The term Austronesian focus was widely used in early literature, but more scholars turn to the term voice recently because of the arguments against the term 'focus'.4 On the other hand, Starosta argued that neither voice nor focus is correct and that it is a lexical derivation.5
Schachter (1987) proposed the word 'trigger', which has seen widespread use. As one source summarized, 'focus' and 'topic' do not mean what they mean in discourse (the essential piece of new information, and what is being talked about, respectively), but rather 'focus' is a kind of agreement, and the 'topic' is a noun phrase that agrees with the focus-marked verb. Thus using those terms for Austronesian/Philippine alignment is "misleading" and "it seems better to refer to this argument expression as the trigger, a term that reflects the fact that the semantic role of the argument in question triggers the choice of a verbal affix."6
A number of studies focused on the typological perspective of Austronesian voice system.78
Some explored the semantic or pragmatic properties of Austronesian voice system.910
Others contributed to the valence-changing morphology.11
In languages that exhibit symmetrical voice, the voice affix on the main verb within the clause marks agreement with "the semantic role of the [subject]".12
For example, the Actor Voice affix may agree only with agent nominal phrases. (The asterisk means that the sentence is ungrammatical for the intended meaning.)
S‹um›ulat
‹AV›will.write
ya=ng
3SG.DIR=ACC
poesia
poem
ing
DIR
lalaki
boy
king
OBL
pisara.
blackboard
S‹um›ulat ya=ng poesia ing lalaki king pisara.
‹AV›will.write 3SG.DIR=ACC poem DIR boy OBL blackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard."
*
Sumulat
yang
* Sumulat yang lalaki ing poesia king pisara.
Intended: "The boy will write a poem on the blackboard." (Grammatical for: "The poem will write a boy on the blackboard.")
pisara
lalaki.
* Sumulat yang poesia ing pisara king lalaki.
Intended: "The boy will write a poem on the blackboard." (Grammatical for: "The blackboard will write a poem on the boy.")
B‹um›ilí
‹ASP.AV›buy
ng
IND
manggá
mango
sa
palengke
market
ang
man
B‹um›ilí ng manggá sa palengke ang lalaki.
‹ASP.AV›buy IND mango OBL market DIR man
"The man bought a mango at the market."
Bumilí
manggá.
* Bumilí ng lalaki sa palengke ang manggá.
Intended: "The man bought a mango at the market." (Grammatical for: "The mango bought a man at the market.")
palengke.
* Bumilí ng manggá sa lalaki ang palengke.
Intended: "The man bought a mango at the market." (Grammatical for: "The market bought a mango from the man.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the patient nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the Actor Voice infix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the agent nominal phrase, the location nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
The patient voice affix may agree only with patient nominal phrases.
I-sulat
PV-will.write
n=e
3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR
ning
ERG
I-sulat n=e ning lalaki ing poesia king pisara.
PV-will.write 3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR ERG boy DIR poem OBL blackboard
"The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard."
Isulat
ne
* Isulat ne ning poesia ing lalaki king pisara.
Intended: "The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard." (Grammatical for: "The boy will be written by the poem on the blackboard.")
poesia.
* Isulat ne ning lalaki ing pisara king poesia.
Intended: "The poem will be written by the boy on the blackboard." (Grammatical for: "The blackboard will be written by the boy on the poem.")
B‹in›ilí-∅
‹ASP›buy-PV
B‹in›ilí-∅ ng lalaki sa palengke ang manggá.
‹ASP›buy-PV IND man OBL market DIR mango
"The mango was bought by the man at the market."
Binilí-∅
* Binilí-∅ ng manggá sa palengke ang lalaki.
Intended: "The mango was bought by the man at the market." (Grammatical for: "The man was bought by the mango at the market.")
* Binilí-∅ ng lalaki sa manggá ang palengke.
Intended: "The mango was bought by the man at the market." (Grammatical for: "The market was bought by the man at the mango.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the agent nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the patient voice affix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the patient nominal phrase, the location nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
The locative voice affix may agree only with location nominal phrases.
Pi-sulat-an
LV-will.write-LV
n=e=ng
3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR=ACC
Pi-sulat-an n=e=ng poesia ning lalaki ing pisara.
LV-will.write-LV 3SG.ERG=3SG.DIR=ACC poem ERG boy DIR blackboard
"The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy."
Pisulatan
neng
* Pisulatan neng poesia ning pisara ing lalaki.
Intended: "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy." (Grammatical for: "The boy will be written a poem on by the blackboard.")
* Pisulatan neng pisara ning lalaki ing poesia.
Intended: "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy." (Grammatical for: "The poem will be written a blackboard on by the boy.")
B‹in›ilh-án
‹ASP›buy-LV
B‹in›ilh-án ng lalaki ng manggá ang palengke.
‹ASP›buy-LV IND man IND mango DIR market
"The market was bought a mango at by the man."
Binilhán
* Binilhán ng palengke ng manggá ang lalaki.
Intended: "The market was bought a mango at by the man." (Grammatical for: "The man was bought a mango from by the market.")
* Binilhán ng lalaki ng palengke ang manggá.
Intended: "The market was bought a mango at by the man." (Grammatical for: "The mango was bought a market at by the man.")
The sentences in (b) are ungrammatical because the agent nominal phrase is marked as the subject, even though the verb bears the locative voice affix. The sentences in (c) are ungrammatical because, instead of the location nominal phrase, the patient nominal phrase is marked as the subject.
Across languages, the most common semantic roles with which the voice affixes may agree are agent, patient, location, instrument, and benefactee. In some languages, the voice affixes may also agree with semantic roles such as theme, goal, reason, and time. The set of semantic roles that may be borne by subjects in each language varies, and some affixes can agree with more than one semantic role.
Languages that have symmetrical voice do not have a process that promotes an oblique argument to direct object. Oblique arguments are promoted directly to subject.
Nagpadalá
M-n-pag-padalá
AV-ASP-¿?-send
AGENT
mama
THEME
pera
money
GOAL
anák
child
niyá.
3SG.GEN
{} AGENT {} THEME {} GOAL {} {}
Nagpadalá ang mama ng pera sa anák niyá.
M-n-pag-padalá {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
AV-ASP-¿?-send DIR man IND money OBL child 3SG.GEN
"The man sent money to his child."
P‹in›adalh-án
‹ASP›send-LV
P‹in›adalh-án ng mama ng pera ang anák niyá.
‹ASP›send-LV IND man IND money DIR child 3SG.GEN
"Hisi child was sent money by the mani."
Nagpadalhán
M-n-pag-padalh-án
AV-ASP-¿?-send-LV
{} {} AGENT {} THEME {} GOAL {} {}
* Nagpadalhán ang mama ng pera ng anák niyá.
{} M-n-pag-padalh-án {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
{} AV-ASP-¿?-send-LV DIR man IND money IND child 3SG.GEN
Intended: "The man sent his child money."
In the Tagalog examples above, the goal nominal phrase can either be an indirect object, as in (1), or a subject as in (2). However, it cannot become a direct object, or be marked with indirect case, as in (3). Verb forms, such as "nagpadalhan", which bear both an Actor Voice affix and a non-Actor Voice affix, do not exist in languages that have symmetrical voice.
The Tagalog examples contrast with the examples13 from Indonesian below. Indonesian is an Austronesian language that does not have symmetrical voice.
Ayah
father
mengirim
meN-kirim
ACTIVE VOICE-send
uang
kepada
to
saya.
1SG
AGENT {} THEME GOAL {}
Ayah mengirim uang kepada saya.
{} meN-kirim {} {} {}
father {ACTIVE VOICE}-send money to 1SG
"Father sent money to me."
Saya
di-kirim-i
PASSIVE VOICE-send-APPLICATIVE
oleh
by
Ayah.
GOAL {} THEME AGENT {}
Saya di-kirim-i uang oleh Ayah.
1SG {PASSIVE VOICE}-send-APPLICATIVE money by father
"I was sent money by Father."
mengirimi
meN-kirim-i
ACTIVE VOICE-send-APPLICATIVE
saya
uang.
AGENT {} GOAL THEME
Ayah mengirimi saya uang.
{} meN-kirim-i {} {}
father {ACTIVE VOICE}-send-APPLICATIVE 1SG money
"Father sent me money."
In the Indonesian examples, the goal nominal phrase can be the indirect object, as in (4), and the subject, as in (5). However, unlike in Tagalog, which has symmetrical voice, the goal nominal phrase in Indonesian can be a direct object, as in (6). The preposition kepada disappears in the presence of the applicative suffix -i, and the goal nominal phrase moves from sentence-final position to some verb-adjacent position. In addition, they can behave like regular direct objects and undergo processes such as passivisation, as in (5).
