In addition to phonetic syllabic spellings, Teshub's name could be represented in cuneiform by the sumerogram dIŠKUR. The same sign could also be read as /im/, “wind” or “storm”. Therefore, the sumerogram is sometimes rendered as dIM in Assyriological literature, though the transcription dIŠKUR is considered preferable. The use of logograms of Sumerian and Akkadian origin to represent the names of various deities was widespread across the ancient Near East. dIŠKUR is first documented as the representation of the name of a different weather god than Ishkur in the case of Adad in pre-Sargonic texts from Mari, though this scribal convention was unknown further west, in Ebla, in the same period. In some cases it is uncertain which deity was represented by dIŠKUR, for example a theophoric name from Alalakh, a-RI-dIŠKUR, might invoke either Teshub or Adad. The identity of the weather god worshipped in Nuzi and other nearby cities is also ambiguous in some cases due to use of logograms and the presence of speakers of both Hurrian and Akkadian in the area. It has been noted that speakers of Semitic languages and Hurrians might have in some cases read the logogram differently. While in theophoric names it is generally advised to render it according to the linguistic affinity of the other component, the existence of unusual bilingual hybrid names have been noted, one example being Ikūn-Teššub.
A further attested logographic writing of Teshub's name is d10, though it started to be used later than dIŠKUR. This logogram is sometimes rendered as dU in modern literature due to the cuneiform sign having both of these values depending on context. However, Marie Claude Trémouille argues this transcription is erroneous in this case. The use of this numeral to render the names of weather gods is first documented for Adad in the fifteenth century BCE. This convention might have originated in Northern Mesopotamia or in Syria, but Daniel Schwemer argues that it also cannot be ruled out it was a Babylonian tradition in origin, and that at the very least it must have developed as an addition to the well attested system of using other numerals to represent Mesopotamian theonyms (30 for Sin, 20 for Shamash).
Two logograms were used to refer to Teshub in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, DEUSL.318 and DEUSFORTIS; they differ from the default weather god logogram in this writing system, DEUSTONITRUS.
It has also been proposed that a connection existed between the names of Teshub and Tishpak, a Mesopotamian god regarded as the city deity of Eshnunna. This hypothesis was originally formulated by Thorkild Jacobsen in 1932, but by the 1960s he had abandoned it himself, and instead started to advocate interpreting Tishpak's name as a derivative of Akkadian šapāku, to be translated as “the down-pouring one”. However, this etymology is not regarded as plausible today. More recently, support for the view that Tishpak might have been related to Teshub has been voiced by Alfonso Archi, who suggests the Mesopotamian god developed through reception of the Hurrian one in the Diyala area. Manfred Krebernik [de] instead classifies the name of Tishpak as Elamite. Marten Stol also tentatively describes it as such. Daniel Schwemer states that there is presently no evidence confirming the identification of Teshub and Tishpak as related deities.
Depictions of Teshub are rare. The identification of individual weather gods in the art of the ancient Near East is considered difficult, and according to Albert Dietz in many cases is outright impossible. It has been suggested that Teshub was typically depicted dressed in a short skirt and pointed shoes, sometimes standing on a bull, mountains or mountain gods. According to Volkert Haas, in glyptic art from Nuzi, he is depicted holding a three-pronged lightning bolt and a curved sword. Textual sources indicate he was believed to travel in a chariot drawn by two bulls. A second animal associated with him might have been the eagle.
Frans Wiggermann assumes that some depictions of a weather god accompanied by a naked goddess might represent Teshub and an unidentified deity, rather than Mesopotamian Adad and Shala.
A distinct iconography is attested for the weather god of Aleppo [de], who could be identified as Teshub. His attribute was an eagle-shaped chariot. It has been suggested that its form was meant to reflect the belief that this vehicle was as fast as the bird it was patterned after and its ability to travel across the sky.
You are the strong one, which I (praise), the bull calf of Anu! You are the strong one, which I (praise), your father Anu begot you, your mother Kumarbi brought you to life. For the city of Aleppo I summon him, Teššop, for the pure throne.
A single text, KUB 33,89+, preserves a different tradition about Teshub's parentage and refers to the moon god Kušuḫ as his father, but this attestation remains isolated and its broader implications are uncertain. The passage is entirely logographic (dU DUMU d30), and in the past it has been interpreted as a possible reference to a Hattian tradition instead, with the weather god being Taru and the moon god Kašku, but according to Jörg Klinger [de] this interpretation is not plausible.
