Old High German is generally dated from around 750 to around 1050.12 The start of this period sees the beginning of the OHG written tradition, at first with only glosses, but with substantial translations and original compositions by the 9th century.3 However, the fact that the defining feature of Old High German, the Second Sound Shift, may have started as early as the 6th century and is complete by 750, means that some take the 6th century to be the start of the period.4 Alternatively, terms such as Voralthochdeutsch ("pre-OHG")5 or vorliterarisches Althochdeutsch ("pre-literary OHG")6 are sometimes used for the period before 750.7 Regardless of terminology, all recognize a distinction between a pre-literary period and the start of a continuous tradition of written texts around the middle of the 8th century.8
Differing approaches are taken, too, to the position of Langobardic. Langobardic is an Elbe Germanic and thus Upper German dialect, and it shows early evidence for the Second Sound Shift. For this reason, some scholars treat Langobardic as part of Old High German,9 but with no surviving texts — just individual words and names in Latin texts — and the speakers starting to abandon the language by the 8th century,10 others exclude Langobardic from discussion of OHG.11 As Heidermanns observes, this exclusion is based solely on the external circumstances of preservation and not on the internal features of the language.12
The end of the period is less controversial. The sound changes reflected in spelling during the 11th century led to the remodelling of the entire system of noun and adjective declensions.13 There is also a hundred-year "dearth of continuous texts" after the death of Notker Labeo in 1022.14 The mid-11th century is widely accepted as marking the transition to Middle High German.15
Further information: Francia, Carolingian Empire, and Frankish language
Old High German encompasses the dialects that had undergone the Second Sound Shift during the 6th century—namely all of the Upper and Central German dialects.
The Franks in the western part of Francia (Neustria and western Austrasia) gradually adopted Gallo-Romance by the beginning of the OHG period, with the linguistic boundary later stabilised approximately along the course of the Meuse and Moselle in the east, and the northern boundary probably a little further south than the current boundary between French and Dutch.16 North of this line, the Franks retained their language, but it was not affected by the Second Sound Shift, which thus separated the Low Franconian or Old Dutch varieties from the more easterly Franconian dialects which formed part of Old High German.17
In the south, the Lombards, who had settled in Northern Italy, maintained their dialect until their conquest by Charlemagne in 774. After this the Germanic-speaking population, who were by then almost certainly bilingual, gradually switched to the Romance language of the native population, so that Langobardic had died out by the end of the OHG period.18
At the beginning of the period, no Germanic language was spoken east of a line from Kieler Förde to the rivers Elbe and Saale, earlier Germanic speakers in the Northern part of the area having been displaced by the Slavs. This area did not become German-speaking until the German eastward expansion ("Ostkolonisation", "Ostsiedlung") of the early 12th century, though there was some attempt at conquest and missionary work under the Ottonians.19
The Alemannic polity was conquered by Clovis I in 496, and in the last twenty years of the 8th century Charlemagne subdued the Saxons, the Frisians, the Bavarians, and the Lombards, bringing all continental Germanic-speaking peoples under Frankish rule. While this led to some degree of Frankish linguistic influence, the language of both the administration and the Church was Latin, and this unification did not therefore lead to any development of a supra-regional variety of Frankish nor a standardized Old High German; the individual dialects retained their identity.
Further information: Proto-Germanic language and Germanic languages
There was no standard or supra-regional variety of Old High German—every text is written in a particular dialect, or in some cases a mixture of dialects. Broadly speaking, the main dialect divisions of Old High German seem to have been similar to those of later periods—they are based on established territorial groupings and the effects of the Second Sound Shift, which have remained influential until the present day. But because the direct evidence for Old High German consists solely of manuscripts produced in a few major ecclesiastical centres, there is no isogloss information of the sort on which modern dialect maps are based. For this reason the dialects may be termed "monastery dialects" (German Klosterdialekte).20
The main dialects, with their bishoprics and monasteries:21
In addition, there are two poorly attested dialects:
The continued existence of a West Frankish dialect in the Western, Romanized part of Francia is uncertain. Claims that this might have been the language of the Carolingian court or that it is attested in the Ludwigslied, whose presence in a French manuscript suggests bilingualism, are controversial.2425
Further information: Oaths of Strasbourg, Germanic Christianity, and Anglo-Saxon mission
Old High German literacy is a product of the monasteries, notably at St. Gallen, Reichenau Island and Fulda. Its origins lie in the establishment of the German church by Saint Boniface in the mid-8th century, and it was further encouraged during the Carolingian Renaissance in the 9th. The dedication to the preservation of Old High German epic poetry among the scholars of the Carolingian Renaissance was significantly greater than could be suspected from the meagre survivals we have today (less than 200 lines in total between the Hildebrandslied and the Muspilli). Einhard tells how Charlemagne himself ordered that the epic lays should be collected for posterity.26 It was the neglect or religious zeal of later generations that led to the loss of these records. Thus, it was Charlemagne's weak successor, Louis the Pious, who destroyed his father's collection of epic poetry on account of its pagan content.27
Rabanus Maurus, a student of Alcuin and later an abbot at Fulda, was an important advocate of the cultivation of German literacy. Among his students were Walafrid Strabo and Otfrid of Weissenburg.
