" towards other kings and only saw the Holy Roman Emperor and the Ottoman Sultan as equal.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:249" href="#fn:249">249</a> <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_England/1VqdIuFc">England</a>, Denmark and initially Sweden were the first to recognize Ivan IV as tsar.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:250" href="#fn:250">250</a> The <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Cardis/6e5XAaH0">Treaty of Cardis</a> of 1661 obliged Sweden to use the title Tsar after Sweden rejected the title again.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:251" href="#fn:251">251</a> King <a href="/facts/Louis_XIII/lQLogryS">Louis XIII</a> of France recognized <a href="/facts/Michael_of_Russia/kn1NnMKD">Michael of Russia</a> as the "Head of the Eastern Hemisphere" and Empereur in 1629.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:252" href="#fn:252">252</a> The Papacy itself was willing to recognize the Russian tsar as imperator if they agreed to a communion<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:253" href="#fn:253">253</a> and avoided calling him "Grand Prince", instead opting for Domino Russiae. <a href="/facts/Feodor_I_of_Russia/GNfXVVlI">Feodor I of Russia</a> was recognized as a tsar in 1594.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:254" href="#fn:254">254</a> In 1673, <a href="/facts/Paul_Menesius/XVjgt2YA">Paul Menesius</a> advised <a href="/facts/Pope_Clement_X/2es8k4qV">Pope Clement X</a> to refer to the Russian sovereign as a tsar as he argued that it is the Russian word for "ruler" similar to other regional titles like "caliph" or "sherif" rather than meaning "Caesar".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:255" href="#fn:255">255</a> With France in 1745, all major Western kingdoms recognized <a href="/facts/Peter_the_Great/plNUAaWM">Peter I</a> new official title imperator.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:256" href="#fn:256">256</a>
According to <a href="/facts/Marshall_Poe/QBM5Adee">Marshall Poe</a>, the "Third Rome" theory first spread among clerics, and for much of its early history still regarded Moscow subordinate to Constantinople (<a href="/facts/Tsargrad/2ruW2auV">Tsargrad</a>), a position also held by Ivan IV.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:257" href="#fn:257">257</a> Poe argues that Philotheus' doctrine of Third Rome may have been mostly forgotten in Russia, relegated to the <a href="/facts/Old_Believers/E0IVqAgk">Old Believers</a>, until shortly before the development of <a href="/facts/Pan-Slavism/5DKloWLf">pan-Slavism</a>. Hence the idea could not have directly influenced the foreign policies of Peter and Catherine, though those tsars did compare themselves to the Romans. An expansionist version of Third Rome reappeared primarily after the coronation of <a href="/facts/Alexander_II_of_Russia/rcFpTjFH">Alexander II</a> in 1855, a lens through which later Russian writers would re-interpret Early Modern Russia, arguably anachronistically.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:258" href="#fn:258">258</a>

The Muscovite grand princes added "<a href="/facts/Sovereign_of_all_Russia/eVYTLH06">of all Russia</a>" to their title marking the goal of "<a href="/facts/Gathering_of_the_Russian_lands/fruKhcvB">gathering the Russian lands</a>" under their rule, including those under Lithuanian control,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:259" href="#fn:259">259</a> and the <a href="/facts/Polish%25E2%2580%2593Lithuanian_union/SAhdnP2J">Polish–Lithuanian union</a> became an obstacle for agreements with Russia.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:260" href="#fn:260">260</a> In 1549, Russia and Poland–Lithuania agreed to use "Grand Prince" in the Polish text and "Tsar" in the Russian text for a peace treaty.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:261" href="#fn:261">261</a> During the negotiations of the <a href="/facts/Truce_of_Yam-Zapolsky/YA6IbcKL">Truce of Yam-Zapolsky</a> (1582), Jesuit <a href="/facts/Antonio_Possevino/QxSMk7bD">Antonio Possevino</a>, who served as mediator, rejected the title tsar or emperor as could only be granted by the pope and that the "single Emperor of the Christians" was brought back into the West when the Byzantine emperor became "less loyal" with the Russian delegation replying with the claim that the Grand Prince <a href="/facts/Vladimir_the_Great/0AQqr2mf">Vladimir the Great</a> was granted the title by <a href="/facts/Arcadius/msSbqSf3">Arcadius</a> and <a href="/facts/Honorius/eH8T3Qa5">Honorius</a> which he dismissed. Possevino also rejected the second offer by Moscow to use the title "Tsar of Kazan and Astrakhan" assuming that the Polish king would not accept a "Turkish or Tatar" title like "Tsar of the Tatars" to be used by a Christian ruler, apparently being unaware of the origin of tsar. Only in the Russian version of the treaty is the Tsar referred to as such.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:262" href="#fn:262">262</a> Shortly after the <a href="/facts/Moscow_Patriarchate/AHbnwM6p">Moscow Patriarchate</a> was established, the <a href="/facts/Union_of_Brest/NEI7t3KW">Union of Brest</a> was agreed in 1595 to limit Russian influence.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:263" href="#fn:263">263</a> In 1610, <a href="/facts/W%25C5%2582adys%25C5%2582aw_IV_Vasa/fN3sFHVL">Władysław</a> was elected tsar and claimed it even after he was elected King of Poland until 1634.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:264" href="#fn:264">264</a> In 1685, the <a href="/facts/Annexation_of_the_Metropolis_of_Kyiv_by_the_Moscow_Patriarchate/Bg4kcXRT">metropolis of Kiev was transferred</a> to the Russian Church. Polish authorities reacted to it by pressuring Orthodox bishops to join the <a href="/facts/Ruthenian_Uniate_Church/0C2eFbto">Ruthenian Uniate Church</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:265" href="#fn:265">265</a> In the <a href="/facts/Polish-Russian_Peace_Treaty_(1686)/zAgsblcQ">Treaty of Perpetual Peace of 1686</a>, Russia was officially recognized as a tsardom by Poland.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:266" href="#fn:266">266</a> Poland only recognize the title imperator in 1764.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:267" href="#fn:267">267</a>
The emperors of the Holy Roman Empire at first only recognized them as Zar von Kazan und Astrachan ("Tsar of Kazan and Astrakhan"). In 1576, after long complaints <a href="/facts/Maximilian_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/vdwubGGd">Maximilian II</a> called Ivan IV as tsar in a letter.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:268" href="#fn:268">268</a> In 1617, <a href="/facts/Matthias%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/8Bg0c2Fb">Matthias</a> recognized <a href="/facts/Michael_of_Russia/kn1NnMKD">Michael of Russia</a> de jure as tsar.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:269" href="#fn:269">269</a> In the <a href="/facts/Peace_of_Westphalia/numMwwD7">Peace of Westphalia</a> (1648), the Russian tsar was referred to as Magnus dux Moscoviae against their wishes.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:270" href="#fn:270">270</a> Nevertheless, this meant Russia was accepted as part of the <a href="/facts/Res_publica_Christiana/Df25LcTX">res publica Christiana</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:271" href="#fn:271">271</a> The Holy Roman emperors still refused to call the tsar "majesty", a right which was already granted to other monarchs by the Holy Roman Empire, and in 1661, the Russian delegation replied by calling <a href="/facts/Leopold_I%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/4Nm0Ix63">Leopold I</a> Kayserliche grossmächigkeit (or korolevskoe Velikomocnyj) instead.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:272" href="#fn:272">272</a> Prior to the <a href="/facts/Grand_Embassy_of_Peter_the_Great/f8N6XRVu">embassy of Peter the Great in 1697–1698</a>, the tsarist government had a poor understanding of the Holy Roman Empire and its constitution. Under Peter, use of the double-headed eagle increased and other less Byzantine symbols of the Roman past were adopted, as when the tsar was portrayed as an ancient emperor on coins minted after the <a href="/facts/Battle_of_Poltava/CJaMU5lI">Battle of Poltava</a> in 1709. The <a href="/facts/Great_Northern_War/YVw3GjYw">Great Northern War</a> brought Russia into alliance with several north German princes and Russian troops fought in northern Germany. In 1718, Peter published a letter sent to Tsar <a href="/facts/Vasily_III/YLskmz25">Vasily III</a> by the Holy Roman emperor <a href="/facts/Maximilian_I%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/4f8SjFsX">Maximilian I</a> dated 4 August 1514 in which the emperor addressed the Russian as Kaiser (spelled Kayser) and implicitly his equal.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:273" href="#fn:273">273</a> In October 1721, he took the title imperator to avoid translation as rex.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:274" href="#fn:274">274</a> The Holy Roman emperors refused to recognise this new title; it was pointed out that the letter from Maximilian was the only example of using the "Kaiser" title for Russian monarchs. Peter's proposal that the Russian and German monarchs alternate as premier rulers in Europe was also rejected. The Emperor <a href="/facts/Charles_VI%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/DLG9Jlda">Charles VI</a>, supported by France, insisted that there could only be one emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:275" href="#fn:275">275</a> Despite the alliance between Charles VI and <a href="/facts/Catherine_I_of_Russia/alnFdW2g">Catherine I of Russia</a> formally concluded in 1726, it was specifically stipulated that Russian monarch was not to use the imperial title in correspondence with the Holy Roman Emperor,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:276" href="#fn:276">276</a> and the alliance treaty omits any references thereto with Charles VI being referred as Suae Sacrae Caesareae et Regiae Catholicae Majestatis ("His Sacred Caesarian and Royal Catholic Majesty") and Catherine I as Suae Sacrae Totius Russiae Majestatis ("Her Sacred Majesty of All Russia"),<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:277" href="#fn:277">277</a> officially recognizing her as at least majesty.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:278" href="#fn:278">278</a>
The reason for gradual acceptance of the Russian claims was the <a href="/facts/War_of_the_Austrian_Succession/ca1k0Fet">War of the Austrian Succession</a>, where both sides attempted to draw Russia towards them. In 1742, the Vienna court of <a href="/facts/Maria_Theresa/q2kP0dNM">Maria Theresa</a> formally recognized the Russian imperial title, though without admitting the Russian ruler's parity. Her rival, the Emperor <a href="/facts/Charles_VII%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/S2fDjES0">Charles VII</a>, upon his coronation in 1742 initially refused to acknowledge Russian pretensions. However, by the end of 1743 the course of the war and the influence of <a href="/facts/Prussia/fs1wEGrk">Prussian</a> allies (which had recognized Russian imperial title almost immediately in 1721) convinced him that some form of recognition had to be offered. This was done in early 1744; however, in this case Charles VII only acted in his capacity as a Bavarian elector and not as a Holy Roman Emperor.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:279" href="#fn:279">279</a> By the time of his death, the issue still had not been formally settled at the imperial level. It was only in 1745 that the imperial electoral college acknowledged Russian claims, which were then confirmed in the document produced by the newly elected emperor <a href="/facts/Francis_I%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/CepQk493">Francis I</a> (Maria Theresa's husband) and formally ratified by the <a href="/facts/Imperial_Diet_(Holy_Roman_Empire)/hH5SclMv">Reichstag</a> in 1746.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:280" href="#fn:280">280</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:281" href="#fn:281">281</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:282" href="#fn:282">282</a>
Three times between 1733 and 1762 Russian troops fought alongside Austrians inside the empire. The ruler of Russia from 1762 until 1796, <a href="/facts/Catherine_the_Great/FTVM1heM">Catherine the Great</a>, was a German princess. In 1779 she helped broker the <a href="/facts/Peace_of_Teschen/xxGKtneC">Peace of Teschen</a> that ended the <a href="/facts/War_of_the_Bavarian_Succession/GJqFcNfI">War of the Bavarian Succession</a>. Thereafter, Russia claimed to be a <a href="/facts/Guarantor_of_the_imperial_constitution/s5BRsmv0">guarantor of the imperial constitution</a> as per the <a href="/facts/Peace_of_Westphalia/numMwwD7">Peace of Westphalia</a> (1648) with the same standing as France and Sweden.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:283" href="#fn:283">283</a> In 1780, Catherine II called for the invasion of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of a <a href="/facts/Greek_Plan/bF53lgEH">new Greek Empire</a> or restored Eastern Roman Empire, for which purposes an alliance was made between <a href="/facts/Joseph_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/cvj6srA1">Joseph II</a>'s Holy Roman Empire and Catherine II's Russian Empire<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:284" href="#fn:284">284</a> with her grandson <a href="/facts/Grand_Duke_Konstantin_Pavlovich_of_Russia/WVauF5rG">Konstantin Pavlovich</a> as their emperor in his own right.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:285" href="#fn:285">285</a> The alliance between Joseph and Catherine was, at the time, heralded as a great success for both parties.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:286" href="#fn:286">286</a> Neither the Greek Plan or the <a href="/facts/Austro-Russian_alliance_(1781)/RbNC39FU">Austro-Russian alliance</a> would persist long. Nonetheless, both empires would be part of the anti-Napoleonic Coalitions as well as the <a href="/facts/Concert_of_Europe/SuVMRoa4">Concert of Europe</a>. Any possible Holy Roman–Russian dispute ended with the <a href="/facts/Dissolution_of_the_Holy_Roman_Empire/Bghw8y6e">dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire</a> in 1806.