While the equivalence between Teshub and Adad is not attested in the Mesopotamian god list An = Anum, he is directly referred to as one of his foreign counterparts, specifically that linked to Subartu, in another similar text, K 2100 (CT 25, 16–17). In a single passage from the Song of Ḫedammu Teshub is addressed with the title “canal inspector of mankind”, which most likely originates in the Babylonian milieu. Anu’s status as the father of Teshub also mirrors Mesopotamian tradition. This idea might have reached the Hurrians as early as in the Akkadian period. Daniel Schwemer notes it is possible that in turn the tradition according to which Adad was a son of Dagan was influenced by Hurrian religion, and was meant to mirror the connection between their Hurrian counterparts, Teshub and Kumarbi, and argues it is “questionable” if it was envisioned similarly before the arrival of the Hurrians. According to Lluís Feliu, while a father-son relationship between Dagan and the weather god is only directly attested in Ugarit, it can be assumed it is already implicit in Old Babylonian texts. Remnants of the period of Hurrian cultural influence are also still visible in a number of Neo-Assyrian traditions pertaining to Adad. The Tākultu texts indicate that his bulls Šeri and Ḫurri were incorporated into the circle of deities associated with Adad in both Assur and Kurbail [pl]. The fact that he was invoked alongside Ishtar in contracts is presumed to reflect the association between Teshub and Šauška. Beate Pongratz-Leisten argues an example of Hurrian mythology being reflected in an association between these Mesopotamian deities is already present in a curse formula of Adad-nirari I. At the same time it is considered implausible to assume that the widespread veneration of Adad attested in Assyria in the Middle Assyrian period and later was the result of Hurrian influence, and most likely it should be instead interpreted as a case of cultural continuity, as evidenced by the broad distribution of the evidence for worship of Adad of Assur, attested even in Hittite sources.
It has been argued that the theonyms Teshub and Baal were both used interchangeably to refer to the local weather god in Emar. However, most likely, his principal name in this city was Adad, and Baal served only as an appellative. It is possible that in the local pantheon, the relationship between him and Ashtart was imagined similar to the bond between Teshub and Šauška in Hurrian mythology, as evidence for alleged consort relation between them is lacking.
In some cases, Hittites adopted Hurrian texts focused on Teshub, including hymns, prayers and myths, but substituted his name for that of their own analogous god. Sources such as ritual texts pertaining to the worship of Šauška in Šamuha instead preserve cases of what according to Piotr Taracha can be described as interpretatio hurritica, namely referring to various Anatolian weather gods with the name Teshub. However, as noted by Gary Beckman, full conflation of deities was rare in Hittite religion, and generally should be considered “late and exceptional”, with individual weather gods maintaining separate identities.
Teshub's bulls were incorporated alongside him into the Hittite pantheon, but it is possible the image of a weather god travelling in a chariot drawn by bulls was not present in Hittite culture exclusively due to Hurrian influence, as the bull was already the symbolic animal of the weather god earlier, in the Old Hittite period. While in Hittite texts postdating the introduction of Hurrian deities, Teshub might appear alongside Šuwaliyat, who corresponded to Tašmišu, there is no evidence that a connection existed between this Anatolian god and Tarḫunna in earlier periods. Their juxtaposition was influenced by traditions imported from Kizzuwatna. In order to reconcile the standard Hittite pantheon and the dynastic pantheon including Hurrian deities, attempts have also been made by Hittite court theologians to equate Ḫepat and the Sun goddess of Arinna, as attested for example in a prayer of Puduḫepa, but according to Piotr Taracha it is implausible that these ideas found support among the general populace.
In the first millennium BCE, the identification between Teshub and Tarḫunz is implicitly attested in texts from Tabal, where the latter came to be regarded as the husband of Ḫepat. However, according to Manfred Hutter it is not possible to speak of “Luwianized” form of the worship of this goddess in earlier periods. Through Luwian influence she was worshipped alongside Tarḫunz in Carchemish as well, but she was not incorporated into the religion of the Arameans and eventually gradually disappeared from sources from Syria over the course of the eighth and seventh centuries BCE. It is also possible that the echoes of the myth about Teshub's birth are preserved in a hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from Arsuz, which names the male deity Kumarma as Tarḫunz's mother similarly to how a Hurrian hymn refers to Kumarbi as Teshub's mother due to the circumstances of his birth.
Little is known about the history of the cult of Teshub prior to the rise of Hurrian dynasties in Upper Mesopotamia. Theophoric names invoking him were not yet common in the periods predating the time of the Mari archives. In addition to examples from this text corpus, a few are known from Old Babylonian Dilbat, Kish, Sippar, Kisurra, Alalakh, Tell Leilan, Tell al-Rimah and Tell Shemshara. One Old Babylonian example is Teshub-ewre, “Teshub is lord”, presumed to refer to his position as the head of the pantheon. By the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries BCE, Teshub became the deity most commonly invoked in Hurrian theophoric names.
Many royal dynasties across Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia considered Teshub their tutelary deity. According to Piotr Taracha, this might have been a result of the influence of the tradition of Yamhad, centered in Aleppo, in which the god confirming royal authority was Adad, later syncretised with Teshub in the west.
In some cases, Kumme occurs as a theophoric element in personal names from various Hurrian sites (Nuzi, Tikunani), as well as from Mariote and Middle Assyrian archives, such as Kummen-adal ("Kumme is strong") or Kummen-ewri ("Kumme is lord"), according to Daniel Schwemer possibly functioning as a stand-in for the name of its god. Marie Claude Trémouille interprets this phenomenon similarly, presuming that the name Kummen-atal is to be translated as "(the weather god of) Kumme is strong". However, according to Thomas Richter such names reflect the perception of the city itself as a numen.
Information about the religion of the kingdom of Arrapha, including the structure of local pantheons, is only known from administrative texts, such as lists of rations meant for the cults of specific deities. In lists of oil rations, Teshub always occurs alongside Šauška of Nineveh. It is also known that a festival in honor of a deity designated by the logogram dIŠKUR took place in the fourth month of the local calendar, corresponding to June or July. While no inscriptions dealing with any building projects or votive offerings related to the worship of Teshub can be attributed to local kings, it is presumed they nonetheless engaged in such activities, and the lack of textual evidence might be accidental.