Towards the end of the Old High German period, Notker Labeo was among the greatest stylists in the language, and developed a systematic orthography.28
Old High German marked the culmination of a shift away from runic writing of the pre-OHG period29 to the Latin alphabet. This shift led to considerable variations in spelling conventions, as individual scribes and scriptoria had to develop their own transliteration of sounds not native to Latin script.30 Otfrid von Weissenburg, in one of the prefaces to his Evangelienbuch, offers comments on and examples of some of the issues which arise in adapting the Latin alphabet for German: "...sic etiam in multis dictis scriptio est propter litterarum aut congeriem aut incognitam sonoritatem difficilis." ("...so also, in many expressions, spelling is difficult because of the piling up of letters or their unfamiliar sound.")31 The careful orthographies of the OHG Isidor or Notker show a similar awareness.32
The charts show the vowel and consonant systems of the East Franconian dialect in the 9th century. This is the dialect of the monastery of Fulda, and specifically of the Old High German Tatian. Dictionaries and grammars of OHG often use the spellings of the Tatian as a substitute for genuine standardised spellings, and these have the advantage of being recognizably close to the Middle High German forms of words, particularly with respect to the consonants.33
Old High German had six phonemic short vowels and five phonemic long vowels. Both occurred in stressed and unstressed syllables. In addition, there were six diphthongs.34
Notes:
By the mid 11th century the many different vowels found in unstressed syllables had almost all been reduced to ⟨e⟩ /ə/.37
Examples:
(The New High German forms of these words are broadly the same as in Middle High German.)
Main article: High German consonant shift
The main difference between Old High German and the West Germanic dialects from which it developed is that the former underwent the Second Sound Shift. The result of the sound change has been that the consonantal system of German is different from all other West Germanic languages, including English and Low German.
This list has the sound changes that transformed Common West Germanic into Old High German but not the Late OHG changes that affected Middle High German:
Main article: Old High German declension
Germanic had a simple two-tense system, with forms for a present and preterite. These were inherited by Old High German, but in addition OHG developed three periphrastic tenses: the perfect, pluperfect and future.
The periphrastic past tenses were formed by combining the present or preterite of an auxiliary verb (wësan, habēn) with the past participle. Initially the past participle retained its original function as an adjective and showed case and gender endings - for intransitive verbs the nominative, for transitive verbs the accusative.38 For example:
After thie thö argangana warun ahtu taga (Tatian, 7,1) "When eight days had passed", literally "After that then gone-by were eight days" Latin: Et postquam consummati sunt dies octo (Luke 2:21)39 phīgboum habeta sum giflanzotan (Tatian 102,2) "There was a fig tree that some man had planted", literally "Fig-tree had certain (or someone) planted" Latin: arborem fici habebat quidam plantatam (Luke 13:6)4041
After thie thö argangana warun ahtu taga (Tatian, 7,1) "When eight days had passed", literally "After that then gone-by were eight days" Latin: Et postquam consummati sunt dies octo (Luke 2:21)39
phīgboum habeta sum giflanzotan (Tatian 102,2) "There was a fig tree that some man had planted", literally "Fig-tree had certain (or someone) planted"
Latin: arborem fici habebat quidam plantatam (Luke 13:6)4041
In time, however, these endings fell out of use and the participle came to be seen no longer as an adjective but as part of the verb, as in Modern German. This development is taken to be arising from a need to render Medieval Latin forms,42 but parallels in other Germanic languages (particularly Gothic, where the Biblical texts were translated from Greek, not Latin) raise the possibility that it was an independent development.4344
Germanic also had no future tense, but again OHG created periphrastic forms, using an auxiliary verb skulan (Modern German sollen) and the infinitive, or werden and the present participle:
Thu scalt beran einan alawaltenden (Otfrid's Evangelienbuch I, 5,23) "You shall bear an almighty one" Inti nu uuirdist thu suigenti' (Tatian 2,9) "And now you will start to fall silent" Latin: Et ecce eris tacens (Luke 1:20)45
The present tense continued to be used alongside these new forms to indicate future time (as it still is in Modern German).