<h3>Ottoman–Russian dispute</h3>
See also: <a href="/facts/Russo-Turkish_wars/bzagTz56">Russo-Turkish wars</a>, <a href="/facts/Russo-Crimean_Wars/DHalyX7I">Russo-Crimean Wars</a>, and <a href="/facts/15th%25E2%2580%259316th_century_Moscow%25E2%2580%2593Constantinople_schism/nINSBpXR">15th–16th century Moscow–Constantinople schism</a>

Both the <a href="/facts/Tsardom_of_Russia/m0scLsSq">Tsardom of Russia</a> (and later <a href="/facts/Russian_Empire/hg1g5SpV">Russian Empire</a>) and the <a href="/facts/Ottoman_Empire/6QvfTRsg">Ottoman Empire</a> claimed the succession of the Byzantine Empire specifically. The Pope married off <a href="/facts/Sophia_Palaiologina/WP21QcUK">Sophia Palaiologina</a> to Grand Prince <a href="/facts/Ivan_III_of_Russia/PDrI0no8">Ivan III</a> in hope of starting a joint crusade to reclaim Constantinople<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:287" href="#fn:287">287</a> but Ivan III had no plans for a war with the Ottomans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:288" href="#fn:288">288</a> In 1547, <a href="/facts/Ivan_IV_of_Russia/T0kT4xAs">Ivan IV</a> crowned himself tsar claiming both the political and religious succession of the Byzantine Empire as part of their own <a href="/facts/Translatio_imperii/KuAvxjKD">translatio imperii</a> of the <a href="/facts/Moscow%2c_third_Rome/jM4VKKfG">Third Rome</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:289" href="#fn:289">289</a> By the 1570s, Tsar Ivan IV stopped using the term "brother" towards other kings and only saw the Holy Roman Emperor and the Ottoman Sultan as equal.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:290" href="#fn:290">290</a>
The Russians began to distinguish between the Byzantine emperor, who was the tsar for the Orthodox church, and the khan of the <a href="/facts/Golden_Horde/Cnee5NcY">Golden Horde</a>, who was the tsar for the princes.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:291" href="#fn:291">291</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:292" href="#fn:292">292</a> Under the reign of Grand Prince Ivan III, <a href="/facts/Vassian_Patrikeyev/MvKv445L">Vassian Patrikeyev</a> argued that Ivan III should wield the title tsar and not the khans and compared him to <a href="/facts/Vladimir_the_Great/0AQqr2mf">Vladimir the Great</a> and <a href="/facts/Dmitry_Donskoy/pB2HAARW">Dmitry Donskoy</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:293" href="#fn:293">293</a> In 1480, Moscow gained independence from the Golden Horde with the <a href="/facts/Great_Stand_on_the_Ugra_River/IE83I4Jz">Great Stand on the Ugra River</a>, allowing the grand prince to adopt the title samoderzhets (in Greek autokrator) in 1492.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:294" href="#fn:294">294</a> When Ivan IV conquered the khanates of <a href="/facts/Khanate_of_Kazan/Ac216Jwn">Kazan</a> and <a href="/facts/Astrakhan_Khanate/IFadLoIl">Astrakhan</a>, he assumed the titles "Tsar of Kazan and Astrakhan". He replaced their rulers not as a khan but as a ruler of an Orthodox tsardom, how V. V. Trepavlov [ru] described it.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:295" href="#fn:295">295</a> The Crimean khans saw themselves as the successors of the Khans of the Golden Horde thus inheriting Russia as their "vassal" and became the only intermediary between the Kremlin and the Sublime Porte.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:296" href="#fn:296">296</a> They had been Ottoman vassals themselves from 1475<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:297" href="#fn:297">297</a> and had been decisive in the non-violent victory in 1480.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:298" href="#fn:298">298</a> The <a href="/facts/Crimean_Khanate/JPtgG0dx">Crimean Khanate</a> claimed to be equal or even superior to the Tsardom of Russia which had to pay tribute to them (Ulug Khazīne lit. 'Great Treasure' which the Russian tsar called "present", pominki in Russian). In 1643, the khan had to officially apologize after an envoy called the "gift" a <a href="/facts/Kharaj/KUw0NuGw">kharaj</a> but the annual tribute remained an obligation.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:299" href="#fn:299">299</a> In 1661, the Crimean vizier reminded the Russian tsar that the Ottoman sultan would be suzerain ruler over both the khan and him.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:300" href="#fn:300">300</a> The Khanate was generally more willing to address other rulers by their official title unlike their overlords but in 1660, the Crimean vizier Sefer Ğazı [crh] refused to refer the Russian tsar as Magrib ve Maşriq padişahı ("Emperor/Padishah of the East and West") and potentially even compared him to the <a href="/facts/Prince-elector/W6rHIgAB">prince-electors</a> of the Holy Roman Empire instead.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:301" href="#fn:301">301</a> Khan <a href="/facts/Mehmed_IV_Giray/8LDjgXrN">Mehmed IV Giray</a> stated that "even the Ottoman Padişah is not using such titles for himself".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:302" href="#fn:302">302</a> The Crimean court rejected the Russian claim to be Ālem-penāh (Refuge of the World) too as it had been used by the Sultan.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:303" href="#fn:303">303</a> In 1670, following the <a href="/facts/Truce_of_Andrusovo/MwLf3J74">Truce of Andrusovo</a>, a Crimean envoy referred to the Russian tsar and the Polish king as "Great Padishahs"<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:304" href="#fn:304">304</a> and in 1671, khan <a href="/facts/Adil_Giray/1sYDlM9s">Adil Giray</a> used the title "Emperor/Padishah of the East and West" for the Russian tsar.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:305" href="#fn:305">305</a> With the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_Constantinople_(1700)/dSoIzuEf">Treaty of Constantinople of 1700</a>, the tribute payments were permanently stopped.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:306" href="#fn:306">306</a>
The Russian Church opposed the short-lived union between the Byzantine and Latin churches after the <a href="/facts/Council_of_Florence/aaA8rq7a">Council of Florence</a> and argued that the <a href="/facts/Fall_of_Constantinople/JwpayQqv">fall of Constantinople</a> (1453) was divine punishment for it. Moscow then began to saw themselves as the center of the Christian world as part of their "Third Rome" ideology.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:307" href="#fn:307">307</a> The Russian Church soon became de facto autocephalous, their metropolitans were not appointed by Constantinople anymore and acted politically independent.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:308" href="#fn:308">308</a> <a href="/facts/Gennadius_Scholarius/WdxusCCr">Gennadius Scholarius</a> was appointed Patriarch of Constantinople by Sultan <a href="/facts/Mehmed_II/gdtDX2nE">Mehmed II</a> in accordance to Byzantine tradition.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:309" href="#fn:309">309</a> It is recorded that from at least 1474, the Economical Patriarchate referred to the sultan as basileus.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:310" href="#fn:310">310</a> In 1561, the Patriarch of Constantinople blessed Ivan IV's right to the title tsar.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:311" href="#fn:311">311</a> In 1589, the <a href="/facts/Moscow_Patriarchate/AHbnwM6p">Moscow Patriarchate</a> was accepted by Constantinople<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:312" href="#fn:312">312</a> gaining official autocephaly from Constantinople.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:313" href="#fn:313">313</a>
Ivan III called the sultan a tsar. This changed with <a href="/facts/Vasili_III_of_Russia/YLskmz25">Vasili III of Russia</a> but <a href="/facts/Selim_I/aVcgQv8C">Selim I</a> preferred the <a href="/facts/Ottoman_Caliphate/Gw2v4wyj">caliph title</a> anyway.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:314" href="#fn:314">314</a> In 1525, the Ottoman court ceased to issue official documents in scripts other than Arabic, a further step towards Islamic political identity. Translations of official documents continued to be made and issued by lower officials and governors, and for diplomatic purposes, though these did not carry the <a href="/facts/Tughra/uyuIeJbm">tughra</a> (the sultan's signature).<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:315" href="#fn:315">315</a> This meant that titles such as basileus and imperator ceased to be used officially by the sultans themselves,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:316" href="#fn:316">316</a> who instead mostly used only sultan and/or padişah.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:317" href="#fn:317">317</a> The sultans continued to deny other monarchs the style of padişah in diplomatic correspondence, which meant that the implications of their imperial role was not forgotten.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:318" href="#fn:318">318</a> Ottoman sultans after Suleiman I at times still stressed that they were Roman emperors<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:319" href="#fn:319">319</a> and the style kayser or kayser-i Rûm remained in use as late as the eighteenth century.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:320" href="#fn:320">320</a> Greek-language translations of official Ottoman documents continued to style the sultans as basileus<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:321" href="#fn:321">321</a> until 1876,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:322" href="#fn:322">322</a> when the official Greek translation of the Ottoman constitution (<a href="/facts/Kanun-i_esasi/0w9hjDLg">Kanun-i esasi</a>) established that the terms sultan (σουλτάνος, soultanos) and padişah (παδισαχ, padisach) were to be used.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:323" href="#fn:323">323</a>
According to A. A. Novoselskyy [ru], the Ottomans agreed to the title tsar in 1643 after the <a href="/facts/Siege_of_Azov_(1637%25E2%2580%25931642)/1NQQln9p">Siege of Azov</a><a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:324" href="#fn:324">324</a> but already Sultan <a href="/facts/Selim_II/kSbEXEef">Selim II</a> addressed Tsar Ivan IV as Moskov kıralı sar ("Moscovian king tsar").<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:325" href="#fn:325">325</a> <a href="/facts/Halil_%25C4%25B0nalc%25C4%25B1k/yBnhPpR3">Halil İnalcık</a> argues that sar or çar did not mean "Caesar" to the Ottomans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:326" href="#fn:326">326</a> The Ottoman sultans usually referred to them as Moskov kıralı ("Moscovian king") or Moskov çarı ("Moscovian tsar"),<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:327" href="#fn:327">327</a> the latter being used Treaty of Constantinople of 1700.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:328" href="#fn:328">328</a> The Ottoman Empire shifted from Muscovy to Russia when they recognized <a href="/facts/Elizabeth_of_Russia/DGK4Ltmn">Elizabeth I</a> as tamamen Rusiya imparatoriça ("Imperator of All of Russia") in 1741,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:329" href="#fn:329">329</a> by then imperator lost its association to the Ottoman sultans.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:330" href="#fn:330">330</a> From 1774, the Ottoman sultan had to officially recognize the Russian emperor as padişah according to article 13 of the <a href="/facts/Treaty_of_K%25C3%25BC%25C3%25A7%25C3%25BCk_Kaynarca/CrRmB9kH">Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca</a>. Crimea was declared independent allowing Russia <a href="/facts/Annexation_of_the_Crimean_Khanate_by_the_Russian_Empire/QSaWTXqA">to annex their old rival in 1783</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:331" href="#fn:331">331</a> In return, their <a href="/facts/Ottoman_Caliphate/Gw2v4wyj">caliphate</a> was verified as the Ottomans needed Islamic legitimization<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:332" href="#fn:332">332</a> but it was purely spiritual. The Russian Empire later argued that the treaty gives them the rights to protect all <a href="/facts/Eastern_Orthodox_Church/5n20Akh5">Orthodox</a> <a href="/facts/Christianity_in_the_Ottoman_Empire/DRDkpbDR">Christians within the Ottoman Empire</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:333" href="#fn:333">333</a> In 1780, Empress <a href="/facts/Catherine_the_Great/FTVM1heM">Catherine the Great</a> called for the invasion of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of a <a href="/facts/Greek_Plan/bF53lgEH">new Greek Empire</a> or restored Eastern Roman Empire rules by her grandson <a href="/facts/Grand_Duke_Konstantin_Pavlovich_of_Russia/WVauF5rG">Konstantin Pavlovich</a> as their own emperor,<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:334" href="#fn:334">334</a> for which purposes an alliance was made between <a href="/facts/Joseph_II%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/cvj6srA1">Joseph II</a>'s Holy Roman Empire and Catherine II's Russian Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:335" href="#fn:335">335</a> Even during <a href="/facts/World_War_I/vITTUanQ">World War I</a>, Russia had interests in conquering Constantinople and in 1915, the <a href="/facts/Triple_Entente/pyxyg1cA">Entente</a> agreed to give the city to the Russians in case of a victory as part of the <a href="/facts/Constantinople_Agreement/38ku6MwH">Constantinople Agreement</a> by then the idea of claiming "<a href="/facts/Tsargrad/2ruW2auV">Tsargrad</a>" blended into the wider <a href="/facts/Slavophilia/GU6TQsMR">Slavophile movement</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:336" href="#fn:336">336</a> The <a href="/facts/Russian_Revolution/kk1z6pnH">Russian Revolution</a> and the collapse of the tsardom in 1917 ended the dream.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:337" href="#fn:337">337</a>