The examples 14 below are in Proto-Austronesian. Asterisks indicate a linguistic reconstruction. The voice affix on the verb appears in red text, while the subject, which the affix selects, appears in underlined bold italics. Four voices have been reconstructed for Proto-Austronesian: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice and Instrument Voice.
K‹um›aen
‹AV›eat
Semay
rice
Cau.
* K‹um›aen Semay Cau.
{} ‹AV›eat rice man
"The man is eating some rice."
Kaen-en
eat-PV
nu
Cau
Semay.
* Kaen-en nu Cau Semay.
{} eat-PV ERG man rice
"A/the man is eating the rice." (or "The rice is being eaten by a/the man.")
Kaen-an
eat-LV
Rumaq.
house
* Kaen-an nu Cau Semay Rumaq.
{} eat-LV ERG man rice house
"The man is eating rice in the house." (or "The house is being eaten rice in by the man.")
Si-kaen
IV-eat
lima-ni-á.
hand-GEN-3SG
* Si-kaen nu Cau Semay lima-ni-á.
{} IV-eat ERG man rice hand-GEN-3SG
"The man is eating rice with his hand." (or "Hisi hand is being eaten rice with by the mani.")
The data below come from Formosan, a geographic grouping of all Austronesian languages that belong outside of Malayo-Polynesian. The Formosan languages are primarily spoken in Taiwan.
Amis15 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Amis, is ku.
Mi-ʔaɬup
AV-hunt
ku
kapah
young man
tu
ACC
vavuy.
pig
Mi-ʔaɬup ku kapah tu vavuy.
AV-hunt DIR {young man} ACC pig
"A young man hunts a pig."
Ma-ʔaɬup
PV-hunt
Ma-ʔaɬup nu kapah ku vavuy.
PV-hunt ERG {young man} DIR pig
"A young man hunts a pig." (or "A pig is hunted by a young man.)
Pi-ʔaɬup-an
LV-hunt-LV
kura
that.DIR
lutuk
mountain
Pi-ʔaɬup-an nu kapah kura lutuk tu vavuy.
LV-hunt-LV ERG {young man} that.DIR mountain ACC pig
"A young man hunts a pig on that mountain." (or "That mountain is hunted a pig on by a young man.")
Sa-pi-ʔaɬup
IV-hunt
ʔiluc
spear
Sa-pi-ʔaɬup nu kapah ku ʔiluc tu vavuy.
IV-hunt ERG {young man} DIR spear ACC pig
"A young man hunts a pig with a spear." (or "A spear is hunted a pig with by a young man.")
While they both have the same number of voices, the two dialects of Atayal presented below do differ in the shape of the circumstantial voice prefix. In Mayrinax, the circumstantial voice prefix is si-, whereas in Squliq, it is s-.
Mayrinax16 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial Voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Mayrinax is kuʔ.
M-aras
AV-fetch
cuʔ
qusiaʔ
water
kuʔ
makurakis.
girl
M-aras cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ makurakis.
AV-fetch ACC water DIR girl
"The girl fetches water."
Ras-un
fetch-PV
nkuʔ
makurakis
qusiaʔ.
Ras-un nkuʔ makurakis kuʔ qusiaʔ.
fetch-PV ERG girl DIR water
"The girl fetches water." (or "Water is fetched by the girl.")
Ras-an
fetch-LV
βintaŋ
water bucket
ka
LIG
hani.
this
Ras-an nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ βintaŋ ka hani.
fetch-LV ERG girl ACC water DIR {water bucket} LIG this
"The girl fetches water in this water bucket." (or "This water bucket is fetched water in by the girl.")
Si-ʔaras
CV-fetch
mamaliku=niaʔ.
husband=3SG.GEN
Si-ʔaras nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ mamaliku=niaʔ.
CV-fetch ERG girl ACC water DIR husband=3SG.GEN
"The girl fetches water for her husband." (or "Her husbandi is fetched water for by the girli.")
Si-ʔaras nkuʔ makurakis cuʔ qusiaʔ kuʔ βintaŋ ka hani.
CV-fetch ERG girl ACC water DIR {water bucket} LIG this
"The girl fetches water with this water bucket." (or "This water bucket is fetched water with by the girl.")
Squliq17 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme in Squliq is qu’.
M-aniq
AV-eat
qulih
fish
qu’
Tali’.
Tali
M-aniq qulih qu’ Tali’.
AV-eat fish DIR Tali
"Tali eats fish."
Niq-un
na’
Tali’
qasa.
that
Niq-un na’ Tali’ qu’ qulih qasa.
eat-PV ERG Tali DIR fish that
"Tali eats that fish." (or "That fish is eaten by Tali.")
Niq-an
ngasal
Niq-an na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ ngasal qasa.
eat-LV ERG Tali fish DIR house that
"Tali eats fish in that house." (or "That house is eaten fish in by Tali.")
S-qaniq
CV-eat
Sayun.
Sayun
S-qaniq na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ Sayun.
CV-eat ERG Tali fish DIR Sayun
"Tali eats fish for Sayun." (or "Sayun is eaten fish for by Tali.")
qway.
chopsticks
S-qaniq na’ Tali’ qulih qu’ qway.
CV-eat ERG Tali fish DIR chopsticks
"Tali eats fish with chopsticks." (or "Chopsticks are eaten fish with by Tali.")
Hla’alua1819 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for location and theme subjects.
While bound pronouns have a direct case form, nouns do not bear a special direct case marker for subjects in Hla’alua.
Hli-um-u=cu=aku
ASP-AV-eat=ASP=1SG.DIR
hlavate
guava
usua.
two
Hli-um-u=cu=aku hlavate usua.
ASP-AV-eat=ASP=1SG.DIR guava two
"I have eaten two guavas."
Hli-paipekel-a=cu
ASP-mould-PV=ASP
a
DET
Eleke
tangusuhlu=na.
rice.cake=DEF
Hli-paipekel-a=cu a Eleke a tangusuhlu=na.
ASP-mould-PV=ASP DET Eleke DET rice.cake=DEF
"Eleke has moulded the rice cake." (or "The rice cake has been moulded by Eleke.")
Hli-aala-ana
ASP-take-CV
’Angai
vutukuhlu
hluuhlungu=na.
stream=DEF
Hli-aala-ana ’Angai vutukuhlu a hluuhlungu=na.
ASP-take-CV ’Angai fish DET stream=DEF
"’Angai has caught fish in the stream." (or "The stream has been caught fish in by ’Angai.")
Hli-aala-ana=ku
ASP-take-CV=1SG.ERG
vahlituku-isa
money-3
ama’a.
Hli-aala-ana=ku a vahlituku-isa ama’a.
ASP-take-CV=1SG.ERG DET money-3 father
"I have taken father's money." (or "Father's money has been taken by me.")
Kanakanavu20 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which optionally marks the subject in Kanakanavu, is sua.
K‹um›aʉn
(sua)
ŋiau
cat
tapianaŋai.
bird
K‹um›aʉn (sua) ŋiau tapianaŋai.
‹AV›eat DIR cat bird
"A cat ate a bird."
Cʉʔʉr-ai
see-PV
maanu
iisi
tacau
dog
iisa.
Cʉʔʉr-ai maanu iisi (sua) tacau iisa.
see-PV child this DIR dog that
"This child saw that dog." (or "That dog was seen by this child.")
Riucuucu-an
kiss-LV
Mu'u
PaicU.
PaicU
Riucuucu-an Mu'u (sua) PaicU.
kiss-LV Mu'u DIR PaicU
"Mu'u kissed PaicU." (or "PaicU was kissed by Mu'u.")
Si-puʔa
IV-buy
maanu-maku
child-1SG.GEN
ʔʉnai
land
sua
vantuku
iisi.
Si-puʔa maanu-maku ʔʉnai sua vantuku iisi.
IV-buy child-1SG.GEN land DIR money this
"My child bought land with this money." (or "This money was bought land with by my child.")
Kavalan21 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice prefix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kavalan, is ya.
Q‹em›al
‹AV›dig
rasung
well
ya
sunis.
Q‹em›al tu rasung ya sunis.
‹AV›dig ACC well DIR child
"The child dug a well."
Qal-an
dig-PV
na
sunis
rasung.
Qal-an na sunis ya rasung.
dig-PV ERG child DIR well
"The child dug the well." (or The well was dug by the child.")
Ti-tangan=ku
CV-open=1SG.ERG
ineb
door
suqsuq.
key
Ti-tangan=ku tu ineb ya suqsuq.
CV-open=1SG.ERG ACC door DIR key
"I opened the door with the key." (or "The key was opened the door with by me.")
Ti-sammay
CV-cook
tama=ku
father=1SG.GEN
tina=ku.
mother-1SG.GEN
Ti-sammay na tama=ku ya tina=ku.
CV-cook ERG father=1SG.GEN DIR mother-1SG.GEN
"My father cooked for my mother." (or "My mother was cooked for by my father.")
Paiwan22 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Paiwan, is a.