Teshub is also attested in texts from two other sites in the proximity of Arrapha itself, Nuzi (Yorgantepe) and Kurruhanni (Tell al-Fakhar). It is possible that a double temple excavated in the former of these cities was dedicated jointly to him and Šauška. It might have been originally a temple of Ishtar instead, with its later Hurrian character resulting from the settlement of Hurrians in the nineteenth century BCE. Possibly this process was contemporary with the change of the name or refounding of the city, which was originally known as Gasur. Members of Teshub's clergy are mentioned in the Nuzi texts, including šangû priests and entu priestesses. It is also known that he was worshipped in other settlements in the same area, Ḫilmani and Ulamme, as well as in Tilla, possibly identical with the similarly named Tille which based on Old Babylonian records was located in northeastern part of Upper Mesopotamia. In yet another city in the kingdom of Arrapha, Šuriniwe, a double temple dedicated jointly to Teshub and the moon god Kušuḫ existed.
The importance of the cult of Teshub in the kingdom of Arrapha is reflected in the large number of theophoric names invoking him, including these belonging to members of the highest strata of society. Teshub names predominate even among members of the royal family, with virtually all of the known kings and a half of the princes bearing them. Some of the identified names include Arip-Teshub (“Teshub gave”), Egel-Teshub (“save, Teshub”), Fagar-Teshub (“good is Teshub”), Fand-Teshub (“Teshub makes right”), Ḫižmi-Teshub (“shiny is Teshub”), Kibi-Teshub (“Teshub sent”), Tadip-Teshub (“Teshub loved”), Teshub-adal (“Teshub is strong”), Teshub-ewri (“Teshub is lord”), Teshub-madi (“Teshub [possesses] wisdom”), Tun-Teshub (“Teshub could”), Tuppi-Teshub (“Teshub is here”), Un-Teshub (“Teshub came” or “he [the child] came, o Teshub”), the hypocoristic Teššōya, and uncommon hybrid Hurro-Akkadian names such as Teshub-nirari (“Teshub is my help”) or Warad-Teshub (“servant of Teshub”). It has been noted that similar theophoric names invoking Teshub are also attested in texts from contemporary Assyrian and Babylonian sites, for example Nippur. In texts from this city from the Kassite period, fifteen different examples are attested, which makes Teshub the most common non-Mesopotamian non-Kassite deity appearing in theophoric names from this corpus, and the sixteenth most common overall.
According to Gernot Wilhelm, the hypostasis of Teshub associated with Aleppo became the “most important local variant” of this god, as evidenced by attestations spanning from Hattusa and Ugarit in the west to Nuzi in the east. The Nuzi evidence includes references to dIŠKUR ḫalba=ġe and to a deity named Ḫalbae or Ḫarbaḫe, “the divine Halabean” (Halab being the Akkadian name of Aleppo), presumably the same figure. In Ugaritic texts written in the local alphabetic script, Teshub of Aleppo appears as tṯb ḫlbġ. Traditions of Aleppo, including those related to Teshub, presumably also reached Kizzuwatna.
A festival meant to guarantee the well-being of the royal couple dedicated to the gods of Kummanni, including “Teshub Manuzzi”, was later celebrated in the Hittite Empire, but according to copies from the times of Puduḫepa the instructions were passed down from Kizzuwatna.
A certain Ehli-Teššup was the king of Alze (Alše), a state which belonged to an anti-Assyrian coalition during the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I. Various kings with names invoking Teshub have also ruled over various small states in the upper Tigris area during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I. Kings of Shubria also bore theophoric names invoking him, as attested for example in texts from the reign of Esarhaddon. Ṭābatum at some point apparently was ruled by a certain Akit-Teššub, as indicated by an inscription of his descendant Adad-bēl-gabbe.
Numerous theophoric names invoking Teshub are attested in the Ugaritic text corpus. As of 2016, 70 individuals bearing them have been identified. This makes him one of the five deities most common in theophoric names attested in sources from this site, and while he is not as common as El and Baal, he does appear with frequency comparable to Resheph and Shapash. Examples include Anani-Teshub (“Teshub rejoiced”), Ari-Teshub (“Teshub gave”), Kel-Teshub (“Teshub leaves unscathed”), Talmi-Teshub (“great is Teshub”), Uri-Teshub (“Teshub is here”) and the bilingual hybrid name Ili-Teshub (“my god is Teshub”). Wilfred H. van Soldt has argued that in this context “it is quite possible that with the name Teššub not the main god of the Hurrian pantheon is meant, but the principal deity of Ugarit”, with the Hurrian god only being a stand-in for Baal. However, Mary E. Buck in her analysis of Ugaritic and Amorite naming patterns concludes that in Ugarit the local weather god and Teshub coexisted. She notes that his importance separates this city from other Amorite sites.