<h2 id="holy-romanleonese-dispute">Holy Roman–Leonese dispute</h2>
Further information: <a href="/facts/Imperator_totius_Hispaniae/M09lwDhA">Imperator totius Hispaniae</a>
Some argued that the imperial title was adopted in order to affirm the independence of León from <a href="/facts/Charlemagne/o0PlxScC">Charlemagne</a>'s restored Western Empire.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:338" href="#fn:338">338</a> <a href="/facts/Carl_Erdmann/Il6q486r">Carl Erdmann</a> associated the usage of the imperial title by the <a href="/facts/Kings_of_Castile/ml90jTxz">Kings of Castile</a> to the decline of the power of <a href="/facts/Salian_dynasty/FUKU8WH2">Salian emperors</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:339" href="#fn:339">339</a> The title had also was used to show suzerainty over the Muslim and Christian petty kingdoms of Spain in the sense of a "King of Kings".<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:340" href="#fn:340">340</a> Unlike Roman emperors, Castilian-Leonese rulers only claimed particular rule<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:341" href="#fn:341">341</a> and did not distinguish between emperors and kings.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:342" href="#fn:342">342</a> The imperial claims fell out of use after reaching its peak under <a href="/facts/Alfonso_VII_of_Le%25C3%25B3n_and_Castile/lNyS1E2M">Alfonso VII</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:343" href="#fn:343">343</a>
Beginning in the 14th century, various chronicles record an 11th-century dispute over the imperial title between the Holy Roman Emperor and King <a href="/facts/Ferdinand_I_of_Le%25C3%25B3n/Xbhvvu0a">Ferdinand I of León</a>, who is known to have used the title 'emperor' (imperator) from at least 1056. The details of the dispute as recorded in the chronicles are clearly legendary. They include the king of France demanding tribute from León and <a href="/facts/El_Cid/cTDbnqfk">El Cid</a> declaring war on emperor, pope and French king.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:344" href="#fn:344">344</a> In the 16th century, the Jesuit historian <a href="/facts/Juan_de_Mariana/9sHjhvmf">Juan de Mariana</a> gave a fuller and more plausible account of the supposed 11th-century dispute. At the Council of Florence [it] in 1055, according to Mariana, the Emperor <a href="/facts/Henry_III%2c_Holy_Roman_Emperor/r59V3pg6">Henry III</a> urged Pope <a href="/facts/Pope_Victor_II/PdvC5Vqh">Victor II</a> to prohibit under severe penalties the use of the imperial title by Ferdinand.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:345" href="#fn:345">345</a> This story is generally regarded as apocryphal, although some modern authors have seen a kernel of historical truth in it. Antonio Ballesteros Beretta [es] argued that Ferdinand adopted the title in opposition to Henry III's imperial pretensions. Edmund Ernst Stengel [de] believed the version found in Mariana on the grounds that the latter probably used the now lost acts of the Council of Florence.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:346" href="#fn:346">346</a> <a href="/facts/Ernst_Steindorff/hNMEDnBW">Ernst Steindorff</a> accepted it as an authentic transmission of the <a href="/facts/Romancero/fUfBFRzK">romancero</a> tradition.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:347" href="#fn:347">347</a>
The 13th century <a href="/facts/Estoria_de_Espa%25C3%25B1a/4TaLlMvj">Estoria de España</a> claims that the imperial title of Alfonso VII was confirmed by the pope which is not backed up by contemporary documents which only call him rex.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:348" href="#fn:348">348</a> The Annales Cameracenses (1159) refer to "Our Emperor" (HRE), the "Emperor of Constantinople" (Byzantium) and the "Emperor of Galicia" (Castile–León) in contrast to the kings of Gaul (France) and England.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:349" href="#fn:349">349</a> In 1256, <a href="/facts/Alfonso_X_of_Castile/xE7fc27D">Alfonso X of Castile</a> would list the Spanish emperors as his third imperial lineage alongside his "Roman" (HRE) and Constantinopolitan ancestry in his bid for the <a href="/facts/1257_imperial_election/23cMB18s">1257 imperial election</a>.<a class="footnote-ref" id="fnref:350" href="#fn:350">350</a>

<h2 id="iconography">Iconography</h2>
Further information: <a href="/facts/Reichsadler/ocoIFtht">Reichsadler</a> and <a href="/facts/Quaternion_Eagle/YGD10xIC">Quaternion Eagle</a>
<a href="/facts/Double-headed_eagle/yGVEuNTm">Double-headed eagle</a> iconography across empires
<h2 id="timeline-of-rival-empires">Timeline of rival empires</h2>

<ul><li>  Byzantine & Latin Empires</li><li>  Holy Roman Empire</li><li>  Russia</li><li>  Ottoman Empire</li><li>  Bulgarian Empires</li><li>  Serbian Empires</li></ul>
<h2 id="see-also">See also</h2>
<ul><li><a href="/facts/Legacy_of_the_Roman_Empire/DkaA3JQQ">Legacy of the Roman Empire</a> – for a general overview of the Roman Empire's legacy.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Succession_of_the_Roman_Empire/oL0BzxD9">Succession of the Roman Empire</a> – for claims to being the successor of the Roman Empire.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Succession_to_the_Byzantine_Empire/EmtxUIhC">Succession to the Byzantine Empire</a> – for claims to being the successor of the Byzantine Empire.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Greek_East_and_Latin_West/X4CSrAX3">Greek East and Latin West</a> – for the division of the Mediterranean into distinct western and eastern linguistic and cultural spheres, dating to the time of the Roman Empire.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/East%25E2%2580%2593West_Schism/FDNED5X4">East–West Schism</a> – for the division between Roman and Constantinopolitan patriarchal <a href="/facts/Episcopal_see/8QWylVcN">sees</a> of the <a href="/facts/State_church_of_the_Roman_Empire/fBcnIdbt">Church</a>.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Emperor_at_home%2c_king_abroad/1K43WbXC">Emperor at home, king abroad</a> – similar problem of the existence of multiple emperors claiming universal hegemony within <a href="/facts/Sinosphere/WY2269Xy">Sinosphere</a>.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Caesaropapism/AE6vxcwq">Caesaropapism</a> – historiographical term for the extensive powers of the Byzantine Emperor in ecclesiastical affairs.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Investiture_Controversy/qAe8tYsC">Investiture Controversy</a> – struggle between the Holy Roman Empire and Papacy for power over ecclesiastical appointments.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Donation_of_Constantine/8qKLWE5S">Donation of Constantine</a> – for the papacy's claim to Roman imperial powers over secular affairs and to primacy over the <a href="/facts/Ecumenical_Patriarchate_of_Constantinople/mq0vBDKl">Byzantine See</a>.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Precedence_among_European_monarchies/XBm8oPjU">Precedence among European monarchies</a> – order of precedence during usual Popal ceremonies.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/King_in_Prussia/sv8bMDQb">King in Prussia</a> – a title used by the <a href="/facts/Kingdom_of_Prussia/x796l7vx">Prussian</a> kings to avoid competition with the <a href="/facts/King_of_the_Romans/G6VrM4HL">King of the Romans</a> (Holy Roman Emperor).</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Battle_of_Constantinople_(1147)/bbmyNzCE">Battle of Constantinople (1147)</a></li>
<li><a href="/facts/Consortium_imperii/x1fDSqsN">Consortium imperii</a> – Sharing of Roman imperial authority by two or more emperors</li></ul>
<h2 id="footnotes">Footnotes</h2>

<h3>Citations</h3>

<h3>Cited bibliography</h3>

<ul><li>Anderson, Matthew Smith (1993). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=KNYFBAAAQBAJ">The Rise of Modern Diplomacy 1450 - 1919</a>. Routledge. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9781317894025.</li>
<li>Angelov, Dimiter (2019). <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F">The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century</a>. <a href="/facts/Cambridge_University_Press/fgEBSSRq">Cambridge University Press</a>. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-1-108-48071-0.</li>
<li>Angeliki, Stathi (2002). <a href="http://www.ehw.gr/asiaminor/Forms/fLemmaBody.aspx?lemmaId=4547">"Ίδρυση Αυτοκρατορίας Τραπεζούντος από Μεγάλους Κομνηνούς, 1204"</a> [Establishment of the Empire of Trebizond by the Grand Komnenoi, 1204]. Encyclopedia of the Hellenic World (in Greek). <a href="/facts/Foundation_of_the_Hellenic_World/rClsK49d">Foundation of the Hellenic World</a>. Retrieved 3 January 2025.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Matthias_Asche/FlbqlA6s">Asche, Matthias</a> (2023). "Das christliche Europa der Vormoderne zwischen Eintracht und Zwietracht – zur religiösen Grundierung Alteuropas". <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=XKIDEQAAQBAJ">Geschichte Europas. Seine Desintegration und Integration schreiben: Vorläufer, Perzeptionen und Perspektiven der europäischen Idee. Hildesheimer Europagespräche VII</a> (in German). Vol. 1. Georg Olms Verlag. pp. 201–211. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783487424125.</li>
<li>Asatiani, Nodar; Janelidze, Otar (2009). <a href="https://archive.org/details/asatiani-janelidze-history-of-georgia/">History Of Georgia</a>. Publishing House Petite. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-9941-9063-6-7.</li>
<li>Augustynowicz, Christoph (2013). <a href="https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1524/9783050093437.897">"Die Union von Brest"</a>. Religiöse Erinnerungsorte in Ostmitteleuropa (in German). Akademie Verlag GmbH. pp. 897–904. <a href="/facts/Doi_(identifier)/muM9Etpq">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1524%2F9783050093437.897">10.1524/9783050093437.897</a>. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-3-05-005658-6.</li>
<li>Beales, Derek (1987). Joseph II: Volume 1, In the Shadow of Maria Theresa, 1741-1780. New York: Cambridge University Press.</li>
<li>Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849">Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present</a>. Editions Peeters. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9068310585.</li>