Q‹m›ałup
‹AV›hunt
tsautsau
tua
vavuy
i
PREP
(tua)
(OBL)
gadu
vuluq.
Q‹m›ałup a tsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
‹AV›hunt DIR man OBL pig PREP (OBL) mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear."
Qałup-en
hunt-PV
nua
Qałup-en nua tsautsau a vavuy i (tua) gadu tua vuluq.
hunt-PV ERG man DIR pig PREP (OBL) mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The pigs are hunted by the man in the mountains with a spear.")
Qałup-an
hunt-LV
Qałup-an nua tsautsau tua vavuy a gadu tua vuluq.
hunt-LV ERG man OBL pig DIR mountain OBL spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The mountains are hunted the pigs in by the man with a spear.")
Si-qałup
Si-qałup nua tsautsau tua vavuy i (tua) gadu a vuluq.
IV-hunt ERG man OBL pig PREP (OBL) mountain DIR spear
"The man hunts the pigs in the mountains with a spear." (or "The spear is hunted the pigs with by the man in the mountains.")
Pazeh,23 which became extinct in 2010, had four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Pazeh, is ki.
Mu-ngazip
AV-bite
yaku
ki
wazu.
Mu-ngazip yaku ki wazu.
AV-bite 1SG DIR dog
"The dog bit me."
Ngazib-en
bite-PV
wazu
lia
ASP
rakihan.
Ngazib-en wazu lia ki rakihan.
bite-PV dog ASP DIR child
"A dog bit the child." (or The child was bitten by a dog.")
Pu-batu’-an
pave-stone-LV
babaw
above
daran.
road
Pu-batu’-an lia ki babaw daran.
pave-stone-LV ASP DIR above road
"The road surface was paved with stones."
Saa-talek
IV-cook
alaw
bulayan.
pan
Saa-talek alaw ki bulayan.
IV-cook fish DIR pan
"The pan was cooked fish with."
Puyuma24 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Puyuma, is na or i.
Tr‹em›akaw
‹AT.RL›steal
dra
paisu
Isaw.
Isaw
Tr‹em›akaw dra paisu i Isaw.
‹AT.RL›steal ACC money DIR Isaw
"Isaw stole money."
Tu=trakaw-aw
3.ERG=steal-PT.RL
kan
Tu=trakaw-aw na paisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-PT.RL DIR money ERG Isaw
"Isaw stole the money." (or "The money was stolen by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIR
Tu=trakaw-ay=ku dra paisu kan Isaw.
3.ERG=steal-LT.RL=1SG.DIR ACC money ERG Isaw
"Isaw stole money from me." (or "I was stolen money from by Isaw.")
Tu=trakaw-anay
3.ERG=steal-CT.RL
tinataw
his.mother
paisu.
Tu=trakaw-anay i tinataw dra paisu.
3.ERG=steal-CT.RL DIR his.mother ACC money
"He stole money for his mother." (or "Hisi mother was stolen money for by himi.")
Ku=dirus-anay
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RL
enay
Aliwaki.
Aliwaki
Ku=dirus-anay na enay kan Aliwaki.
1SG.ERG=wash-CT.RL DIR water ACC Aliwaki
"I washed Aliwaki with water." (or "The water was washed Aliwaki with by me.")
The two dialects of Seediq presented below each have a different number of voices. The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in both dialects, is ka.
Tgdaya26 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice and Instrument Voice.
S‹em›ebuc
‹AV›hit
ricah
plum
Pawan.
Pawan
S‹em›ebuc ricah ka Pawan.
‹AV›hit plum DIR Pawan
"Pawan is hitting plums."
Sebet-un
hit-PV
ricah.
Sebet-un na Pawan ka ricah.
hit-PV ERG Pawan DIR plum
"Pawan is hitting the plum." (or "The plum is being hit by Pawan.")
Sebet-an
hit-LV
peepah.
farm.field
Sebet-an na Pawan ricah ka peepah.
hit-LV ERG Pawan plum DIR farm.field
"Pawan is hitting plums in the farm field." (or "The farm field is being hit plums in by Pawan.")
Se-sebuc
IV-hit
butakan.
stick
Se-sebuc na Pawan ricah ka butakan.
IV-hit ERG Pawan plum DIR stick
"Pawan is hitting plums with the stick." (or "The stick is being hit plums with by Pawan.")
Truku27 has three voices: Actor Voice, Goal Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The goal voice suffix selects for patient and location subjects. The circumstantial voice prefix selects for benefactee and instrument subjects.
K‹em›erut
‹AV›cut
babuy
Masaw.
Masaw
K‹em›erut babuy ka Masaw.
‹AV›cut pig DIR Masaw
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig."
Keret-an
cut-GV
babuy.
Keret-an Masaw ka babuy.
cut-GV Masaw DIR pig
"Masaw slaughters the pig." (or "The pig is slaughtered by Masaw.")
laqi
sagas
watermelon
keti’inuh
board
ni’i.
Keret-an laqi sagas ka keti’inuh ni’i.
cut-GV child watermelon DIR board this
"The child cuts watermelon on this board." (or "This board is cut watermelon on by the child.")
Se-kerut
CV-cut
baki.
old.man
Se-kerut babuy Masaw ka baki.
CV-cut pig Masaw DIR old.man
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig for the old man." (or "The old man is slaughtered a/the pig for by Masaw.")
puting.
knife
Se-kerut babuy Masaw ka puting.
CV-cut pig Masaw DIR knife
"Masaw slaughters a/the pig with the knife." (or "The knife is slaughtered a/the pig with by Masaw.")
Tsou28 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Benefactive Voice. In addition to the voice morphology on the main verb, auxiliary verbs in Tsou, which are obligatory in the sentence,29 are also marked for voice. However, auxiliaries only differentiate between Actor Voice and non-Actor Voice30 (in green text).
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tsou, is ’o.
Mi-’o
AUX.AV-1SG.DIR
mo-si
AV-put
peisu
Nookay.
Nookay
Mi-’o mo-si to peisu ne Nookay.
AUX.AV-1SG.DIR AV-put OBL money OBL Nookay
"I deposit money in Nookay."
Os-’o
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG
si-a
put-PV
panka
table
’o
peisu.
Os-’o si-a to panka ’o peisu.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-PV OBL table DIR money
"I put the money on the/a table." (or "The money was put on the/a table by me.")
si-i
put-LV
chumu
kopu.
cup
Os-’o si-i to chumu ’o kopu.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-LV OBL water DIR cup
"I put water into the cup." (or "The cup was put water into by me.")
si-i-neni
put-LV-BV
ocha
tea
Pasuya.
Pasuya
Os-’o si-i-neni to ocha ’o Pasuya.
AUX.NAV-1SG.ERG put-LV-BV OBL tea DIR Pasuya
"I served tea for Pasuya." (or "Pasuya was served tea for by me.")
The data below come from the Batanic languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian. These languages are spoken on the islands found in the Luzon Strait, between Taiwan and the Philippines.
Ivatan3233 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Ivatan, is qo.
Mangamoqmo
m-pang-qamoqmo
AV-¿?-frighten
qo
tao
so
motdeh
no
boday
snake
do
vahay.
Mangamoqmo qo tao so motdeh no boday do vahay.
m-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
AV-¿?-frighten DIR man ACC child IND snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house."
Qamoqmo-hen
frighten-PV
Qamoqmo-hen no tao qo motdeh no boday do vahay.
frighten-PV IND man DIR child IND snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "A child is being frightened with a snake in the house by the man.")
Pangamoqmoan
pang-qamoqmo-an
¿?-frighten-LV
Pangamoqmoan no tao so motdeh no boday qo vahay.
pang-qamoqmo-an {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
¿?-frighten-LV IND man ACC child IND snake DIR house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The house is being frightened a child in with a snake by the man.")
Qipangamoqmo
qi-pang-qamoqmo
CV-¿?-frighten
Qipangamoqmo no tao so motdeh qo boday do vahay.
qi-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
CV-¿?-frighten IND man ACC child DIR snake OBL house
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house." (or "The snake is being frightened a child with in the house by the man.")
vahay
kayvan-a.
friend-3SG.GEN
Qipangamoqmo no tao so motdeh no boday do vahay qo kayvan-a.
qi-pang-qamoqmo {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
CV-¿?-frighten IND man ACC child IND snake OBL house DIR friend-3SG.GEN
"The man is frightening a child with a snake in the house for his friend." (or "Hisi friend is being frightened a child for with a snake in the house by the mani.")
Yami37 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Yami, is si for proper names, and o for common nouns.
K‹om›an
wakay
sweet potato
si
Salang.
Salang
K‹om›an so wakay si Salang.
‹AV›eat OBL {sweet potato} DIR Salang
"Salang ate a sweet potato."
Kan-en
3SG.ERG
ni
o
wakay.