In Hittite sources, Teshub was recognized as the head of the dynastic, rather than national, pantheon, and much like in the Mitanni empire and many other kingdoms, he was regarded as a royal deity. The introduction of Teshub and other Hurrian deities did not result in the Hittite deities being no longer worshipped. However, in Hattusa a temple of the Hittite weather god, referred to Taparwašu locally, was reassigned to Teshub of Aleppo. The worship of this hypostasis of him in this city had essentially Hurrian character. The cult of this form of Teshub and of his spouse Ḫepat attained a degree of importance in Hittite religion. Thirteen festivals were held jointly in honor of them, which has been interpreted as an annual cycle of monthly celebrations, with the thirteenth being added on leap years. While the associated hypostasis of Teshub was the one linked to Aleppo, there is no clear indication that the individual celebrations originated in the tradition of this city. In Hattusa, Teshub of Aleppo was worshipped as “Teshub of Aleppo of Hattusa”, though references to “Teshub of Aleppo of Kummanni” are known too and according to Piotr Taracha reflect a connection between this city and the origin of the ruling family. In the Šunaššura treaty, Teshub of Aleppo and Ḫepat appear directly after the main triad of Hittite deities (the weather god, the sun goddess and a tutelary deity, logographically dLAMMA). However, in other similar texts hypostases of Teshub could be listed among other weather gods right behind the sun goddess of Arinna. According to a prayer of Muwatalli II (CTH 381), a temple dedicated to Teshub of Aleppo and Ḫepat existed in Ḫurma, east of Kanesh. However, in this city, as well as in Uda, both Teshub and local weather gods were worshipped.
As a result of Hittite influence, Teshub is among the deities mentioned in a ritual text from Emar, which despite being written in a local dialect of Akkadian is described as “Tablet of the rites of the gods of the Hatti Land” in its colophon and reflects Hittite, rather than local, beliefs. Names such as Ewri-Teshub, Kundi-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Mudri-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Talmi-Teshub or Ikūn-Teshub (“Teshub was faithful”; the first element is not Hurrian) are attested in texts from the same city as well, but most of their bearers were members of the Hittite administration stationed in Carchemish, rather than local inhabitants.
While Teshub's name stopped being the default designation for weather gods in northern Syria in the first millennium BCE, he is still attested in theophoric names in Carchemish in this period. Additionally, two inscriptions from Til Barsip indicate that he continued to be worshipped at least in this location as a secondary weather god distinct from Tarḫunz. One of these texts has been commissioned by Hamiyata, king of Masuwari:
It is not known how many myths originally formed the cycle. It is also possible that more than one cycle of myths focused on the conflict between Teshub and Kumarbi existed. The conventional reconstructed sequence cited in modern literature consists of five: Song of Emergence, Song of LAMMA, Song of Silver, Song of Ḫedammu and Song of Ullikummi. According to Alfonso Archi, the last three myths are arranged on the increasingly more threatening nature of their antagonists, though he also stresses that it cannot be assumed they form a coherent whole. It is uncertain if the Song of the Sea was also a part of the cycle, and which position it should occupy if this classification is accepted. Multiple further fragmentary texts possibly also related to these narratives have been identified, including Ea and the Beast and a fragment focused on the deity Eltara. The individual myths all portray Kumarbi's plots against Teshub as initially successful in order to create suspense, but ultimately the younger god overcomes difficulties and emerges victorious. Both of the main participants in the conflict are aided by various allies, with Teshub being backed chiefly by figures associated with the sky, for example Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ, Ḫepat, Takitu, Tašmišu and Aštabi, and Kumarbi with these dwelling in the underworld or the sea.
Regardless of the number and arrangement of myths classified as a part of the cycle dealing with Teshub and Kumarbi, the same composition is agreed to be its beginning by experts. Until the 2000s, various provisional titles were used to refer to it in academic publications, for example Song of Kumarbi or Kingship in Heaven, eventually it was established that the text was originally known as the Song of Emergence. The preserved tablet was prepared by the scribe Ašḫapala, who was active during the reign of Tudhaliya I. However, the composition is older, as the colophon mentions the existence of a damaged exemplar from which it was copied, which in turn presumably constituted a Hittite adaptation of unknown Hurrian originals. Only a single possibly related fragment written in Hurrian is presently known, KUB 47.56, but due to state of preservation and still imperfect understanding of the language it does not shed additional light on the plot of the myth.
Do not rejoice over your belly, for I have placed a burden in your belly. First, I have impregnated you with the mighty Storm-god. Second, I have impregnated you with the River Tigris, not to be borne. Third, I have impregnated you with the mighty Tašmišu. I have placed three frightful deities as a burden in your belly, and you will end up banging your head against the rocks of Mt. Tašša!
As noted by Gary Beckman, due to his origin Teshub effectively represents a fusion of two rival families of gods, one represented by Anu, and the other by Kumarbi and Alalu, who reigned in heaven before Anu.
While Kumarbi manages to spit out Tašmišu, impregnating Mount Kanzura with him as a result, in order to get rid of Teshub he has to travel to Nippur in Mesopotamia, where he consults Ea about his condition. Teshub actively partakes in the discussion from inside Kumarbi's body, and argues that it would be optimal for him to emerge from his head. In another passage in which he has yet to be born he apparently indicates that he will receive various positive traits from other deities. In the section of the myth preceding his birth, Teshub is referred to as A.GILIM and KA.ZAL, possibly because he has yet to receive his proper name or simply to let the scribes display their familiarity with various rare writings of theonyms. However, they are not used in such a context in any other texts. Presumably even at the time of compilation and copying of the text they were obscure. They might have originated in multilingual lexical lists.