The following is a sample conjugation of a strong verb, nëman "to take".
Any description of OHG syntax faces a fundamental problem: texts translated from or based on a Latin original will be syntactically influenced by their source,47 while the verse works may show patterns that are determined by the needs of rhyme and metre, or that represent literary archaisms.48 Nonetheless, the basic word order rules are broadly those of Modern Standard German.49
Two differences from the modern language are the possibility of omitting a subject pronoun and lack of definite and indefinite articles. Both features are exemplified in the start of the 8th century Alemannic creed from St Gall:50 kilaubu in got vater almahticun (Modern German, Ich glaube an Gott den allmächtigen Vater; English "I believe in God the almighty father").51
By the end of the OHG period, however, use of a subject pronoun has become obligatory, while the definite article has developed from the original demonstrative pronoun (der, diu, daz)52 and the numeral ein ("one") has come into use as an indefinite article.53 These developments are generally seen as mechanisms to compensate for the loss of morphological distinctions which resulted from the weakening of unstressed vowels in the endings of nouns and verbs (see above).5455
Further information: Old High German literature
The early part of the period saw considerable missionary activity, and by 800 the whole of the Frankish Empire had, in principle, been Christianized. All the manuscripts which contain Old High German texts were written in ecclesiastical scriptoria by scribes whose main task was writing in Latin rather than German. Consequently, the majority of Old High German texts are religious in nature and show strong influence of ecclesiastical Latin on the vocabulary. In fact, most surviving prose texts are translations of Latin originals. Even secular works such as the Hildebrandslied are often preserved only because they were written on spare sheets in religious codices.
The earliest Old High German text is generally taken to be the Abrogans, a Latin–Old High German glossary variously dated between 750 and 780, probably from Reichenau. The 8th century Merseburg Incantations are the only remnant of pre-Christian German literature. The earliest texts not dependent on Latin originals would seem to be the Hildebrandslied and the Wessobrunn Prayer, both recorded in manuscripts of the early 9th century, though the texts are assumed to derive from earlier copies.
The Bavarian Muspilli is the sole survivor of what must have been a vast oral tradition. Other important works are the Evangelienbuch (Gospel harmony) of Otfrid von Weissenburg, the Ludwigslied and the 9th century Georgslied. The boundary to Early Middle High German (from c. 1050) is not clear-cut.
An example of Early Middle High German literature is the Annolied.
The Lord's Prayer is given in four Old High German dialects below. Because these are translations of a liturgical text, they are best not regarded as examples of idiomatic language, but they do show dialect variation very clearly.