Kan-en na ni Salang o wakay.
eat-PV 3SG.ERG ERG Salang DIR {sweet potato}
"Salang ate the sweet potato." (or "The sweet potato was eaten by Salang.")
Ni-akan-an
ASP-eat-LV
mogis
ori
Ni-akan-an na o mogis ori ni Salang.
ASP-eat-LV 3SG.ERG DIR rice that ERG Salang
"Salang ate from some of that rice." (or "Some of that rice was eaten from by Salang.")
I-akan
among
ya.
I-akan na ni Salang o among ya.
IV-eat 3SG.ERG ERG Salang DIR fish this
"Salang ate (a meal) with this fish." (or "This fish was eaten (a meal) with by Salang.")
The data below come from Philippine languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, predominantly spoken across the Philippines, with some found on the island of Sulawesi in Indonesia.
Blaan383940 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Non-Actor Voice.
The non-Actor Voice affix selects for patient and location subjects, depending on the inherent voice of the verb.
Stifun
assemble
ale.
3PL.DIR
Stifun ale.
assemble 3PL.DIR
"They assemble."
M-bat
AV-throw
agu
1SG.DIR
bula.
ball
M-bat agu bula.
AV-throw 1SG.DIR ball
"I throw the ball."
K‹am›lang
kayu.
tree
K‹am›lang agu kayu.
‹AV›cut 1SG.DIR tree
"I cut the tree."
S‹am›tifun
‹AV›assemble
ale
dad
PL
to.
person
S‹am›tifun ale dad to.
‹AV›assemble 3PL.DIR PL person
"They assemble the people."
Bat=gu
throw=1SG.ERG
Bat=gu bula.
throw=1SG.ERG ball
"I throw the ball"(or "The ball is thrown by me.")
K‹an›lang=gu
‹NAV›cut=1SG.ERG
K‹an›lang=gu kayu.
‹NAV›cut=1SG.ERG tree
"I cut the tree."(or "The tree is cut by me.")
S‹an›tifun=la
‹NAV›assemble=3PL.ERG
S‹an›tifun=la dad to.
‹NAV›assemble=3PL.ERG PL person
"They assemble the people."(or "The people are assembled by them.")
N-bat=gu
NAV-throw=1SG.ERG
bula
diding.
wall
N-bat=gu bula diding.
NAV-throw=1SG.ERG ball wall
"I throw the ball at the wall."(or "The wall is thrown the ball at by me.")
Klang=gu
cut=1SG.ERG
kayu
falakol.
hatchet
Klang=gu kayu falakol.
cut=1SG.ERG tree hatchet
"I cut the tree with the hatchet."(or "The hatchet is cut the tree with by me.")
Cebuano44 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for location, benefactee and goal subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Cebuano, is ang or si.
Mo-lutò
AV-cook
Maria
ug
kalamáy
type.of.dessert
para
for
kang
Pedro.
Pedro
Mo-lutò si Maria ug kalamáy para kang Pedro.
AV-cook DIR Maria ACC type.of.dessert for OBL Pedro
"Maria will cook kalamáy for Pedro."
Luto-on
cook-PV
babaye
woman
bugás
lata.
can
Luto-on sa babaye ang bugás sa lata.
cook-PV ERG woman DIR rice OBL can
"The woman will cook the rice in the can." (or "The rice will be cooked by the woman in the can.")
Luto-an
cook-CV
lata
bugás.
Luto-an sa babaye ang lata ug bugás.
cook-CV ERG woman DIR can ACC rice
"The woman will cook rice in the can." (or "The can will be cooked rice in by the woman.")
kalamáy.
Luto-an ni Maria si Pedro ug kalamáy.
cook-CV ERG Maria DIR Pedro ACC type.of.dessert
"Maria will cook Pedro kalamáy." (or "Pedro will be cooked kalamáy for by Maria.")
Sulat-án
write-CV
Inday
Perla
sulat.
letter
Sulat-án ni Inday si Perla ug sulat.
write-CV ERG Inday DIR Perla ACC letter
"Inday will write Perla a letter." (or "Perla will be written a letter to by Inday.")
I-sulát
IV-write
Linda
lapis
pencil
I-sulát ni Linda ang lapis ug sulat.
IV-write ERG Linda DIR pencil ACC letter
"Linda will write a letter with the pencil." (or "The pencil will be written a letter with by Linda.")
Kalagan45 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kalagan, is ya. The direct case form of the first person, singular pronoun is aku, whereas the ergative case form is ku.
K‹um›amang
‹AV›get
aku
tubig
Ma’
Dad
adti
on
balkon
porch
lunis.
Monday
K‹um›amang aku sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
‹AV›get 1SG.DIR OBL water PREP can for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday."
Kamang-in
get-PV
1SG.ERG
Kamang-in ku ya tubig na lata kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
get-PV 1SG.ERG DIR water PREP can for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The water will be gotten by me with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Pag-kamang
IV-get
Pag-kamang ku ya lata sa tubig kan Ma’ adti balkon na lunis.
IV-get 1SG.ERG DIR can OBL water for Dad on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The can will be gotten the water with by me for Dad on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an
get-CV
Kamang-an ku ya Ma’ sa tubig na lata adti balkon na lunis.
get-CV 1SG.ERG DIR Dad OBL water PREP can on porch PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "Dad will be gotten the water for by me with the can on the porch on Monday.")
Kamang-an ku ya balkon sa tubig na lata kan Ma’ na lunis.
get-CV 1SG.ERG DIR porch OBL water PREP can for Dad PREP Monday
"I will get the water with the can for Dad on the porch on Monday." (or "The porch will be gotten the water from by me with the can for Dad on Monday.")
Kapampangan46 has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Goal Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The direct case morpheme in Kapampangan is ing, which marks singular subjects, and reng, which is for plural subjects. Non-subject agents are marked with ergative case, ning, while non-subject patients are marked with accusative case, -ng, which is cliticized onto the preceding word.47
gamit
pen
papil.
paper
S‹um›ulat yang poesia ing lalaki gamit pen king papil.
{} ya=ng {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹AV›will.write 3SG.DIR=ACC poem DIR boy OBL pen OBL paper
"The boy will write a poem with a pen on the paper."
na+ya
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR
mestra.
teacher.F
I-sulat ne ning lalaki ing poesia king mestra.
{} na+ya {} {} {} {} {} {}
PV-will.write 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR ERG boy DIR poem OBL teacher.F
"The boy will write the poem to the teacher." (or "The poem will be written by boy to the teacher.")
Sulat-anan
will.write-GV
mestro.
teacher.M
Sulat-anan ne ning lalaki ing mestro.
{} na+ya {} {} {} {}
will.write-GV 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR ERG boy DIR teacher.M
"The boy will write to the teacher." (or "The teacher will be written to by the boy.")
na+ya=ng
3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC
blackboard.
Pi-sulat-an neng poesia ning lalaki ing blackboard.
{} na+ya=ng {} {} {} {} {}
LV-will.write-LV 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC poem ERG boy DIR blackboard
"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard." (or "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy.")
Panyulat
paN-sulat
CV-will.write
pen.
Panyulat neng poesia ning lalaki ing pen.
paN-sulat na+ya=ng {} {} {} {} {}
CV-will.write 3SG.ERG+3SG.DIR=ACC poem ERG boy DIR pen
"The boy will write a poem with the pen." (or "The pen will be written a poem with by the boy.")
Pamasa
paN-basa
CV-will.read
nong
na+la=ng
3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACC
libru
book
babai
reng
PL.DIR
anak.
Pamasa nong libru ning babai reng anak.
paN-basa na+la=ng {} {} {} {} {}
CV-will.read 3SG.ERG+3PL.DIR=ACC book ERG woman PL.DIR child
"The woman will read a book for the children." (or "The children will be read a book for by the woman.")
Limos Kalinga48 has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice and Instrument Voice.
Except for when the subject is the agent, the subject is found directly after the agent in the clause.
Nandalus
n-man-dalus
ASP-AV-wash
Malia=t
Malia=OBL
danat
palatu.
plate
Nandalus si Malia=t danat palatu.
n-man-dalus {} {} {} {}
ASP-AV-wash DIR Malia=OBL PL plate
"Malia washed some plates."
Binayum
b‹in›ayu-∅=m
‹ASP›pound-PV=2SG.ERG
din
pagoy.
Binayum din pagoy.
b‹in›ayu-∅=m {} {}
‹ASP›pound-PV=2SG.ERG DIR rice
"You pounded the rice." (or "The rice was pounded by you.")
D‹in›alus-an
‹ASP›wash-LV
ud
Malia
DIR.PL
D‹in›alus-an ud Malia danat palatu.
‹ASP›wash-LV ERG Malia DIR.PL plate
"Malia washed the plates." (or "The plates were washed by Malia.")