Kumarbi's skull is eventually split to enable Teshub's birth, and afterwards it has to be repaired “like a garment” by the fate goddesses (Gulšeš in the Hittite adaptation). He is enraged by the ordeal and demands to have the child, referred to with the logogram NAM.ḪÉ, “abundance” (in the past sometimes incorrectly interpreted as a separate, female figure), handed over to him so that he can crush or devour him. However, he is tricked by unknown means into biting a piece of a stone instead, enabling his son to survive. According to Erik van Dongen, following the earlier study of Anna Maria Polvani it can be assumed the term used to refer to it, kunkunuzzi, has no specific meaning, and could refer to any hard stone, not necessarily to basalt, diorite or granite, as sometimes suggested. When the narrative resumes after an account of setting up the stone as a place where humans will make offerings (perhaps an etiology of so-called ḫuwaši stones, treated as cult objects in Syria and Anatolia) and a gap, various deities are debating who will become the next king of the gods. It is not known what, if any, conclusion they reach, but they seemingly do not assign this position to Teshub. He is displeased by the discussion. In the following passage, he boasts about own positive qualities and curses the other gods. His bull Šeri warns him about doing so. He singles out Ea in particular, but it is not certain if this is because he sees him as a uniquely dangerous potential opponent or because he views him as a neutral figure who does not need to be antagonized. Teshub also mentions that he drove away a war god (represented by the logogram dZA.BA.4.BA4), which might constitute an allusion to a lost episode dealing with a battle between him and Kumarbi involving a number of their respective allies. Alternatively, the unidentified war god might have been cursed due to not supporting Teshub enthusiastically enough during the debate about kingship, though this proposal remains purely hypothetical. It is possible that the confrontation between Teshub and Hurrian primeval deities also took place at this point, and lead to their confinement in the underworld described in other Hurro-Hittite texts.
In a further preserved passage someone informs Ea about Teshub's curse; in the past it has been suggested that this deity, whose name is heavily damaged, is the poorly known possibly Hattian goddess Tauri, but this is now considered implausible. He apparently responds to it with a proverb, “under the beer-pot [a fire is placed(?)], and that pot will boil over(?)”, possibly to be understood as a declaration that no god should tamper with him in such a way. Due to gaps, it is not certain how the remaining surviving passages are connected with the earlier sections of the myth, and if Teshub plays any role in them. Some of them deal with the birth of children of deified earth, but it is not certain if they are to be understood as adversaries of Teshub.
(...) Ea began to say: “Why are you destroying mankind? They will not give sacrifices to the gods. They will not burn cedar and incense to you. If you destroy mankind, they will no longer worship the gods. No one will offer bread or libations to you any longer. Even Teššub, Kummiya’s heroic king, will himself work the plow.
Kumarbi is the next to be berated, and apparently takes offense in it, which according to Harry A. Hoffner might mark the point at which the two, portrayed as allies in earlier sections of the cycle, start to become estranged, which ultimately culminates in Ea advising Teshub instead in the Song of Ullikummi.
In the next passage, which is poorly preserved, Teshub and Šauška talk about Ḫedammu. The latter concocts a plan to defeat him with the help of her servants Ninatta and Kulitta, the enactment of which culminates in the aquatic being leaving his throne under the sea and coming to dry land is described in the remaining surviving fragments. While no surviving section describes the final fate of Ḫedammu, it is nonetheless assumed he was eventually defeated. It is not certain whether he was killed by Teshub or was allowed to live like LAMMA.
Kumarbi forms in his mind a clever plan. He raises an “Evil Day” in the form of a hostile man and makes hostile plans against Teshub. Kumarbi [entertains] wise thoughts in his mind and aligns them like beads (on a string). When Kumarbi [had formed] a clever plan [in his mind], he promptly arose from his chair.
His plot revolves around the eponymous being, Ullikummi, whose name means “Destroy Kumme!”, Kumme being both the main cult center of Teshub and his abode in myths. It is meant to describe his destiny, as he was created to supplant the weather god and destroy him and his city. He is described as a son of Kumarbi and an enormous boulder and he is made out of kunkunuzzi, “hard stone”, much like the rock Kumarbi bites into in the Song of Emergence. Kumarbi presents Ullikummi to his various allies, including the deified sea, and describes what the stone creature is meant to accomplish:
Let him go up to heaven to kingship. Let him suppress the fine city of Kummiya. Let him strike Teshub. Let him chop him up fine like chaff. Let him grind him up under food [like] an ant. Let him snap off Tašmišu like a brittle red. Let him scatter all the gods from the sky like birds. Let him smash them [like] empty pottery bowls.