Scherer 1878, p. 12. - Scherer, Wilhelm (1878). Zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache (in German) (2nd ed.). Berlin: Weidmann. https://archive.org/details/zurgeschichtede02schegoog ↩
Penzl 1986, p. 15. - Penzl, Herbert (1986). Althochdeutsch: Eine Einführung in Dialekte und Vorgeschichte (in German). Bern: Peter Lang. ISBN 3-261-04058-0. ↩
for example (Hutterer 1999, p. 307) - Hutterer, Claus Jürgen (1999). Die germanischen Sprachen. Ihre Geschichte in Grundzügen (in German). Wiesbaden: Albus. pp. 336–341. ISBN 3-928127-57-8. ↩
Penzl 1986, pp. 15–16. - Penzl, Herbert (1986). Althochdeutsch: Eine Einführung in Dialekte und Vorgeschichte (in German). Bern: Peter Lang. ISBN 3-261-04058-0. ↩
Schmidt 2013, pp. 65–66. - Schmidt, Wilhelm (2013). Geschichte der deutschen Sprache (in German) (11th ed.). Stuttgart: Hirzel. ISBN 978-3-7776-2272-9. ↩
with tables showing the position taken in most of the standard works before 2000. (Roelcke 1998) - Roelcke T (1998). "Die Periodisierung der deutschen Sprachgeschichte". In Besch W, Betten A, Reichmann O, Sonderegger S (eds.). Sprachgeschichte (in German). Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). Berlin, New York: Walter De Gruyter. pp. 798–815. ISBN 3-11-011257-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=cq_SX4b_e9kC&pg=PA798 ↩
Wells 1987, p. 33. - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Penzl 1986, p. 19. - Penzl, Herbert (1986). Althochdeutsch: Eine Einführung in Dialekte und Vorgeschichte (in German). Bern: Peter Lang. ISBN 3-261-04058-0. ↩
Hutterer 1999, p. 338. - Hutterer, Claus Jürgen (1999). Die germanischen Sprachen. Ihre Geschichte in Grundzügen (in German). Wiesbaden: Albus. pp. 336–341. ISBN 3-928127-57-8. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, p. 7. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Wells 1987, pp. 34–35. - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Roelcke 1998, pp. 804–811. - Roelcke T (1998). "Die Periodisierung der deutschen Sprachgeschichte". In Besch W, Betten A, Reichmann O, Sonderegger S (eds.). Sprachgeschichte (in German). Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). Berlin, New York: Walter De Gruyter. pp. 798–815. ISBN 3-11-011257-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=cq_SX4b_e9kC&pg=PA798 ↩
Wells 1987, p. 49. - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Wells 1987, p. 43. Fn. 26 - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Peters 1985, p. 1211. - Peters R (1985). "Soziokulturelle Voraussetzungen und Sprachraum des Mittleniederdeutschen". In Besch W, Reichmann O, Sonderegger S (eds.). Sprachgeschichte. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung (in German). Vol. 2. Berlin, New York: Walter De Gruyter. pp. 1211–1220. ISBN 3-11-009590-4. ↩
Wells 1987, pp. 44, 50–53. - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Sonderegger 1980, p. 571. - Sonderegger S (1980). "Althochdeutsch". In Althaus HP, Henne H, Weigand HE (eds.). Lexikon der Germanistischen Linguistik (in German). Vol. III (2nd ed.). Tübingen: Niemeyer. p. 571. ISBN 3-484-10391-4. ↩
Wells 1987, p. 432. - Wells, C. J. (1987). German: A Linguistic History to 1945. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-815809-2. ↩
Hutterer 1999, pp. 336–341. - Hutterer, Claus Jürgen (1999). Die germanischen Sprachen. Ihre Geschichte in Grundzügen (in German). Wiesbaden: Albus. pp. 336–341. ISBN 3-928127-57-8. ↩
Vita Karoli Magni, 29: "He also had the old rude songs that celebrate the deeds and wars of the ancient kings written out for transmission to posterity." /wiki/Vita_Karoli_Magni ↩
Parra Membrives 2002, p. 43. - Parra Membrives, Eva (2002). Literatura medieval alemana (in Spanish). Madrid: Síntesis. ISBN 978-847738997-2. ↩
von Raumer 1851, pp. 194–272. - von Raumer, Rudolf (1851). Einwirkung des Christenthums auf die Althochdeutsche Sprache (in German). Berlin: S.G.Liesching. https://archive.org/details/dieeinwirkungde01raumgoog ↩
Sonderegger 2003, p. 245. - Sonderegger, S. (2003). Althochdeutsche Sprache und Literatur (in German) (3rd ed.). de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-004559-1. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, p. 23. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Marchand 1992. - Marchand, James (1992). "OHTFRID'S LETTER TO LIUDBERT". The Saint Pachomius Library. Retrieved 9 April 2019. http://www.harbornet.com/folks/theedrich/hive/Medieval/Otfrid.htm ↩
Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 179. - Braune, W.; Helm, K.; Ebbinghaus, E. A., eds. (1994). Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (in German) (17th ed.). Tübingen: M. Niemeyer. ISBN 3-484-10707-3. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, p. 41. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Wright 1906, p. 2. - Wright, Joseph (1906). An Old High German Primer (2nd ed.). Oxford: Clarendon Press. https://archive.org/details/oldhighgermanpri00wrigiala ↩
But see Fausto Cercignani (2022). The development of the Old High German umlauted vowels and the reflex of New High German /ɛ:/ in Present Standard German. Linguistik Online. 113/1: 45–57. Online /wiki/Fausto_Cercignani ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, pp. 87–93. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Schrodt 2004, pp. 9–18. - Schrodt, Richard (2004). Althochdeutsche Grammatik II: Syntax (in German) (15th ed.). Tübingen: Niemeyer. ISBN 978-3-484-10862-2. ↩
Kuroda 1999, p. 90. - Kuroda, Susumu (1999). Die historische Entwicklung der Perfektkonstruktionen im Deutschen (in German). Hamburg: Helmut Buske. ISBN 3-87548-189-5. ↩
Kuroda 1999, p. 52. - Kuroda, Susumu (1999). Die historische Entwicklung der Perfektkonstruktionen im Deutschen (in German). Hamburg: Helmut Buske. ISBN 3-87548-189-5. ↩
Wright 1888. - Wright, Joseph (1888). An Old High-German Primer. Oxford: Clarendon Press. https://archive.org/details/anoldhighgerman01wriggoog ↩
Sonderegger 1979, p. 269. - Sonderegger, Stefan (1979). Grundzüge deutscher Sprachgeschichte (in German). Vol. I. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017288-7. ↩
Moser, Wellmann & Wolf 1981, pp. 82–84. - Moser, Hans; Wellmann, Hans; Wolf, Norbert Richard (1981). Geschichte der deutschen Sprache. 1: Althochdeutsch — Mittelhochdeutsch (in German). Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer. ISBN 3-494-02133-3. ↩
Morris 1991, pp. 161–167. - Morris RL (1991). "The Rise of Periphrastic Tenses in German: The Case Against Latin Influence". In Antonsen EH, Hock HH (eds.). Stæfcraft. Studies in Germanic Linguistics. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ISBN 90-272-3576-7. ↩
Sonderegger 1979, p. 271. - Sonderegger, Stefan (1979). Grundzüge deutscher Sprachgeschichte (in German). Vol. I. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-017288-7. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, pp. 331–336. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Fleischer & Schallert 2011, p. 35. - Fleischer, Jürg; Schallert, Oliver (2011). Historische Syntax des Deutschen: eine Einführung (in German). Tübingen: Narr. ISBN 978-3-8233-6568-6. ↩
Fleischer & Schallert 2011, pp. 49–50. - Fleischer, Jürg; Schallert, Oliver (2011). Historische Syntax des Deutschen: eine Einführung (in German). Tübingen: Narr. ISBN 978-3-8233-6568-6. ↩
Schmidt 2013, p. 276. - Schmidt, Wilhelm (2013). Geschichte der deutschen Sprache (in German) (11th ed.). Stuttgart: Hirzel. ISBN 978-3-7776-2272-9. ↩
Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 12. - Braune, W.; Helm, K.; Ebbinghaus, E. A., eds. (1994). Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (in German) (17th ed.). Tübingen: M. Niemeyer. ISBN 3-484-10707-3. ↩
Salmons 2012, p. 161. - Salmons, Joseph (2012). A History of German. Oxford University. ISBN 978-0-19-969794-6. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, pp. 338–339. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
Braune & Heidermanns 2018, p. 322. - Braune, Wilhelm; Heidermanns, Frank (2018). Althochdeutsche Grammatik I: Laut- und Formenlehre. Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialekte. A: Hauptreihe 5/1 (in German) (16th ed.). Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-051510-7. ↩
who discusses the problems with this view. (Salmons 2012, p. 162) - Salmons, Joseph (2012). A History of German. Oxford University. ISBN 978-0-19-969794-6. ↩
"but more indirectly that previously assumed." (Fleischer & Schallert 2011, pp. 206–211) - Fleischer, Jürg; Schallert, Oliver (2011). Historische Syntax des Deutschen: eine Einführung (in German). Tübingen: Narr. ISBN 978-3-8233-6568-6. ↩
Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 56. - Braune, W.; Helm, K.; Ebbinghaus, E. A., eds. (1994). Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (in German) (17th ed.). Tübingen: M. Niemeyer. ISBN 3-484-10707-3. ↩
Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 11. - Braune, W.; Helm, K.; Ebbinghaus, E. A., eds. (1994). Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (in German) (17th ed.). Tübingen: M. Niemeyer. ISBN 3-484-10707-3. ↩
Braune, Helm & Ebbinghaus 1994, p. 34. - Braune, W.; Helm, K.; Ebbinghaus, E. A., eds. (1994). Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (in German) (17th ed.). Tübingen: M. Niemeyer. ISBN 3-484-10707-3. ↩