I-n-dalus-an
BV-ASP-wash-BV
ina=na=t
mother=3SG.GEN=OBL
nat
SG
I-n-dalus-an ud Malia si ina=na=t nat palatu.
BV-ASP-wash-BV ERG Malia DIR mother=3SG.GEN=OBL SG plate
"Malia washed a plate for her mother." (or "Heri mother was washed a plate for by Maliai.")
I-n-dalus
IV-ASP-wash
sabun
soap
sinat
OBL.SG
I-n-dalus ud Malia nat sabun sinat palatu.
IV-ASP-wash ERG Malia DIR soap OBL.SG plate
"Malia washed a plate with the soap." (or "The soap was washed a plate with by Malia.")
Maranao50 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Circumstantial Voice, and Instrument Voice.
The circumstantial suffix selects for benefactee and location subjects.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Maranao, is so.
S‹om›ombali’
‹AV›butcher
mama’
karabao
water.buffalo
ko
maior.
mayor
S‹om›ombali’ so mama’ sa karabao ko maior.
‹AV›butcher DIR man OBL water.buffalo PREP mayor
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor."
Sombali’-in
butcher-PV
karabao.
Sombali’-in o mama’ so karabao.
butcher-PV ERG man DIR water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo." (or "The water buffalo will be butchered by the man.")
Sombali’-an
butcher-CV
maior
Sombali’-an o mama’ so maior sa karabao.
butcher-CV ERG man DIR mayor OBL water.buffalo
"The man will butcher water buffalo for the mayor." (or "The mayor will be butchered water buffalo for by the man.")
Koaq-an
bolong
medicine
tinda.
store
Koaq-an o mama’ sa bolong so tinda.
get-CV ERG man OBL medicine DIR store
"The man will get the medicine at/from the store." (or "The store will be gotten medicine at/from by the man.")
I-sombali’
butcher-IV
gelat
I-sombali’ o mama’ so gelat ko karabao.
butcher-IV ERG man DIR knife PREP water.buffalo
"The man will butcher the water buffalo with the knife." (or "The knife will be butchered the water buffalo with by the man.")
Palawan51 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
‹Mog›lamuʔ
‹ASP.AV›cook
libun
in
ot
lugow
congee
kot
mosakit
sick person
sot
apuy.
fire
‹Mog›lamuʔ libun in ot lugow kot mosakit sot apuy.
‹ASP.AV›cook woman that.DIR IND congee for {sick person} on fire
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person."
La~lamuʔ-on
ASP~cook-PV
La~lamuʔ-on ot libun lugow in kot mosakit sot apuy.
ASP~cook-PV IND woman congee that.DIR for {sick person} on fire
"The woman will cook the congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The congee will be cooked on the fire for the sick person by the woman.")
I-la~lamuʔ
IV-ASP~cook
apuy
in.
I-la~lamuʔ ot libun lugow kot mosakit apuy in.
IV-ASP~cook IND woman congee for {sick person} fire that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee with the fire for the sick person." (or "The fire will be cooked congee with for the sick person by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an
ASP~cook-CV
La~lamuʔ-an ot libun ot lugow sot apuy mosakit in.
ASP~cook-CV IND woman IND congee on fire {sick person} that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The sick person will be cooked congee for on the fire by the woman.")
La~lamuʔ-an ot libun ot lugow kot mosakit apuy in.
ASP~cook-CV IND woman IND congee for {sick person} fire that.DIR
"The woman will cook congee on the fire for the sick person." (or "The fire will be cooked congee on for the sick person by the woman.")
Subanen52 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The examples below are from Western Subanon, and the direct case morpheme in this language is og.
S‹um›aluy
og
polopanad
teacher
nog
kolatas.
S‹um›aluy og polopanad nog kolatas.
‹ASP.AV›buy DIR teacher IND paper
"A teacher will buy some paper."
Soluy-on
buy-ASP.PV
Soluy-on nog polopanad og kolatas.
buy-ASP.PV IND teacher DIR paper
"A teacher will buy some paper." (or "Some paper will be bought by a teacher.")
Soluy-an
buy-ASP.CV
bata′
Soluy-an nog polopanad og bata′ nog kolatas.
buy-ASP.CV IND teacher DIR child IND paper
"A teacher will buy some paper for a child." (or "A child will be bought some paper for by a teacher.")
Tagalog has six voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Reason Voice.
The locative voice suffix selects for location and goal subjects. (In the examples below, the goal subject and the benefactee subject are the same noun phrase.)
The reason voice prefix can only be affixed to certain roots, the majority of which are for emotion verbs (e.g., galit "be angry", sindak "be shocked"). However, verb roots such as matay "die", sakit "get sick", and iyak "cry" may also be marked with the reason voice prefix.
The direct case morpheme, which marks subjects in Tagalog, is ang. The indirect case morpheme, ng /naŋ/, which is the conflation of the ergative and accusative cases seen in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, marks non-subject agents and non-subject patients.
B‹um›ili
mangga
pamamagitan
means
mama.
B‹um›ili ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang mama.
‹ASP.AV›buy IND mango OBL market for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR man
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money."
B‹in›ili-∅
mangga.
B‹in›ili-∅ ng mama sa palengke para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang mangga.
‹ASP›buy-PV IND man OBL market for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR mango
"The man bought the mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The mango was bought by the man at the market for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga para sa ale sa pamamagitan ng pera ang palengke.
‹ASP›buy-LV IND man IND mango for OBL woman OBL means IND money DIR market
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "At the market was bought a mango by the man for the woman by means of money.")
B‹in›ilh-an ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera ang ale.
‹ASP›buy-LV IND man IND mango OBL market OBL means IND money DIR woman
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The woman was bought a mango for by the man at the market by means of money.")
I-b‹in›ili
BV-‹ASP›buy
I-b‹in›ili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke sa pamamagitan ng pera ang ale.
BV-‹ASP›buy IND man IND mango OBL market OBL means IND money DIR woman
Ipinambili
Ip‹in›aN-bili
‹ASP›IV-buy
pera.
Ipinambili ng mama ng mangga sa palengke para sa ale ang pera.
Ip‹in›aN-bili {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹ASP›IV-buy IND man IND mango OBL market for OBL woman DIR money
"The man bought a mango at the market for the woman by means of money." (or "The money was bought a mango with by the man at the market for the woman.")
Ik‹in›a-iyak
‹ASP›RV-cry
bata
pag-kagat
NMLZ-bite
kaniya
3SG.OBL
langgam.
ant
Ik‹in›a-iyak ng bata ang pag-kagat sa kaniya ng langgam.
‹ASP›RV-cry IND child DIR NMLZ-bite OBL 3SG.OBL IND ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him." (or "An/the ant's biting of him was cried about by the child.")
‹Um›iyak
‹ASP.AV›cry
dahil
because
k‹in›agat-∅
‹ASP›bite-PV
siya
3SG.DIR
‹Um›iyak ang bata dahil k‹in›agat-∅ siya ng langgam.
‹ASP.AV›cry DIR child because ‹ASP›bite-PV 3SG.DIR IND ant
"The child cried because an/the ant bit him." (or "The child cried because he was bitten by an/the ant.")
Tondano55 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Locative Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial Voice selects for instrument, benefactee, and theme subjects.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
Si
AN.SG
tuama
k‹um›eoŋ
‹AV›will.pull
roda
cart
wo
with
n-tali
INAN-rope
waki
pasar.
Si tuama k‹um›eoŋ roda wo n-tali waki pasar.
AN.SG man ‹AV›will.pull cart with INAN-rope to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market."
Roda
keoŋ-ən
will.pull-PV
ERG.AN.SG
Roda keoŋ-ən ni tuama wo n-tali waki pasar.
cart will.pull-PV ERG.AN.SG man with INAN-rope to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The cart will be pulled with rope to the market by the man.")
Pasar
keoŋ-an
will.pull-LV
n-tali.
Pasar keoŋ-an ni tuama roda wo n-tali.
market will.pull-LV ERG.AN.SG man cart with INAN-rope
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The market will be pulled the cart to with the rope by the man.")
rope
i-keoŋ
CV-will.pull
Tali i-keoŋ ni tuama roda waki pasar.
rope CV-will.pull ERG.AN.SG man cart to market
"The man will pull the cart with the rope to the market." (or "The rope will be pulled the cart with to the market by the man.")
Se
AN.PL
okiʔ
i-lutuʔ
CV-will.cook
mother
seraʔ
Se okiʔ i-lutuʔ ni mama seraʔ
AN.PL child CV-will.cook ERG.AN.SG mother fish
"Mother will cook fish for the children." (or "The children will be cooked fish for by mother.")
Ləloŋkotan
ladder
i-wareŋ
CV-will.return
wale.
Ləloŋkotan i-wareŋ ni tuama waki wale.
ladder CV-will.return ERG.AN.SG man to house
"The man will return the ladder to the house." (or "The ladder will be returned by the man to the house.")