However, he fears Ullikummi could be easily defeated while he is still small, and therefore sends him to spend some time in hiding on the shoulder of the giant Upelluri. He keeps growing, and due to his enormous size he is eventually noticed by the “Sun god of Heaven” (Hurrian Šimige), who immediately rushes to warn Teshub about this new adversary. The weather god sets up a chair, a meal and a drink for him, but he refuses to sit down, eat or drink, prompting his host to wonder if maybe they were set up improperly in the final lines of the first tablets of the composition. Presumably the broken beginning of the second tablet contained an explanation of this misunderstanding, as in the next surviving passage Teshub reacts to the bad news and reassures the sun god that he can sit down and eat and drink wine now. He then embarks on a journey to Mount Hazzi with his siblings, Tašmišu and Šauška, and after reaching his destination he finally sees Ullikummi himself, which sends him into despair. He describes how daunting of a task fighting him would be and starts crying. In order to help Teshub, Šauška attempts to woo Ullikummi with song and dance like she did earlier with Ḫedammu. However, after she dresses up, adorns her hair with seashells and starts signing, a wave informs her that the target is deaf, blind and unfeeling, which makes him immune to any such efforts, and suggests that she should instead try to get Teshub to confront him as soon as possible, as he will only continue to grow more dangerous. In the next surviving passage, Teshub tells Tašmišu to prepare the bulls Šerišu and Tilla and a chariot, and apparently a confrontation between him and Ullikummi occurs. The weather god loses it. Other gods, including Aštabi, attempt to fight Ullikummi, but he continues to grow and eventually blocks the gates of Kumme, trapping Teshub's wife Ḫepat inside, unable to find out what happened to him. She worries that Teshub might have died in the battle, and sends her messenger Takiti to find out what happened, but the rest of the passage is missing and when the text resumes after a lacuna, Tašmišu arrives near her dwelling to reassure her that Teshub is alive, which almost makes her fall down from the roof. He then returns to Teshub's temporary dwelling, and suggests to him that they need to meet with Ea in “Apzuwa”. After arriving in Ea's house both of them bow down, though he is apparently angered by Teshub's presence. In a series of fragmentary passages, Ea then meets with various other deities, including Enlil, Upelluri and the primeval deities, and tells them about Ullikummi. With the help of the primeval deities, he recovers a copper tool which was used to separate heaven from earth, and uses it to cut Ullikummi from Upelluri after realizing this connection is the source of the former's power. The separation negates the invulnerability he exhibited in earlier sections of the myth. Ea then tells Tašmišu that Ullikummi needs to be confronted for a second time. He reacts with enthusiasm, and relays this information to Teshub before going with him to a place where the other gods hold an assembly. The rest of the surviving passages all describe the second encounter between Teshub and Ullikummi. The next passage has the form of a monologue:
(...) “What can I say to you, Teshub? Keep attacking. Be of his mind. for Ea, King of Wisdom, is on your side.”
“What can I say to you, Teshub? I held [counsel?] and before my mind I lined up wisdom like (a string of) beads as follows: ‘I will go up to heaven to kingship. I will take to myself Kummiya, [the gods’] holy temples, and the kuntarra-shrines. I will scatter the gods down from the sky like meal.’”
Ullikummi spoke again to Teshub: “Behave like a man again [...]. Ea, King of Wisdom, stands on your side.” (...)
It is not certain what happened next. The text breaks off after Ullikummi's comments, but the existence of another now lost tablet describing the battle between him and Teshub has been proposed. Presumably the weather god ultimately emerges as the victor, but the ultimate fate of Ullikummi remains unknown.
Parallels between the myths about Teshub's struggle for kingship and between motifs from Greek mythology have been pointed out, with his ascent to the position of the head of the pantheon compared to the history of Zeus presented in Hesiod’s Theogony. According to Gary Beckman these similarities are not a sign that the conflict over kingship in heaven was a narrative of Indo-European origin, but rather instead an indication that it was what he deems a “theological ‘areal feature’” known across Mesopotamia, Anatolia and the Mediterranean. It is also considered likely that the myth of Athena’s birth from the split skull of Zeus was patterned on Teshub's birth. According to Amir Gilan, derivatives of certain elements of the myths about Teshub might have reached Greece through the kingdom of Walistin, which retained aspects of earlier theology of Aleppo in the first millennium BCE, as indicated for example by inscriptions from Arsuz.
Release the sons of Igingalliš
in well-being,
release the captive, Purra,
who has served nine kings.
For Igingalliš three kings
he has served,
for Ebla six kings
he has served,
and now, for the tenth,
Megi, before you he stands.
He offers to bless the city if his wish is granted, and to destroy it in the case of denial:
If you (pl.) decree release,
For Ebla the fate is (this):
you (pl.) decree release,
to god-like (power) i shall exalt
your weaponry.
Your weaponry will beat the opponent,
gloriously shall your field(s) thrive.
If you (pl.) do not decree release,
the fate for Ebla is (this):
on the seventh day
I shall come upon you.
Like other human characters in this myth, Purra and Megi are not historical figures, and the name of the latter is derived from a title used by historical Eblaite rulers.
Megi subsequently presents Teshub's message to the senate of the city, where a certain Zazalla, its speaker, argues against fulfilling the request. He sarcastically asks the king if Teshub himself lost his freedom, and states that if it was him who was in trouble, he and the senate would be ready to help him, whether it was caused by debt, sickness or any other factors, but there is no reason to do the same for people of Ignigalliš. Megi subsequently meets with Teshub again. He explains the situation to him while weeping, and purifies himself before the text breaks off. Due to the state of preservation of the fragments it remains unknown if Ebla was destroyed by Teshub afterwards. According to Eva von Dassow, despite lack of direct references it is plausible to assume that he fulfilled his threat. It is possible that the text served as an aetiology. However, due to temporal differences it is not likely that it reflects pre-Sargonic history of the city, and the described events might instead correlate with the destruction of Middle Bronze Age Ebla, which occurred around 1600 BCE.