<li>Brand, Charles M. (1968). <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893">Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204</a>. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. <a href="/facts/LCCN_(identifier)/5hb5Cw2V">LCCN</a> <a href="https://lccn.loc.gov/67-20872">67-20872</a>. <a href="/facts/OCLC_(identifier)/Yqad8waq">OCLC</a> <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/795121713">795121713</a>.</li>
<li>Bronevskiy, Semyon [in Russian] (2004). Pavlova, Irina Konstantinovna (ed.). <a href="http://apsnyteka.org/file/Bronevskiy_S_M_-_Noveyshie_izvestia_o_Kavkaze.pdf">Новейшия Известия о Кавказе, собранныя и пополненныя Семеном Броневским</a> (PDF) (in Russian). Петербургское Востоковедение [ru]. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9785858032847.</li>
<li>Browning, Robert (1992). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC">The Byzantine Empire</a> (Revised ed.). CUA Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-0-8132-0754-4.</li>
<li>Burkhardt, Stefan (2014). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ">Mediterranes Kaisertum und imperiale Ordnungen: Das lateinische Kaiserreich von Konstantinopel</a> (in German). Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783050064871.</li>
<li>Burkhardt, Stefan (2017). <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6zdbwx.13">"Intoxication with Virtuality: French Princes and Aegean Titles"</a>. In Scholl, Christian; Gebhardt, Torben R.; Clauß, Jan (eds.). <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6zdbwx">Transcultural Approaches to the Concept of Imperial Rule in the Middle Ages</a>. Peter Lang AG. pp. 295–320. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-3631706244. <a href="/facts/JSTOR_(identifier)/YTeVmaJ7">JSTOR</a> <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6zdbwx.13">j.ctv6zdbwx.13</a>.</li>
<li>Cholakov, Petar (2024). "The Influence of Roman Law on Medieval Bulgarian Legislation". In Gil, Xavier (ed.). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=EOn7EAAAQBAJ">Constitutional Moments: Founding Myths, Charters and Constitutions through History</a>. BRILL. pp. 32–50. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9789004549159.</li>
<li>Çolak, Hasan (2014). <a href="https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004283510/B9789004283510_003.xml">"Tekfur, fasiliyus and kayser: Disdain, Negligence and Appropriation of Byzantine Imperial Titulature in the Ottoman World"</a>. In Hadjianastasis, Marios (ed.). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=luVTBQAAQBAJ">Frontiers of the Ottoman Imagination: Studies in Honour of Rhoads Murphey</a>. Leiden: Brill. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-9004283510.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Isabel_de_Madariaga/vRz0H5Iz">De Madariaga, Isabel</a> (2006). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xdFVn1v3FMUC">Ivan the Terrible</a>. Yale University Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9780300143768.</li>
<li>Debertol, Markus (2021). <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110752373-016/html">"Türkischer Kaiser – Turcorum Tyrannus"</a>. <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110752373/html">Tyrannenbilder</a> (in German). <a href="/facts/De_Gruyter/2wJSEv3m">De Gruyter</a>. pp. 356–366. <a href="/facts/Doi_(identifier)/muM9Etpq">doi</a>:<a href="https://doi.org/10.1515%2F9783110752373-016">10.1515/9783110752373-016</a>. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783110752373.</li>
<li>Demir, Ali (2016). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=vr60DQAAQBAJ">Die Moderne: Von Muhammad zu Atatürk: eine Analyse des türkischen Pfades in die Moderne anhand der Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns von Jürgen Habermas</a> (in German). LIT Verlag Münster. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783643802354.</li>
<li>Detrez, Raymond (2014). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=hywaBgAAQBAJ">"Vidin (Empire of)"</a>. Historical Dictionary of Bulgaria (3rd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. p. 519. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9781442241800.</li>
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<li>Djokić, Dejan (2023). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=aROpEAAAQBAJ">A Concise History of Serbia</a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9781009308656.</li>
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<li><a href="/facts/Carl_Erdmann/Il6q486r">Erdmann, Carl</a> (1951). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=CJAcAAAAIAAJ">Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Frühmittelalters: aus dem Nachlass des Verfassers</a> (in German). Akademie Verlag. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783112772904. {{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)</li>
<li>F.R. (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=LbqF8z2bq3sC">"Caesar, as Political Title"</a>. In Grafton, Anthony; Most, Glenn W.; Settis, Salvatore (eds.). The Classical Tradition. Harvard University Press. pp. 159–161. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9780674035720.</li>
<li>Fazakas, Zoltán József; Fegyveresi, Zsolt; Veress, Emőd (2021). "22. A zsitvatoroki békekötés (1606)". <a href="http://jog.sapientia.ro/data/forrasokkotet1print.pdf">Források Erdély jogtörténetének a tanulmányozásához</a> (PDF) (in Hungarian). <a href="/facts/Sapientia_University/lSWDC8Hu">Sapientia University</a>. pp. 67–71. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-606-9061-27-5.</li>
<li>Eloeva, Fatima (2006). "The Turkic Myth in Russian Literature". In Kappler, Matthias (ed.). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=Km2NRLazqDYC">Intercultural Aspects in and Around Turkic Literatures: Proceedings of the International Conference Held on October 11th-12th, 2003 in Nicosia</a>. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 163–172. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783447052856.</li>
<li>Findley, Carter Vaugh (2010). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xv6Meev457sC&q=1774&pg=PT33">Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007</a>. Yale University Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9780300152623.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/John_Van_Antwerp_Fine_Jr./N2MJUnw8">Fine, John V. A. Jr.</a> (1994) [1987]. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=LvVbRrH1QBgC">The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest</a>. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-0-472-10079-8. <a href="/facts/OCLC_(identifier)/Yqad8waq">OCLC</a> <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/749133662">749133662</a>.</li>
<li>Fodale, Salvatore (1988). <a href="https://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giacomo-del-balzo_(Dizionario-Biografico)/">"DEL BALZO, Giacomo"</a>. <a href="/facts/Dizionario_Biografico_degli_Italiani/2SKb9URl">Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani</a> (in Italian). Vol. 38. Retrieved 3 January 2025.</li>
<li>Foster, Russell (2015). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=D8kBCgAAQBAJ&q=%22Godscall+Palaeologus%22">Mapping European Empire: Tabulae imperii Europaei</a>. Oxford: Routledge. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-1315744759.</li>
<li>Frassetto, Michael (2003). Encyclopedia of Barbarian Europe: Society in Transformation. ABC-CLIO. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-1-57607-263-9.</li>
<li>Frazee, Charles Aaron (1983). <a href="https://archive.org/details/catholicssultans0000fraz">Catholics and Sultans: The Church and the Ottoman Empire 1453-1923</a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 0-521-24676-8.</li>
<li>Frenken, Ansgar (2019). <a href="https://www.historisches-lexikon-bayerns.de/Lexikon/Interregnum">"Interregnum"</a>. <a href="/facts/Historisches_Lexikon_Bayerns/xevDzUKs">Historisches Lexikon Bayerns</a> (in German). Retrieved 20 January 2025.</li>
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<li>García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727">"El imperio medieval español"</a>. Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. <a href="/facts/ProQuest/yoBIhGBy">ProQuest</a> <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727">1301369727</a>.</li>
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<li>Geier, Wolfgang (2001). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=fUszB0W0D6IC">Bulgarien zwischen West und Ost vom 7. bis 20. Jahrhundert: sozial- und kulturhistorisch bedeutsame Epochen, Ereignisse und Gestalten</a> (in German). Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9783447044677.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Deno_Geanakoplos/Hj659Dde">Geanakoplos, Deno John</a> (1959). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ">Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations</a>. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. <a href="/facts/OCLC_(identifier)/Yqad8waq">OCLC</a> <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/1011763434">1011763434</a>.</li>
<li>Geanakoplos, Deno (1975). "Byzantium and the Crusades, 1261–1354". <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=J6v9jhUd-r8C">The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries</a>. Univ of Wisconsin Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9780299066703.</li>
<li>Gibbs, Marion; Johnson, Sidney (2002). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=OgGUAgAAQBAJ&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22">Medieval German Literature: A Companion</a>. Routledge. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 0-415-92896-6.</li>
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<li>Hoffmann, Peter (1988). Russland im Zeitalter des Absolutismus (in German). Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-3-05-000562-1.</li>
<li>Hoffmann, Tobias (2009). <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/257231324_Diplomatie_in_der_Krise_Liutprand_von_Cremona_am_Hofe_Nikephoros_II_Phokas">"Diplomatie in der Krise: Liutprand von Cremona am Hofe Nikephoros II. Phokas"</a>. Frühmittelalterliche Studien [de] (in German). 43: 113–178.</li>
<li><a href="/facts/Halil_%25C4%25B0nalc%25C4%25B1k/yBnhPpR3">İnalcık, Halil</a> (1993), "Power Relationships between Russia, the Crimea, and the Ottoman Empire as Reflected in Titulature", <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=8MppAAAAMAAJ">The Middle East and the Balkans under the Ottoman Empire: Essays in Economy and Society</a>, Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies, pp. 369–444, <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 9781878318046</li>
<li>Jenkins, Romilly James Heald (1987). <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=O5JqH_NXQBsC&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22">Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, AD 610-1071</a>. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-0-8020-6667-1.</li>
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<li>Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF">"Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan"</a>. In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <a href="/facts/ISBN_(identifier)/15AdSPa9">ISBN</a> 978-1139136952.</li>
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<h3>Cited web sources</h3>
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<li><a href="/facts/Henri_Gr%25C3%25A9goire_(historian)/y5sWz6Cj">Grégoire, Henri</a> (1941). <a href="https://www.doaks.org/research/library-archives/dumbarton-oaks-archives/collections/historical-papers/henri-gregoire-papers/the-greek-reaction-after-1204">"The Greek Reaction after 1204"</a>. <a href="/facts/Dumbarton_Oaks/261nx265">Dumbarton Oaks</a>. Retrieved 30 January 2025.</li>
<li>Halsall, Paul (1996). <a href="https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp">"Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople"</a>. Fordham University. Retrieved 5 January 2020.</li>
<li>Sinelschikova, Yekaterina (2018). <a href="https://www.rbth.com/history/327254-why-russia-passup-constantinople">"Why did Russia pass up on two different chances to take Constantinople?"</a>. Russia Beyond. Retrieved 29 April 2021.</li>
<li>Süß, Katharina (2019). <a href="http://geschichte-in-kurz.blogspot.com/2019/06/der-fall-konstantinopels.html">"Der "Fall" Konstantinopel(s)"</a>. kurz!-Geschichte (in German). Retrieved 1 January 2020.</li>