The data below come from North Bornean languages, a grouping under Malayo-Polynesian, mainly spoken on the northern parts of Borneo, spanning administrative areas of Malaysia and Indonesia.
Bonggi5657 has four voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Instrumental Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for benefactee and goal subjects.
Sia
imagi
in-N-bagi
RL-AV-divide
louk
nyu.
2PL.GEN
Sia imagi louk nyu.
{} in-N-bagi {} {}
3SG.DIR RL-AV-divide fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish."
Louk
nyu
biagi
b‹in›agi-∅
‹RL›divide-PV
nya.
Louk nyu biagi nya.
{} {} b‹in›agi-∅ {}
fish 2PL.GEN ‹RL›divide-PV 3SG.ERG
"He divided your fish." (or "Your fish was divided by him.")
Badiʔ
machete
1SG.GEN
pimagi
p‹in›əN-bagi
‹RL›IV-divide
nya
Badiʔ ku pimagi nya louk nyu.
{} {} p‹in›əN-bagi {} {} {}
machete 1SG.GEN ‹RL›IV-divide 3SG.ERG fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish with my machete." (or "My machete was divided your fish with by him.")
Ou
bigiadn
b‹in›agi-adn
‹RL›divide-CV
Ou bigiadn nya louk nyu.
{} b‹in›agi-adn {} {} {}
1SG.DIR ‹RL›divide-CV 3SG.ERG fish 2PL.GEN
"He divided your fish for me." (or "I was divided your fish for by him.")
biniriadn
b‹in›ori-adn
‹RL›give-CV
siidn.
Ou biniriadn nya siidn.
{} b‹in›ori-adn {} {}
1SG.DIR ‹RL›give-CV 3SG.ERG money
"He gave money to me." (or "I was given money to by him.")
Kadazan Dusun59 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Benefactive Voice.
The direct case morpheme, which marks the subject in Kadazan Dusun, is i.
Mog-ovit
AV-bring
ama’
di
tanak
buuk.
Mog-ovit i ama’ di tanak do buuk.
AV-bring DIR father IND child ACC book
"Father is bringing the child a book."
Ovit-on
bring-PV
Ovit-on di ama’ di tanak i buuk.
bring-PV IND father IND child DIR book
"Father is bringing the child the book." (or "The book is being brought to the child by Father.")
Ovit-an
bring-BV
Ovit-an di ama’ i tanak do buuk.
bring-BV IND father DIR child ACC book
"Father is bringing the child a book." (or "The child is being brought a book to by Father.")
Kelabit60 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice and Instrument Voice.
Unlike other languages presented here, Kelabit does not use case-marking or word-ordering strategies to indicate the subject of the clause.61 However, certain syntactic processes, such as relativization, target the subject. Relativizing non-subjects results in ungrammatical sentences.62
La’ih
sineh
nenekul
in-N-tekul
ASP-AV-spoon.up
nubaq
nedih
ngen
seduk.
spoon
La’ih sineh nenekul nubaq nedih ngen seduk.
{} {} in-N-tekul {} {} {} {}
man that ASP-AV-spoon.up rice 3SG.GEN with spoon
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon."
Sikul
t‹in›ekul-∅
‹ASP›spoon.up-PV
la’ih
spoon.
Sikul la’ih sineh nubaq nedih ngen seduk.
t‹in›ekul-∅ {} {} {} {} {} {}
‹ASP›spoon.up-PV man that rice 3SG.GEN with spoon.
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "Hisi rice was spooned up with a spoon by that mani.")
Seduk
penenekul
p‹in›eN-tekul
‹ASP›IV-spoon.up
nedih.
Seduk penenekul la’ih sineh nubaq nedih.
{} p‹in›eN-tekul {} {} {} {}
spoon ‹ASP›IV-spoon.up man that rice 3SG.GEN
"That man spooned his rice up with a spoon." (or "A spoon was spooned hisi rice up with by that mani.")
Kimaragang64 has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice and Locative Voice.
Only intransitive verbs can be marked with the locative voice suffix,65 which looks similar to the patient voice suffix.66
The direct case marker, which marks the subject in Kimaragang, is it for definite nouns and ot for indefinite nouns.
Mangalapak
m-poN-lapak
AV-TR-split
oku
IND.INDF
niyuw.
coconut
Mangalapak oku do niyuw.
m-poN-lapak {} {} {}
AV-TR-split 1SG.DIR IND.INDF coconut
"I will split a coconut/some coconuts."
Lapak-on
split-PV
1SG.IND
it
DIR.DEF
Lapak-on ku it niyuw.
split-PV 1SG.IND DIR.DEF coconut
"I will split the coconuts." (or "The coconuts will be split by me.")
Lapak-an
split-BV
niyuw
wogok.
Lapak-an ku do niyuw it wogok.
split-BV 1SG.IND IND.INDF coconut DIR.DEF pig
"I will split some coconuts for the pigs." (or "The pigs will be split some coconuts for by me.")
Tongo
what
DIR.INDF
pangalapak
∅-poN-lapak
IT-TR-split
2SG.IND
dilo’
that.IND
______?
Tongo ot pangalapak nu dilo’ niyuw ______?
{} {} ∅-poN-lapak {} {} {} {}
what DIR.INDF IT-TR-split 2SG.IND that.IND coconut DIR
"What will you split those coconuts with?" (or "The thing that will be split those coconuts with by you is what?")
Siombo
where
ogom-on
sit-LV
_____?
Siombo ot ogom-on ku _____?
where DIR.INDF sit-LV 1SG.IND DIR
"Where shall I sit?" (or "The thing that will be sat upon by me is where?")
Timugon Murut70 has five voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, Benefactive Voice, Instrument Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
There is no direct case marker to mark subjects in Timugon Murut. However, non-subject agents are marked with the ergative case marker, du, while non-subject non-agents are marked with the oblique case marker, da.
Mambali
m-paN-bali
AV-¿?-buy
dŭanduʔ=ti
woman=DET
da=konoon
OBL=clothes
da=dalaiŋ=no
OBL=child=DET
da=sŭab=no
OBL=morning=DET
da=duit=na-no.
OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
Mambali dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
m-paN-bali {} {} {} {} {}
AV-¿?-buy woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money."
Bali-on
buy-PV
konoon
clothes
du=dŭanduʔ=ti
ERG=woman=DET
Bali-on konoon du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
buy-PV clothes ERG=woman=DET OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Clothes will be bought for the child in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Bali-in
buy-BV
dalaiŋ=no
child=DET
Bali-in dalaiŋ=no da=konoon du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=sŭab=no da=duit=na-no.
buy-BV child=DET OBL=clothes ERG=woman=DET OBL=morning=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The child will be bought clothes for in the morning by the woman with her money.")
Duit=na-no
money=3SG.GEN-DET
pambabali
paN-CV~bali
¿?-IV~buy
da=sŭab=no.
Duit=na-no pambabali du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=sŭab=no.
{} paN-CV~bali {} {} {} {}
money=3SG.GEN-DET ¿?-IV~buy ERG=woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=morning=DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "Heri money will be bought clothes with for the child in the morning by the womani.")
Sŭab=na
morning=DET
pambalian
paN-bali-an
¿?-buy-CV
Sŭab=na pambalian du=dŭanduʔ=ti da=konoon da=dalaiŋ=no da=duit=na-no.
{} paN-bali-an {} {} {} {}
morning=DET ¿?-buy-CV ERG=woman=DET OBL=clothes OBL=child=DET OBL=money=3SG.GEN-DET
"The woman will buy clothes for the child in the morning with her money." (or "The morning will be bought clothes in for the child by the woman with her money.")
The data below come from Malayic languages, a subgroup under Malayo-Polynesian, mainly spoken on parts of Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the islands between.
Besemah (a dialect of South Barisan Malay spoken in southwestern Sumatra)71 has two voices: Agentive Voice and Patientive Voice.
Jeme
people
ngambik
ng-ambik
AV-take
sidu
gale.
all
Jeme ngambik sidu gale.
{} ng-ambik {} {}
people AV-take spoon all
"All people took the spoons."
Sidu
diambik
di-ambik
PV-take
jeme
Sidu diambik jeme gale.
{} di-ambik {} {}
spoon PV-take people all
"The people took all the spoons."
Indonesian72 has two voices: Actor Voice and Undergoer Voice.
Anak
melihat
me-lihat
AV-see
orang
itu.
DIST
Anak saya melihat orang itu.
{} {} me-lihat {} {}
child 1SG AV-see person DIST
"My child saw that person."
Orang
itu
dilihat
di-lihat
PV-see
anak
Orang itu dilihat anak saya.
{} {} di-lihat {} {}
person DIST PV-see child 1SG
"My child saw that person." (or "That person was seen (by) my child.")