Mary R. Bachvarova argues that at least some of the enslaved people of were servants of Teshub, and that Zazalla's speech is simply a description of the god's suffering in absence of proper services dedicated to him. She also assumes that Purra, unlike his compatriots, was instead responsible for the funerary cult of deceased rulers. Bachvarova's interpretation has been criticized by von Dassow, who asserts that she misinterprets Zazalla's speech to treat it as a description of Teshub's state caused by the neglect of religious duties pertaining to him, and that she incorrectly treats reverence towards the deceased as unique to Ebla and conducted by a dedicated staff. She instead argues Teshub intervened on behalf of the people of Igingalliš simply because gods were believed to enforce justice, and the narrative evidently portrays their enslavement as unjust.
A poorly preserved passage apparently has the form of a dialogue between Teshub and Ishara. According to Alfonso Archi, her aim is to protect the city of Ebla, which reflects her long standing association with it. Outside of the initial invocation, this is the only surviving passage in which she appears.
Another section of the text deals with Teshub visiting Allani in the underworld. Alongside Tašmišu (Šuwaliyat in the Hittite version) and the primeval deities, elsewhere consistently portrayed as his opponents he takes part in a banquet organized with her, during which she serves her guests herself. Both the meaning of this episode and the nature of its connection with the sections of the text focused on Ebla and slavery are not certain, and multiple interpretations have been proposed. Eva von Dassow assumes that it follows a declaration that Ebla is to be destroyed, and suggests Teshub might be meeting with Allani because her domain would have to accommodate many new inhabitants in the case of such an event. Gernot Wilhelm [de] suggests that it takes place after the destruction of Ebla, and that Teshub descends to the underworld to deal with his anger, which would reflect a motif well attested in literature of the region. Volkert Haas assumed that Teshub is imprisoned in the underworld. According to his interpretation, the weather god as a result of eating during the banquet was confined in the realm of the dead. However, as noted by Wilhelm, no actual reference to either the imprisonment or release of Teshub can be identified in the text. In her similarly critical evaluation of Haas’ proposal, von Dassow calls his interpretation of the text “incoherent” and highlights that to justify it, he attempted inserting hypothetical elements not present in the actual narrative into it, such as the motif of food from the underworld, consuming which results in imprisonment there. Wilhelm instead suggests that the banquet mirrors the rituals meant to enable deceased rulers to enter the underworld, with the deities inhabiting it welcoming him with similarly to how ancestors were believed to do in the case of mortals. Harry A. Hoffner proposes that it reflects a temporary reconciliation between heavenly and underworld gods.
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By the Old Babylonian period these two gods were effectively regarded as two names of the same deity in Mesopotamia.[21] /wiki/Old_Babylonian_period
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Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help)
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Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help)
Archi 2009, p. 212. - Archi, Alfonso (2009). "Orality, Direct Speech and the Kumarbi Cycle". Altorientalische Forschungen. 36 (2). De Gruyter. doi:10.1524/aofo.2009.0012. ISSN 0232-8461. S2CID 162400642. https://www.academia.edu/6637130
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Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help)
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Schwemer 2008, p. 1. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Schwemer 2007, p. 130. - Schwemer, Daniel (2007). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies Part I" (PDF). Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 7 (2). Brill: 121–168. doi:10.1163/156921207783876404. ISSN 1569-2116. https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/7075/1/JANER7%3A2offprint.pdf
Schwemer 2001, p. 456. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
Schwemer 2008, p. 5. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Schwemer 2001, p. 461. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
Archi 2013, p. 9. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Schwemer 2001, p. 455. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Schwemer 2001, p. 455. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
Schwemer 2016, p. 83. - Schwemer, Daniel (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12516
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Schwemer 2016, p. 83. - Schwemer, Daniel (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12516
Taracha 2009, p. 120. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
Taracha argues that the replacement of Anna by a weather god in the role of the tutelary deity of Kanesh to be another example of this phenomenon.[51] /wiki/Anna_(goddess)
Wilhelm 1989, p. 49. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301
Schwemer 2008, p. 3. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Schwemer 2001, pp. 445–446. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
However,a variant form of Šauška’s name does appear in Sumerian theophoric names from the Ur III period, Geme-Šauša, Lu-Šauša and Ur-Šauša.[14] /wiki/Sumerian_language
Archi 2013, p. 7. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
In an earlier article, Archi instead assumed Teshub initially was not the main god in the Hurrian pantheon, and only replaced Kumarbi in this role at some point as reflected by later mythology.[32]
Trémouille 2018, p. 2. - Trémouille, Marie Claude (2018), "Teshub", Teshub, The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, Wiley, pp. 1–2, doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah30103, ISBN 9781405179355 https://www.academia.edu/39082947
Dietz 2020, pp. 156–157. - Dietz, Albert (2020). "The Multiplicity of Ancient Near Eastern Storm Gods in the Visual Record". In Otto, Adelheid; Herles, Michael; Kaniuth, Kai (eds.). Proceedings of the 11th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume 1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-19965-0. OCLC 1153937469. https://www.academia.edu/2922646
Dietz 2020, p. 155. - Dietz, Albert (2020). "The Multiplicity of Ancient Near Eastern Storm Gods in the Visual Record". In Otto, Adelheid; Herles, Michael; Kaniuth, Kai (eds.). Proceedings of the 11th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume 1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-19965-0. OCLC 1153937469. https://www.academia.edu/2922646
Haas 2015, p. 323. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ
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Taracha 2009, p. 98. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
Herbordt 2016, p. 102. - Herbordt, Suzanne (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) C. Archäologisch. In Anatolien", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12518