<li>Velde, François (2002). <a href="https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm">"The Title of Emperor"</a>. Heraldica. Retrieved 22 July 2019.</li>
<li>West, Charles (2016). <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/">"Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?"</a>. Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020.</li>
<li>Witzmann, Erich (2023). <a href="https://www.diepresse.com/17811302/im-osten-europas-dauerte-die-antike-laenger">"Im Osten Europas dauerte die Antike länger"</a>. <a href="/facts/Die_Presse/bLcVEDFY">Die Presse</a> (in German). Retrieved 3 January 2025.</li></ul>
<h2 id="external-links">External links</h2>
<ul><li><a href="http://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/Emperor-Louis-II-of-Italy-to-Emperor-Basil-I.pdf">Translation of Carolingian Emperor Louis II's 871 letter to Byzantine Emperor Basil I</a>.</li>
<li><a href="https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp">Translation of Liutprand of Cremona's report on his 967/968 mission to Constantinople</a>.</li></ul>

<h2 id="references">References</h2>

<ol>
<li id="fn:1">The term was introduced in the first major treatise on the issue, by W. Ohnsorge, cf. Ohnsorge 1947. - Ohnsorge, Werner (1947). Das Zweikaiserproblem im früheren Mittelalter. Die Bedeutung des byzantinischen Reiches für die Entwicklung der Staatsidee in Europa (in German). Hildesheim: A. Lax. OCLC 302172. <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/302172" target="_blank">https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/302172</a> <a href="#fnref:1" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:2">Kołodziejczyk 2012, p. 189. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:2" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:3">Nicol 1967, p. 319. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:3" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:4">Nicol 1967, p. 319. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:4" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:5">Browning 1992, p. 57. - Browning, Robert (1992). The Byzantine Empire (Revised ed.). CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0754-4. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC</a> <a href="#fnref:5" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:6">Browning 1992, p. 58. - Browning, Robert (1992). The Byzantine Empire (Revised ed.). CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0754-4. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC</a> <a href="#fnref:6" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:7">Browning 1992, p. 60. - Browning, Robert (1992). The Byzantine Empire (Revised ed.). CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0754-4. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC</a> <a href="#fnref:7" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:8">Frassetto 2003, p. 212. - Frassetto, Michael (2003). Encyclopedia of Barbarian Europe: Society in Transformation. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-263-9. <a href="#fnref:8" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:9">Browning 1992, p. 60. - Browning, Robert (1992). The Byzantine Empire (Revised ed.). CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0754-4. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC</a> <a href="#fnref:9" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:10">Nelsen & Guth 2003, p. 4. - Nelsen, Brent F.; Guth, James L. (2003). "Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities". ResearchGate (Draft). <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870</a> <a href="#fnref:10" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:11">Nelsen & Guth 2003, p. 4. - Nelsen, Brent F.; Guth, James L. (2003). "Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities". ResearchGate (Draft). <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870</a> <a href="#fnref:11" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:12">Nelsen & Guth 2003, p. 5. - Nelsen, Brent F.; Guth, James L. (2003). "Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities". ResearchGate (Draft). <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870</a> <a href="#fnref:12" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:13">Van Tricht 2011, p. 73. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:13" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:14">Van Tricht 2011, p. 74. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:14" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:15">Nelsen & Guth 2003, p. 5. - Nelsen, Brent F.; Guth, James L. (2003). "Roman Catholicism and the Founding of Europe: How Catholics Shaped the European Communities". ResearchGate (Draft). <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229009870</a> <a href="#fnref:15" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:16">Lamers 2015, p. 65. - Lamers, Han (2015). Greece Reinvented: Transformations of Byzantine Hellenism in Renaissance Italy. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29755-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=km_sCgAAQBAJ&q=%22divisio+imperii%22" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=km_sCgAAQBAJ&q=%22divisio+imperii%22</a> <a href="#fnref:16" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:17">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:17" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:18">Nelson 2019, p. 384. - Nelson, Janet L. (2019). King and Emperor: A New Life of Charlemagne. Oakland: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-5203-1420-7. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=nesjEAAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=nesjEAAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:18" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:19">Nelson 2019, p. 384. - Nelson, Janet L. (2019). King and Emperor: A New Life of Charlemagne. Oakland: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-5203-1420-7. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=nesjEAAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=nesjEAAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:19" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:20">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:20" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:21">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:21" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:22">Muldoon 1999, p. 46. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:22" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:23">Velde 2002. - Velde, François (2002). "The Title of Emperor". Heraldica. Retrieved 22 July 2019. <a href="https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm" target="_blank">https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm</a> <a href="#fnref:23" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:24">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:24" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:25">Velde 2002. - Velde, François (2002). "The Title of Emperor". Heraldica. Retrieved 22 July 2019. <a href="https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm" target="_blank">https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm</a> <a href="#fnref:25" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:26">Nicol 1967, p. 320. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:26" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:27">Browning 1992, p. 61. - Browning, Robert (1992). The Byzantine Empire (Revised ed.). CUA Press. ISBN 978-0-8132-0754-4. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=qAlcKDsubMgC</a> <a href="#fnref:27" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:28">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:28" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:29">Garland 1999, p. 89. - Garland, Lynda (1999), "Irene (769–802)", Byzantine Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium, AD 527–1204, Routledge, pp. 73–94, ISBN 978-0-415-14688-3 <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=a5GFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA73" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=a5GFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA73</a> <a href="#fnref:29" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:30">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:30" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:31">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:31" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:32">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:32" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:33">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:33" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:34">Muldoon 1999, p. 48. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:34" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:35">Muldoon 1999, p. 47. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:35" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:36">Muldoon 1999, p. 49. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:36" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:37">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:37" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:38">Muldoon 1999, p. 50. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:38" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:39">Muldoon 1999, p. 49. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:39" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:40">West 2016. - West, Charles (2016). "Will the real Roman Emperor please stand up?". Turbulent Priests. Retrieved 4 January 2020. <a href="https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/" target="_blank">https://turbulentpriests.group.shef.ac.uk/will-the-real-roman-emperor-please-stand-up/</a> <a href="#fnref:40" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:41">Jenkins 1987, p. 285. - Jenkins, Romilly James Heald (1987). Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, AD 610-1071. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-8020-6667-1. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=O5JqH_NXQBsC&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=O5JqH_NXQBsC&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22</a> <a href="#fnref:41" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:42">Gibbs & Johnson 2002, p. 62. - Gibbs, Marion; Johnson, Sidney (2002). Medieval German Literature: A Companion. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-92896-6. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=OgGUAgAAQBAJ&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=OgGUAgAAQBAJ&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22</a> <a href="#fnref:42" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:43">Jenkins 1987, p. 285. - Jenkins, Romilly James Heald (1987). Byzantium: The Imperial Centuries, AD 610-1071. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-8020-6667-1. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=O5JqH_NXQBsC&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=O5JqH_NXQBsC&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22</a> <a href="#fnref:43" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:44">Nicol 1967, p. 321. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:44" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:45">Muldoon 1999, p. 50. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:45" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:46">Halsall 1996. - Halsall, Paul (1996). "Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople". Fordham University. Retrieved 5 January 2020. <a href="https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp" target="_blank">https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp</a> <a href="#fnref:46" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:47">Nicol 1967, p. 318. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:47" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:48">Muldoon 1999, p. 50. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:48" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:49">Muldoon 1999, p. 51. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:49" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:50">Halsall 1996. - Halsall, Paul (1996). "Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople". Fordham University. Retrieved 5 January 2020. <a href="https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp" target="_blank">https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp</a> <a href="#fnref:50" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:51">Halsall 1996. - Halsall, Paul (1996). "Medieval Sourcebook: Liutprand of Cremona: Report of his Mission to Constantinople". Fordham University. Retrieved 5 January 2020. <a href="https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp" target="_blank">https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/source/liudprand1.asp</a> <a href="#fnref:51" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:52">Gibbs & Johnson 2002, p. 62. - Gibbs, Marion; Johnson, Sidney (2002). Medieval German Literature: A Companion. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-92896-6. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=OgGUAgAAQBAJ&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=OgGUAgAAQBAJ&q=%22problem+of+two+emperors%22</a> <a href="#fnref:52" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:53">Velde 2002. - Velde, François (2002). "The Title of Emperor". Heraldica. Retrieved 22 July 2019. <a href="https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm" target="_blank">https://www.heraldica.org/topics/royalty/emperor.htm</a> <a href="#fnref:53" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:54">Muldoon 1999, p. 51. - Muldoon, James (1999). Empire and Order: The Concept of Empire, 800–1800. Springer. ISBN 978-0-312-22226-0. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=oXqJDAAAQBAJ&q=basil+I+louis+II+emperor</a> <a href="#fnref:54" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:55">regi Grecorum, qui etiampropternimium fastum divitiarum suarum imperatoremthe king of the Greeks, who, even out of the extreme pride of his wealth, calls himself emperor— Arnold of Lübeck, Arnoldi Chronica Slavorum, Latin:25f. German:23 <a href="/wiki/Arnold_of_L%C3%BCbeck" target="_blank">/wiki/Arnold_of_L%C3%BCbeck</a> <a href="#fnref:55" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:56">Hoffmann 2009, p. 118. - Hoffmann, Tobias (2009). "Diplomatie in der Krise: Liutprand von Cremona am Hofe Nikephoros II. Phokas". Frühmittelalterliche Studien [de] (in German). 43: 113–178. <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/257231324_Diplomatie_in_der_Krise_Liutprand_von_Cremona_am_Hofe_Nikephoros_II_Phokas" target="_blank">https://www.researchgate.net/publication/257231324_Diplomatie_in_der_Krise_Liutprand_von_Cremona_am_Hofe_Nikephoros_II_Phokas</a> <a href="#fnref:56" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:57">Brand 1968, p. 15. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:57" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:58">Brand 1968, p. 176. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:58" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:59">Brand 1968, p. 177. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:59" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:60">Brand 1968, p. 177. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:60" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:61">Brand 1968, p. 177. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:61" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:62">Brand 1968, p. 178. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:62" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:63">Brand 1968, p. 178. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:63" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:64">Brand 1968, p. 179. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:64" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:65">Brand 1968, p. 180. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:65" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:66">Brand 1968, p. 181. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:66" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:67">Loud 2010, p. 79. - Loud, Graham (2010). The Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa: The History of the Expedition of the Emperor Frederick and Related Texts. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-6575-5. <a href="#fnref:67" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:68">Brand 1968, p. 182. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:68" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:69">Brand 1968, p. 184. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:69" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:70">Brand 1968, p. 185. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:70" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:71">Brand 1968, p. 187. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:71" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:72">Brand 1968, p. 188. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:72" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:73">Van Tricht 2011, p. 64. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:73" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:74">Brand 1968, p. 189. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:74" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:75">Brand 1968, p. 190. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:75" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:76">Brand 1968, p. 191. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:76" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:77">Brand 1968, p. 192. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:77" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:78">Brand 1968, p. 193. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:78" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:79">Brand 1968, p. 194. - Brand, Charles M. (1968). Byzantium Confronts the West, 1180–1204. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. LCCN 67-20872. OCLC 795121713. <a href="https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893" target="_blank">https://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.02893</a> <a href="#fnref:79" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:80">Van Tricht 2011, p. 64. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:80" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:81">Van Tricht 2011, p. 61. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:81" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:82">Van Tricht 2011, p. 62. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:82" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:83">Setton 1976, p. 14. - Setton, Kenneth Meyer (1976). The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571: The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. American Philosophical Society. ISBN 9780871691149. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=5Gm79HuBY0cC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=5Gm79HuBY0cC</a> <a href="#fnref:83" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:84">Vasilev 1936, p. 3. - Vasilev, Alexander Alexandrovich (1936). "The Foundation of the Empire of Trebizond (1204-1222)" (PDF). Speculum. 11 (1): 3–37. doi:10.2307/2846872. JSTOR 2846872. <a href="https://cristoraul.org/english/readinghall/thirdmillenniumlibrary/george-finlay/PDFLIBRARY/vasiliev_The-Foundation-of-the-Empire-of-Trebizond_1204-1222.pdf" target="_blank">https://cristoraul.org/english/readinghall/thirdmillenniumlibrary/george-finlay/PDFLIBRARY/vasiliev_The-Foundation-of-the-Empire-of-Trebizond_1204-1222.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:84" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:85">Van Tricht 2011, p. 63. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:85" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:86">Van Tricht 2011, p. 64. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:86" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:87">Van Tricht 2011, p. 63. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:87" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:88">Van Tricht 2011, p. 75. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:88" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:89">Van Tricht 2011, p. 76. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:89" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:90">Van Tricht 2011, p. 77. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:90" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:91">Van Tricht 2011, p. 77. - Van Tricht, Filip (2011). "The Imperial Ideology". The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204–1228). Leiden: Brill. pp. 61–101. ISBN 978-90-04-20323-5. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=JlnPm2riK1UC</a> <a href="#fnref:91" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:92">Burkhardt 2014, p. 213. - Burkhardt, Stefan (2014). Mediterranes Kaisertum und imperiale Ordnungen: Das lateinische Kaiserreich von Konstantinopel (in German). Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 9783050064871. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:92" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:93">Angelov 2019, pp. 88–89. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:93" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:94">Korobeinikov 2014, p. 43. - Korobeinikov, Dimitri (2014). Byzantium and the Turks in the thirteenth century. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-870826-1. <a href="https://archive.org/details/byzantiumturksin0000koro" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/byzantiumturksin0000koro</a> <a href="#fnref:94" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:95">Lock 2006, p. 171, John of Brienne's Crusade in Apulia, 1229. - Lock, Peter (2006). "A Chronological Outline of the Crusades: Background, Military Expeditions, and Crusader States". The Routledge Companion to the Crusades. Abingdon: Routledge. <a href="https://www.routledge.com/The-Routledge-Companion-to-the-Crusades/Lock/p/book/9780415393126" target="_blank">https://www.routledge.com/The-Routledge-Companion-to-the-Crusades/Lock/p/book/9780415393126</a> <a href="#fnref:95" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:96">Burkhardt 2017, pp. 304, 309. - Burkhardt, Stefan (2017). "Intoxication with Virtuality: French Princes and Aegean Titles". In Scholl, Christian; Gebhardt, Torben R.; Clauß, Jan (eds.). Transcultural Approaches to the Concept of Imperial Rule in the Middle Ages. Peter Lang AG. pp. 295–320. ISBN 978-3631706244. JSTOR j.ctv6zdbwx.13. <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6zdbwx.13" target="_blank">https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6zdbwx.13</a> <a href="#fnref:96" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:97">Angelov 2019, p. 89. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:97" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:98">Angelov 2019, pp. 89–90. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:98" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:99">Angelov 2019, p. 271. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:99" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:100">Jovanović 2022, pp. 1229f. - Jovanović, Aleksandar (2022). "Ioannes III Batatzes's Italian Venture: Byzantine Imperial Revival in Mediterranean Diplomacy". Etnoantropološki Problemi Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology. 17 (4): 1225–1236. doi:10.21301/eap.v17i4.5. <a href="https://doi.org/10.21301%2Feap.v17i4.5" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.21301%2Feap.v17i4.5</a> <a href="#fnref:100" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:101">Angelov 2019, p. 271. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:101" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:102">Grégoire 1941. - Grégoire, Henri (1941). "The Greek Reaction after 1204". Dumbarton Oaks. Retrieved 30 January 2025. <a href="https://www.doaks.org/research/library-archives/dumbarton-oaks-archives/collections/historical-papers/henri-gregoire-papers/the-greek-reaction-after-1204" target="_blank">https://www.doaks.org/research/library-archives/dumbarton-oaks-archives/collections/historical-papers/henri-gregoire-papers/the-greek-reaction-after-1204</a> <a href="#fnref:102" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:103">Geanakoplos 1959, pp. 140f. - Geanakoplos, Deno John (1959). Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. OCLC 1011763434. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:103" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:104">Geanakoplos 1959, pp. 189f. - Geanakoplos, Deno John (1959). Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. OCLC 1011763434. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:104" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:109">Geanakoplos 1959, pp. 258–264. - Geanakoplos, Deno John (1959). Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. OCLC 1011763434. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:109" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:110">Nicol 1967, p. 338. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:110" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:111">Geanakoplos 1959, pp. 264–275. - Geanakoplos, Deno John (1959). Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West, 1258–1282: A Study in Byzantine-Latin Relations. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. OCLC 1011763434. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=MPscAAAAYAAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:111" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:127">Nicol 1967, p. 325. - Nicol, Donald M. (1967). "The Byzantine View of Western Europe". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 8 (4): 315–339. <a href="https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231" target="_blank">https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/download/11101/4231</a> <a href="#fnref:127" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:134">Dimitrov 2010, p. 51. - Dimitrov, Ivan Zhelev (2010). "Bulgarian Christianity". In Parry, Ken (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to Eastern Christianity. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 47–72. ISBN 9781444333619. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=fWp9JA3aBvcC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=fWp9JA3aBvcC</a> <a href="#fnref:134" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:135">Geier 2001, pp. 60f. - Geier, Wolfgang (2001). Bulgarien zwischen West und Ost vom 7. bis 20. Jahrhundert: sozial- und kulturhistorisch bedeutsame Epochen, Ereignisse und Gestalten (in German). Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 9783447044677. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=fUszB0W0D6IC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=fUszB0W0D6IC</a> <a href="#fnref:135" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:140">Sweeney 1973, pp. 323f. - Sweeney, James Ross (1973). "Innocent III, Hungary and the Bulgarian Coronation: A Study in Medieval Papal Diplomacy". Church History. 42 (3): 320–334. doi:10.2307/3164389. JSTOR 3164389. S2CID 162901328. <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3164389" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3164389</a> <a href="#fnref:140" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:146">Madgearu 2016, p. 133. - Madgearu, Alexandru (2016). The Asanids: The Political and Military History of the Second Bulgarian Empire (1185-1280). Brill. ISBN 9789004333192. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=S9nzDQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=S9nzDQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:146" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:180">Eastmond 2004, p. 20. - Eastmond, Antony (2004). Art And Identity In Thirteenth Century Byzantium Hagia Sophia And The Empire Of Trebizond. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-3575-9. <a href="https://archive.org/details/ArtAndIdentityInThirteenthCenturyByzantiumHagiaSophiaAndTheEmpireOfTrebizond/mode/2up" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/ArtAndIdentityInThirteenthCenturyByzantiumHagiaSophiaAndTheEmpireOfTrebizond/mode/2up</a> <a href="#fnref:180" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:181">Eastmond 2004, pp. 20, 163. - Eastmond, Antony (2004). Art And Identity In Thirteenth Century Byzantium Hagia Sophia And The Empire Of Trebizond. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-3575-9. <a href="https://archive.org/details/ArtAndIdentityInThirteenthCenturyByzantiumHagiaSophiaAndTheEmpireOfTrebizond/mode/2up" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/ArtAndIdentityInThirteenthCenturyByzantiumHagiaSophiaAndTheEmpireOfTrebizond/mode/2up</a> <a href="#fnref:181" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:186">Burkhardt 2014, p. 225. - Burkhardt, Stefan (2014). Mediterranes Kaisertum und imperiale Ordnungen: Das lateinische Kaiserreich von Konstantinopel (in German). Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 9783050064871. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:186" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:187">Burkhardt 2014, p. 212. - Burkhardt, Stefan (2014). Mediterranes Kaisertum und imperiale Ordnungen: Das lateinische Kaiserreich von Konstantinopel (in German). Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN 9783050064871. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=cb3mBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:187" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:196">Angelov 2019, p. 206. - Angelov, Dimiter (2019). The Byzantine Hellene: The Life of Emperor Theodore Laskaris and Byzantium in the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-48071-0. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/byzantine-hellene/A11E1F6A3A1B091C373368EAD8AA7D4F</a> <a href="#fnref:196" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
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<li id="fn:293">Von Reiche 2001, p. 23. - Von Reiche, Antonia (2001). Der Weg des russischen Zarentums zur Anerkennung in der Zeit von 1547 bis 1722 (PDF) (in German). <a href="https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf" target="_blank">https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:293" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:294">Von Reiche 2001, p. 20. - Von Reiche, Antonia (2001). Der Weg des russischen Zarentums zur Anerkennung in der Zeit von 1547 bis 1722 (PDF) (in German). <a href="https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf" target="_blank">https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:294" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:295">Sashalmi 2022, p. 31, citing Trepavlov 2007, p. 107. - Sashalmi, Endre (2022). Russian Notions of Power and State in a European Perspective, 1462-1725: Assessing the Significance of Peter's Reign. Academic Studies PRess. doi:10.1515/9781644694183. ISBN 9781644694190. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=39Z8EAAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=39Z8EAAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:295" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:296">Bennigsen 1986, p. 198. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:296" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:297">Bennigsen 1986, p. 186. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:297" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:298">Bennigsen 1986, p. 178. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:298" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:299">Bennigsen 1986, pp. 209f. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:299" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:300">Bennigsen 1986, p. 198. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:300" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:301">Kołodziejczyk 2011, p. 385. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2011). The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania: International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated Documents. Brill. ISBN 9789004191907. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=FHrTxHmegRYC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=FHrTxHmegRYC</a> <a href="#fnref:301" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:302">Bennigsen 1986, p. 199. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:302" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:303">Bennigsen 1986, pp. 201f. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:303" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:304">Kołodziejczyk 2011, p. 180. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2011). The Crimean Khanate and Poland-Lithuania: International Diplomacy on the European Periphery (15th-18th Century). A Study of Peace Treaties Followed by Annotated Documents. Brill. ISBN 9789004191907. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=FHrTxHmegRYC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=FHrTxHmegRYC</a> <a href="#fnref:304" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:305">Bennigsen 1986, p. 201. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:305" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:306">Bennigsen 1986, pp. 210. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:306" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:307">Shevzov 2012, pp. 18–19, The years 1448–1589 mark the establishment of autocephaly of the Russian Church and its growing self-perception as the center of Orthodoxy in the Christian East. - Shevzov, Vera (2012). "The Russian tradition". In Casiday, Augustine (ed.). The Orthodox Christian World. Routledge. pp. 15–40. ISBN 9781136314841. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C</a> <a href="#fnref:307" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:308">Shevzov 2012, p. 20. - Shevzov, Vera (2012). "The Russian tradition". In Casiday, Augustine (ed.). The Orthodox Christian World. Routledge. pp. 15–40. ISBN 9781136314841. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C</a> <a href="#fnref:308" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:309">Süß 2019. - Süß, Katharina (2019). "Der "Fall" Konstantinopel(s)". kurz!-Geschichte (in German). Retrieved 1 January 2020. <a href="http://geschichte-in-kurz.blogspot.com/2019/06/der-fall-konstantinopels.html" target="_blank">http://geschichte-in-kurz.blogspot.com/2019/06/der-fall-konstantinopels.html</a> <a href="#fnref:309" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:310">Çolak 2014, p. 8. - Çolak, Hasan (2014). "Tekfur, fasiliyus and kayser: Disdain, Negligence and Appropriation of Byzantine Imperial Titulature in the Ottoman World". In Hadjianastasis, Marios (ed.). Frontiers of the Ottoman Imagination: Studies in Honour of Rhoads Murphey. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-9004283510. <a href="https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004283510/B9789004283510_003.xml" target="_blank">https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004283510/B9789004283510_003.xml</a> <a href="#fnref:310" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:311">De Madariaga 2006, p. 52. - De Madariaga, Isabel (2006). Ivan the Terrible. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300143768. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xdFVn1v3FMUC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=xdFVn1v3FMUC</a> <a href="#fnref:311" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:312">Shevzov 2012, p. 19. - Shevzov, Vera (2012). "The Russian tradition". In Casiday, Augustine (ed.). The Orthodox Christian World. Routledge. pp. 15–40. ISBN 9781136314841. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=IcDeFiZgxK0C</a> <a href="#fnref:312" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:313">Von Reiche 2001, p. 16. - Von Reiche, Antonia (2001). Der Weg des russischen Zarentums zur Anerkennung in der Zeit von 1547 bis 1722 (PDF) (in German). <a href="https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf" target="_blank">https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:313" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:314">Von Reiche 2001, pp. 39f. - Von Reiche, Antonia (2001). Der Weg des russischen Zarentums zur Anerkennung in der Zeit von 1547 bis 1722 (PDF) (in German). <a href="https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf" target="_blank">https://epub.ub.uni-muenchen.de/555/1/reiche-zarentum.pdf</a> <a href="#fnref:314" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:315">Kołodziejczyk 2012, pp. 187–188. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:315" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:316">Kołodziejczyk 2012, pp. 187–188. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:316" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:317">Strauss 2010, pp. 32, 43. - Strauss, Johann (2010). "A Constitution for a Multilingual Empire: Translations of the Kanun-i Esasi and Other Official Texts into Minority Languages". In Herzog, Christoph; Sharif, Malek (eds.). The First Ottoman Experiment in Democracy. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. ISBN 978-3899137453. <a href="#fnref:317" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:318">Kołodziejczyk 2012, pp. 187–188. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:318" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:319">Ahmed I (r. 1603–1607) referred to himself as sahib-kıran-i memalik-i-Rûm ve 'Acem ve 'Arab ("the lord of the fortunate conjunction of the Roman, Persian and Arab kingdoms").[239] Mehmed IV (r. 1648–1687) used the style ferman-ferma-yi memalik-i-Rûm ve 'Arab ve 'Acem ("the one who issues orders to the Roman, Arab and Persian kingdoms").[239] <a href="/wiki/Ahmed_I" target="_blank">/wiki/Ahmed_I</a> <a href="#fnref:319" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:320">Kumar 2017, p. 89. - Kumar, Krishan (2017). Visions of Empire: How Five Imperial Regimes Shaped the World. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691192802. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=q8iXDwAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=q8iXDwAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:320" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:321">Strauss 1999, p. 217. - Strauss, Johann (1999). "The Rise of Non-Muslim Historiography in the Eighteenth Century". Oriente Moderno Nuova Serie, Anno 18. 79 (1): 217–232. doi:10.1163/22138617-07901017. JSTOR 25817602. <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/25817602" target="_blank">https://www.jstor.org/stable/25817602</a> <a href="#fnref:321" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:322">Strauss 2010, pp. 32, 43. - Strauss, Johann (2010). "A Constitution for a Multilingual Empire: Translations of the Kanun-i Esasi and Other Official Texts into Minority Languages". In Herzog, Christoph; Sharif, Malek (eds.). The First Ottoman Experiment in Democracy. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. ISBN 978-3899137453. <a href="#fnref:322" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:323">Strauss 2010, pp. 32, 43. - Strauss, Johann (2010). "A Constitution for a Multilingual Empire: Translations of the Kanun-i Esasi and Other Official Texts into Minority Languages". In Herzog, Christoph; Sharif, Malek (eds.). The First Ottoman Experiment in Democracy. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. ISBN 978-3899137453. <a href="#fnref:323" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:324">Bennigsen 1986, p. 194, citing Novoselskyy 1948, pp. 325f. - Bennigsen, Alexandee (1986). Turco–Tatar Past Soviet Present. Editions Peeters. ISBN 9068310585. <a href="https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849" target="_blank">https://archive.org/details/bwb_P8-DFH-849</a> <a href="#fnref:324" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:325">Kołodziejczyk 2012, p. 188. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:325" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:326">Kołodziejczyk 2012, p. 188, citing İnalcık 1993, p. 383. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:326" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:327">Halenko 2009, p. 490. - Halenko, Oleksandr (2009). "Russia" (PDF). Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire. Facts On File. pp. 489–492. ISBN 978-0-8160-6259-1. <a href="https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Agoston%20and%20Masters,%20Enc%20of%20Ott%20Empire.PDF" target="_blank">https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Agoston%20and%20Masters,%20Enc%20of%20Ott%20Empire.PDF</a> <a href="#fnref:327" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:328">Directorate of State Archives 2019, pp. 43–48. - Directorate of State Archives (2019). OSMANLI ‑ RUS ANTLAŞMALARI 1700 – 1834 (in Turkish). <a href="https://www.devletarsivleri.gov.tr/cdn/file/download?fileId=1236" target="_blank">https://www.devletarsivleri.gov.tr/cdn/file/download?fileId=1236</a> <a href="#fnref:328" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:329">Halenko 2009, p. 490. - Halenko, Oleksandr (2009). "Russia" (PDF). Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire. Facts On File. pp. 489–492. ISBN 978-0-8160-6259-1. <a href="https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Agoston%20and%20Masters,%20Enc%20of%20Ott%20Empire.PDF" target="_blank">https://psi424.cankaya.edu.tr/uploads/files/Agoston%20and%20Masters,%20Enc%20of%20Ott%20Empire.PDF</a> <a href="#fnref:329" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:330">Kołodziejczyk 2012, p. 188. - Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (2012). "Khan, caliph, tsar and imperator: the multiple identities of the Ottoman sultan". In Fibiger Bang, Peter; Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz (eds.). Universal Empire: A Comparative Approach to Imperial Culture and Representation in Eurasian History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139136952. <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF" target="_blank">https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/universal-empire/khan-caliph-tsar-and-imperator-the-multiple-identities-of-the-ottoman-sultan/519FA9B8EC1F10BC4C7BBD9FAE1838AF</a> <a href="#fnref:330" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:331">Findley 2010, chpt. 1. - Findley, Carter Vaugh (2010). Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300152623. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xv6Meev457sC&q=1774&pg=PT33" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=xv6Meev457sC&q=1774&pg=PT33</a> <a href="#fnref:331" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:332">Demir 2016, p. 396. - Demir, Ali (2016). Die Moderne: Von Muhammad zu Atatürk: eine Analyse des türkischen Pfades in die Moderne anhand der Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns von Jürgen Habermas (in German). LIT Verlag Münster. ISBN 9783643802354. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=vr60DQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=vr60DQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:332" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:333">Findley 2010, chpt. 1. - Findley, Carter Vaugh (2010). Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789-2007. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300152623. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xv6Meev457sC&q=1774&pg=PT33" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=xv6Meev457sC&q=1774&pg=PT33</a> <a href="#fnref:333" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:334">Sinelschikova 2018. - Sinelschikova, Yekaterina (2018). "Why did Russia pass up on two different chances to take Constantinople?". Russia Beyond. Retrieved 29 April 2021. <a href="https://www.rbth.com/history/327254-why-russia-passup-constantinople" target="_blank">https://www.rbth.com/history/327254-why-russia-passup-constantinople</a> <a href="#fnref:334" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:335">Beales 1987, p. 432. - Beales, Derek (1987). Joseph II: Volume 1, In the Shadow of Maria Theresa, 1741-1780. New York: Cambridge University Press. <a href="#fnref:335" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:336">Goehrke et al. 1973, p. 231: "Die Gewinnung Konstantinopels, dieser alte slavophile Traum, wurde durch geheime Abkommen über die Auflösung des Osmanischen Reiches im März 1915 Rußland als wertvoller Preis in Aussicht gestellt" - Goehrke, Carsten [in German]; Hellmann, Manfred [in German]; Lorenz, Richard [in German]; Scheibert, Peter [in German] (1973). Rußland. Fischer Weltgeschichte [de] (in German). Vol. 31. Fischer Taschenbuchverlag. ISBN 9783436014506. <a href="https://de.scribd.com/document/120936703/Fischer-Weltgeschichte-Bd-31-Ru%C3%9Fland" target="_blank">https://de.scribd.com/document/120936703/Fischer-Weltgeschichte-Bd-31-Ru%C3%9Fland</a> <a href="#fnref:336" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:337">Üre 2018. - Üre, Pinar (2018). "Constantinople Agreement". In Daniel, Ute; Gatrell, Peter; et al. (eds.). 1914–1918 Online. doi:10.15463/ie1418.11247. Retrieved 3 April 2025. <a href="https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/constantinople-agreement/" target="_blank">https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/constantinople-agreement/</a> <a href="#fnref:337" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:338">García Gallo 1945, p. 201, citing Schunter 1925, pp. 48ff., and Mayer 1926, pp. II, 15–19. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:338" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:339">Schmidt 2001, p. 106, citing Erdmann 1951, p. 36. - Schmidt, Peer (2001). Spanische Universalmonarchie oder "teutsche Libertet": das spanische Imperium in der Propaganda des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (in German). Franz Steiner Verlag. ISBN 9783515078337. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=bll1ss9lDWIC" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=bll1ss9lDWIC</a> <a href="#fnref:339" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:340">Menéndez Pidal 1929, p. 143. - Menéndez Pidal, Ramón (1929). La España del Cid. Vol. 1. Editorial Plutarco. <a href="#fnref:340" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:341">Schlieben 2009, pp. 228f. - Schlieben, Barbara (2009). Verspielte Macht: Politik und Wissen am Hof Alfons' X. (1252-1284) (in German). Akademie Verlag. ISBN 9783050044996. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:341" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:342">Schlieben 2009, p. 237. - Schlieben, Barbara (2009). Verspielte Macht: Politik und Wissen am Hof Alfons' X. (1252-1284) (in German). Akademie Verlag. ISBN 9783050044996. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:342" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:343">Schlieben 2009, p. 181. - Schlieben, Barbara (2009). Verspielte Macht: Politik und Wissen am Hof Alfons' X. (1252-1284) (in German). Akademie Verlag. ISBN 9783050044996. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:343" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:344">García Gallo 1945, pp. 213f. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:344" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:345">García Gallo 1945, p. 214, citing Menéndez Pidal 1929, pp. 137–138, and López Ortiz 1942, pp. 43–46. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:345" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:346">García Gallo 1945, p. 226. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:346" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:347">García Gallo 1945, p. 226, citing Steindorff 1881, pp. 484ff. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:347" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:348">García Gallo 1945, p. 220. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:348" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:349">García Gallo 1945, p. 220, p. 227 nr. 97. - García Gallo, Alfonso (1945). "El imperio medieval español". Arbor (in Spanish). 4 (11): 199–228. ProQuest 1301369727. <a href="https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727" target="_blank">https://www.proquest.com/docview/1301369727</a> <a href="#fnref:349" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
<li id="fn:350">Schlieben 2009, p. 171. - Schlieben, Barbara (2009). Verspielte Macht: Politik und Wissen am Hof Alfons' X. (1252-1284) (in German). Akademie Verlag. ISBN 9783050044996. <a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ" target="_blank">https://books.google.com/books?id=z_jnBQAAQBAJ</a> <a href="#fnref:350" class="footnote-back-ref">↩</a></li>
</ol>

Problem of two emperors open-in-new

Problem of two emperors