The data below represent the Barito languages, and are from a language spoken on Madagascar, off the east coast of Africa. Other languages from Barito are spoken in Indonesia and the Philippines.
Malagasy73 has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The circumstantial voice suffix selects for instrument and benefactee subjects.
Malagasy does not have a direct case marker. However, the subject is found in sentence-final position.
Mamono
m-aN-vono
AV-TR-kill
akoho
chicken
amin'ny
with'DET
antsy
ny
mpiompy.
farmer
Mamono akoho amin'ny antsy ny mpiompy.
m-aN-vono {} {} {} {} {}
AV-TR-kill chicken with'DET knife DET farmer
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife."
Vonoin'ny
vono-ina'ny
kill-PV'DET
mpiompy
akoho.
Vonoin'ny mpiompy amin'ny antsy ny akoho.
vono-ina'ny {} {} {} {} {}
kill-PV'DET farmer with'DET knife DET chicken
"The farmer kills the chickens with the knife." (or "The chickens are killed with the knife by the farmer.")
Amonoan'ny
aN-vono-ana'ny
TR-kill-CV'DET
antsy.
Amonoan'ny mpiompy akoho ny antsy.
aN-vono-ana'ny {} {} {} {}
TR-kill-CV'DET farmer chicken DET knife
"The farmer kills chickens with the knife." (or "The knife is killed chickens with by the farmer.")
vahiny.
guest
Amonoan'ny mpiompy akoho ny vahiny.
TR-kill-CV'DET farmer chicken DET guest
"The farmer kills chickens for the guests." (or "The guests are killed chickens for by the farmer.")
Alignment types resembling symmetrical voice have been observed in non-Austronesian languages.
The Nilotic languages are a group of languages spoken in the eastern part of Sub-Saharan Africa.
Dinka is a dialect continuum spoken in South Sudan. The two dialects presented below each have a maximum of three voices.
Andersen (1991) suggests that Agar exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has a maximum of three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice. The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples74 below is yḛ̂ep "cut".
ô̰ok
1PL
á̰a-y‹ḛ̀›p
D.PL-‹AV›cut
tḭ̀im
nè̤
yê̤ep.
axe
ô̰ok á̰a-y‹ḛ̀›p tḭ̀im nè̤ yê̤ep.
1PL D.PL-‹AV›cut tree PREP axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe."
à̰-y‹ḛ́›p-kṳ̀
D-‹PV›cut-1PL
tḭ̀im à̰-y‹ḛ́›p-kṳ̀ nè̤ yê̤ep.
tree D-‹PV›cut-1PL PREP axe
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by us with the axe.")
yê̤ep
à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p
D-‹CV›cut
ó̰ok
1PL.GEN
tḭ̀im.
yê̤ep à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p ó̰ok tḭ̀im.
axe D-‹CV›cut 1PL.GEN tree
"We are cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by us.")
However, the number of voice morphemes available in this language is reduced to two when the agent is a full noun (i.e., not a pronoun), such as in the examples75 below. In (5a), where the subject is a patient, and the agent is not a pronoun, the verb is marked with Circumstantial Voice. Compare to (2) above, in which the agent is pronominal, and the verb is marked with patient voice morpheme, ḛ́.
dhɔ̤̀ɔk
à̰-y‹ḛ̀›p
D-‹AV›cut
dhɔ̤̀ɔk à̰-y‹ḛ̀›p tḭ̀im nè̤ yê̤ep.
boy D-‹AV›cut tree PREP axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe."
tḭ̀im à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p dhɔ̤̀ɔk nè̤ yê̤ep.
tree D-‹CV›cut boy PREP axe
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The tree is being cut by the boy with the axe.")
yê̤ep à̰-y‹ḛ́e›p dhɔ̤̀ɔk tḭ̀im.
axe D-‹CV›cut boy tree
"The boy is cutting the tree with the axe." (or "The axe is being cut the tree with by the boy.")
Van Urk (2015) suggests that Bor exhibits symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb. The non-finite form of the verb found in the examples76 below is câam "eat".
Àyén
Ayen
à-c‹à›m
3SG-‹AV›eat
cuî̤in
food
pǎal.
Àyén à-c‹à›m cuî̤in nè̤ pǎal.
Ayen 3SG-‹AV›eat food PREP knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife."
Cuî̤in
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m
3SG-‹PV›eat
Áyèn
Ayen.ERG
Cuî̤in à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m Áyèn nè̤ pǎal.
food 3SG-‹PV›eat Ayen.ERG PREP knife
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "Food is being eaten by Ayen with a knife.")
Pǎal
à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤
3SG-‹PV›eat-CV
cuî̤in.
Pǎal à-c‹ɛ́ɛ›m-è̤ Áyèn cuî̤in.
knife 3SG-‹PV›eat-CV Ayen.ERG food
"Ayen is eating food with a knife." (or "The knife is being eaten food with by Ayen.")
Andersen (2015) suggests that Kurmuk, which is spoken in Sudan, has a construction that resembles symmetrical voice. This language has three voices: Actor Voice, Patient Voice, and Circumstantial Voice.
The subject in the examples78 below is found in sentence-initial position, before the verb.
t̪áarák
ꜜbóor-ú-∅
skin-PST-AV
dɛ̀ɛl
goat
kʌ̀
ŋɪ̀ɪr.
t̪áarák ꜜbóor-ú-∅ dɛ̀ɛl kʌ̀ ŋɪ̀ɪr.
person skin-PST-AV goat PREP knife
"The man skinned a goat with a knife."
bóor-út̪-ɪ̀
skin-PST-PV
ŋʌ̀
NOM
dɛ̀ɛl bóor-út̪-ɪ̀ ŋʌ̀ t̪áarák kʌ̀ ŋɪ̀ɪr.
goat skin-PST-PV NOM person PREP knife
"The man skinned the goat with a knife." (or "The goat was skinned by the man with a knife.")
ŋɪ̀ɪr
bóor-út̪-ꜜɪ́
skin-PST-CV
dɛ́ɛl
t̪áarák.
ŋɪ̀ɪr bóor-út̪-ꜜɪ́ dɛ́ɛl ŋʌ̀ t̪áarák.
knife skin-PST-CV goat NOM person
"The man skinned a goat with the knife." (or "The knife was skinned a goat with by the man.")