However, many depictions of a weather god armed with lightning-shaped tridents are later (Neo-Hittite), and represent Luwian Tarḫunz.[60] /wiki/Neo-Hittite
Trémouille 2018, p. 2. - Trémouille, Marie Claude (2018), "Teshub", Teshub, The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, Wiley, pp. 1–2, doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah30103, ISBN 9781405179355 https://www.academia.edu/39082947
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Wiggermann 1998, p. 51. - Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (1998), "Naked goddess A. Philological", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-03-23 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8151
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Dietz 2019, pp. 193–194. - Dietz, Albert (2019). "Deity or Cult Statue? The Storm-God of Aleppo in the Visual Record of the Second Millenium BCE". In Evans, Jean M.; Rossberger, Elisa; Paoletti, Paola (eds.). Ancient Near Eastern temple inventories in the third and second millennia BCE: integrating archaeological, textual, and visual sources: proceedings of a conference held at the LMU Centre for Advanced Studies, November 14-15, 2016. Gladbeck: Pewe-Verlag. pp. 189–206. ISBN 978-3-935012-36-2. OCLC 1114109006. https://www.academia.edu/39755153
Dietz 2019, p. 195. - Dietz, Albert (2019). "Deity or Cult Statue? The Storm-God of Aleppo in the Visual Record of the Second Millenium BCE". In Evans, Jean M.; Rossberger, Elisa; Paoletti, Paola (eds.). Ancient Near Eastern temple inventories in the third and second millennia BCE: integrating archaeological, textual, and visual sources: proceedings of a conference held at the LMU Centre for Advanced Studies, November 14-15, 2016. Gladbeck: Pewe-Verlag. pp. 189–206. ISBN 978-3-935012-36-2. OCLC 1114109006. https://www.academia.edu/39755153
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Beckman 2011, pp. 27–29. - Beckman, Gary (2011). "Primordial Obstetrics. "The Song of Emergence" (CTH 344)". Hethitische Literatur: Überlieferungsprozesse, Textstrukturen, Ausdrucksformen und Nachwirken: Akten des Symposiums vom 18. bis 20. Februar 2010 in Bonn. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-86835-063-0. OCLC 768810899. https://www.academia.edu/48247742
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Schwemer 2001, p. 448. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070
Schwemer 2008, p. 6. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
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Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 71. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual Sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf
According to Alfonso Archi, the natively Hurrian deity possibly corresponding to Belat-Nagar might have instead been Nabarbi, though her name most likely originally arose independently as a derivative of the word naw, pasture.[54] /wiki/Nabarbi
Taracha 2009, p. 121. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
Archi 2013, p. 9. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Haas 2015, p. 384. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ
Archi 2013, p. 2. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Archi 2013, p. 12. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Haas 2015, p. 384. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ
Wilhelm 1989, p. 55. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301
Schwemer 2008, p. 5. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Taracha 2009, p. 94. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
Wilhelm 1989, pp. 50–51. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301
Archi 2013, p. p=12-13. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Taracha 2009, p. 119. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
Archi 2013, p. 12. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
The term Hana originally referred to partially nomadic inhabitants of the Middle Euphrates area[88] /wiki/Nomad
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Archi 2013, p. 13. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610
Haas 2015, p. 382. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ
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Schwemer 2008, p. 6. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Schwemer 2008, pp. 6–7. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
Schwemer 2008, p. 6. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
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Schwemer 2008, p. 7. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557
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According to Alfonso Archi they are described as the “gods of the father”, a term collectively referring to the ancestors of a given deity.[99]
Taracha 2009, pp. 118–119. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858.
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While Ishkur is attested earlier than Adad in Mesopotamian sources, with the oldest attestations going back to Early Dynastic texts from Adab and Lagash, Adad became the more commonly used name of the weather god in Mesopotamia in the Ur III period.[103] /wiki/Early_Dynastic_Period_(Mesopotamia)
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”Subartu” and its derivatives were terms used by Mesopotamians to refer to Hurrians.[106]
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Both of these cognate theonyms, while etymologically Indo-European, are not cognates of any other Indo-European weather god names, and instead were most likely meant to mirror the name of the Hattian weather god Taru.[129] /wiki/Indo-European_languages
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Luwians instead pictured their weather god as travelling in a chariot drawn by horses.[133][134]
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As of 2012, no excavations were ever performed in the proximity of this settlement.[148]
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Originally Kili-Teshub; Shattiwaza was a regnal name.[187] /wiki/Regnal_name
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The weather god worshipped in Uda was associated with Pitteryariga, while a link between the weather god from Ḫurma and weather god of Zippalanda is uncertain.[101] /wiki/Weather_god_of_Zippalanda
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However, it has also been argued that the second figure is a secondary weather god linked to a city the name of which is not preserved.[229]
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However, western Luwian communities in Arzawa and Lukka were not influenced by Hurrian religion.[233] /wiki/Arzawa
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Hoffner 1998, p. 55. - Hoffner, Harry (1998). Hittite myths. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press. ISBN 0-7885-0488-6. OCLC 39455874. https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/39455874
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According to Volkert Haas, this word is instead a Hurrian term referring to Teshub’s palace in heaven.[322]
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