Here is a list of the abbreviations used in the glosses:
Blust (2013), p. 436. - Blust, Robert (2013), The Austronesian languages (Revised edition), Canberra: Australian National University, ISBN 9781922185075 https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/10191 ↩
Ross, John (2002). "Final words: research themes in the history and typology of western Austronesian languages". In Wouk, Fay; Malcolm, Ross (eds.). The history and typology of Western Austronesian voice systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. pp. 451–474. ↩
Beguš, Gašper. (2016). "The Origins of the Voice/Focus System in Austronesian". Presented at the 42nd Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS42). http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/begus/files/begus_the_origins_of_voice_focus_system_in_austronesian_ws.pdf ↩
Himmelmann, N. P. (2002). Voice in western Austronesian: An update. In F. Wouk & M. Ross (Eds.), The History and Typology of western Austronesian voice systems (pp. 7-15). Canberra, ACT: Australian National University. ↩
Starosta, Stanley. (2002). Austronesian ‘Focus’ as Derivation: Evidence from Nominalization. Language and Linguistics, 3(2), 427-479. ↩
Masumi Katagiri (2020) 'Tagalog'. In Tasaku Tsunoda (ed.) Mermaid Construction: A Compound-Predicate Construction with Biclausal Appearance. De Gruyter. P. 786. ↩
Hemmings, Charlotte. (2015). Kelabit Voice: Philippine‐Type, Indonesian‐Type or Something a Bit Different? Transactions of the Philological Society, 113(3), 383-405. ↩
Liao, Liao, H. C. (2011). Some morphosyntactic differences between Formosan and Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics, 12(4), 845-876. ↩
Kroeger, Paul. (2007). Morphosyntactic vs. morphosemantic functions of Indonesian –kan. In A. Zaenen et al. (Eds.), Architectures, Rules, and Preferences: Variations on Themes of Joan Bresnan (pp. 229-251). ↩
Huang, Shuan-fan. (2002). The pragmatics of focus in Tsou and Seediq. Language and Linguistics, 3(4), 665-694. ↩
Fortin, Catherine. (2003). Syntactic and Semantic Valence: Morphosyntactic Evidence from Minangkabau. In Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (BLS 29). ↩
Ross (2002, p. 20) ↩
Taken from Shiohara (2012)'s examples in (4a-b) on page 60, and in (12) on page 63. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Blust (2013)'s Table 7.2 on page 439. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.5) on page 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Liu (2011)'s examples in (2.30) on page 44. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Liu (2017)'s examples in (52) to (56). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Pan (2012)'s examples in (3.16b), (3.23a), (3.32d) and (3.33a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
The orthography used in this subsection does not conform to the orthography used in Pan (2012) with respect to the consonant /ɬ/. Whereas Pan (2012) represents this sound as ‹lh›, this sound is represented here as ‹hl› (Pan (2012; page 50)). ↩
Taken from Liu (2014)'s examples in (5a), (5c), (17a), and (20a). Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Lee (2016)'s examples in (24), and (25). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Ross and Teng (2005)'s examples in (2). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Li (2000)'s examples in (22), (39), and (58), and Li (2002)'s example in (15). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Aldridge (2015)'s examples in (7), and Cauquelin (1991)'s example on page 44. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
While this example may come from Cauquelin (1991), the orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Aldridge (2015). ↩
Taken from Kuo (2015)'s examples in (2.1) on page 14. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Tsukida (2012)'s examples in (3). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Huang and Huang (2007)'s examples in III in the Appendix, pages 449-450. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Zeitoun (2005), page 266 ↩
Zeitoun (2005), page 267 ("actor voice" and "undergoer voice", respectively, in her terminology). ↩
In their gloss for this example, Huang and Huang (2007, page 450) suggest that the benefactive voice suffix attaches to a stem composed of the verb and the locative voice ("locative voice" in their terminology). ↩
Taken from Reid (1966)'s examples on pages 26 and 27. Glosses and translation modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
The orthography used for the data here reflects the transcription system used by Reid (1966). It seems that, from the Wikipedia article on Ivatan, this may not be the actual spelling system that the speakers of this language use. The sound represented by ‹q› is /ʔ/. ↩
Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in locative voice. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in locative voice form may appear with just the '-an' suffix. For this example, instead of 'pangamoqmoan', the verb would be 'qamoqmoan'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix. ↩
Reid (1966; pp 25-27) presents an alternative form for the verb in circumstantial voice, when it selects for instrument subjects. Instead of appearing with the 'pang-' prefix, a verb of this class in circumstantial voice form may appear with just the 'qi-' prefix. For this example, instead of 'qipangamoqmo', the verb would be 'qimoqmo'. Reid indicates that the distinction between these two forms is that the patient of the action must be explicit for the form appearing without the 'pang-' prefix. ↩
Reid (1966; pp 25-27) does not present any alternative form for verbs of this class in circumstantial voice, when they select for benefactee subjects. ↩
Taken from Huang (2014)'s examples in (3a-d) on page 251. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Abrams (1970)'s examples on page 2. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Abrams (1970, pages 1-2) indicates that Blaan verbs are classified into three types of prefocus bases, each of which has an inherent voice without bearing any voice affixes. An agent prefocus base is a bare verb that is inherently in Actor Voice voice. A patient prefocus base is inherently in patient voice, and an instrument prefocus base is inherently in instrument voice. /wiki/Affix ↩
Blaan has two morphemes which, when attached to a prefocus base, change the inherent voice of the base. These morphemes are the Actor Voice affix, m-/-am-, and the non-Actor Voice affix, n-/-an- ("subject focus" and "non-subject focus" in Abrams (1970, page 1)'s terminology, respectively). ↩
Abrams (1970, page 2) has not found many examples of an agent prefocus base taking either of the voice-changing morphemes. However, in that rare example in which an agent prefocus base does, both voice-changing morphemes transitivize the intransitive agent prefocus base. In addition, the Actor Voice affix keeps the base in Actor Voice voice, while the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject. ↩
Without any voice-changing morphemes, patient prefocus bases take patient subjects. The Actor Voice affix changes the voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, allowing the verb to take an agent subject. The non-Actor Voice affix allows a patient prefocus base to take location subjects. ↩
The Actor Voice affix changes the inherent instrument voice of the base to Actor Voice voice, whereas the non-Actor Voice affix changes the voice to non-Actor Voice voice, and allows for the selection of a patient subject. ↩
Taken from Bell (1976)'s examples on pages 8, 9, and 11. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Travis (2010)'s examples in (46) on page 42. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Mirikitani (1972)'s examples in (64), (95), (96), (100), (101) and (106). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
In the examples, the word to which the accusative case marker attaches is a pronoun or portmanteau pronoun that is obligatorily present in the same clause as the noun with which it is co-referential. In sentences with an Actor Voice, the pronoun co-refers with the agent subject. In sentences with a non-Actor Voice, the portmanteau pronoun co-refers with both the ergative agent and the non-agent subject, which is marked with direct case. /wiki/Portmanteau ↩
Taken from Ferreirinho (1993)'s examples in (100), (245), (246), (247) and (248). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -on or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
Taken from McKaughan (1962)'s examples on pages 48 and 50, and from McKaughan (1970)'s example in (4). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Tryon (1994)'s examples on pages 35 and 36. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Estioca (2020)'s examples on page 123. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -in or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- aspectual infix. When the aspectual infix is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
The subject in (6a) is the nominalization of the adverbial clause in (6b). /wiki/Nominalization ↩
Taken from Sneddon (1970)'s examples on page 13, and from Sneddon (1975)'s examples on pages 63 and 66. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Boutin (2002)'s examples in (3), and (4) on page 211, (6) and (7) on page 212, and in (44) on page 222. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Boutin (2002; pp. 211-212) presents other voice-related data. However, because these are periphrastic constructions, they are of no interest for the purposes of this Wikipedia article. /wiki/Voice_(grammar) ↩
The patient voice suffix surfaces either as -idn or as -∅. The choice of allomorph depends on whether or not the verb is marked with the -in- realis mood morpheme. When the realis mood morpheme is present, the -∅ allomorph surfaces. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
Hemmings (2016), p. 270: "Taken from examples in (39). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article." - Hemmings, Charlotte (2016), The Kelabit Language, Austronesian Voice and Syntactic Typology (Doctoral dissertation) (Ph.D), SOAS, University of London, doi:10.25501/SOAS.00023792 https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707206 ↩
Hemmings (2016), p. 200: "Taken from examples in (189a-c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article." - Hemmings, Charlotte (2016), The Kelabit Language, Austronesian Voice and Syntactic Typology (Doctoral dissertation) (Ph.D), SOAS, University of London, doi:10.25501/SOAS.00023792 https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707206 ↩
Hemmings (2016) presents examples in which the subject in patient voice appears before the verb, and in which the subject in Actor Voice voice appears after the verb ↩
Hemmings (2016), pp. 202–203. - Hemmings, Charlotte (2016), The Kelabit Language, Austronesian Voice and Syntactic Typology (Doctoral dissertation) (Ph.D), SOAS, University of London, doi:10.25501/SOAS.00023792 https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707206 ↩
The patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -en and -∅. The former occurs in non-perfective contexts, whereas the latter in perfective contexts. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
Taken from Kroeger (2005)'s examples in (20a-c), page 405, and from Kroeger (2017)'s examples in (5), (6a) and (7). The orthography used here conforms to the orthography used in Kroeger (2017). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Kroeger (2017), page 5. ↩
According to Kroeger (2005; page 415, table (45)), the patient voice suffix has two allomorphs, -on and -∅. The former occurs in non-past contexts, whereas the latter in past contexts. The locative voice suffix does not exhibit such allomorphy, and can appear in both past and non-past contexts. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
According to Kroeger (2010; page 8), the instrument voice prefix has two allomorphs, i-, and ∅-. The latter surfaces in the presence of the transitivity prefix, poN-. /wiki/Allomorph ↩
The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The instrument voice prefix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...". /wiki/Cleft_sentence#Types ↩
The sentence in this example exhibits a pseudocleft construction with a relative clause as the subject, and a WH-word as the predicate. The locative voice suffix selects a null operator within the relative clause. This null operator serves as the head of the relative clause, which can be interpreted as "the thing that...". /wiki/Cleft_sentence#Types ↩
Taken from Prentice (1965)'s examples on pages 130 and 131. Glosses and translations for the Wikipedia article. ↩
McDonnell, Bradley (2016). Symmetrical voice constructions in Besemah: a usage-based approach (PhD Dissertation). Santa Barbara: University of California Santa Barbara. pp. 132–138. https://alexandria.ucsb.edu/lib/ark:/48907/f3mp53bw ↩
Himmelmann & Adelaar 2005, p. 112. - Himmelmann, Nikolaus P.; Adelaar, Alexander (2005). The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. Abingdon: Routledge. ↩
Taken from Pearson (2005)'s examples in (2) and (10c). Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (74) on page 286. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from Andersen (1991)'s example (71) on page 285. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Taken from van Urk (2015)'s example (2) on page 61. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩
Van Urk (2015, page 69) indicates that the circumstantial voice suffix is attached to a stem composed of the verb and the patient voice ("object voice" in van Urk's terminology). ↩
Taken from Andersen (2015)'s example (1) on page 510. Glosses and translations modified for the Wikipedia article. ↩