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Inanna, also known as Ishtar, is the ancient Mesopotamian goddess of love, war, fertility, and divine law, originally worshipped in Sumer and later revered by the Akkadians, Babylonians, and Assyrians. She was the patron of the Eanna temple in Uruk, symbolized by the lion and the eight-pointed star. Her most famous myth recounts her descent to the underworld, ruled by Ereshkigal, where after three days she was rescued by Enki's aid. Inanna's influence extended beyond Mesopotamia, impacting deities like the Phoenician Astarte and the Greek Aphrodite. Her cult persisted until the rise of Christianity, marking her as a central figure in ancient religion and mythology.

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Etymology

Scholars believe that Inanna and Ishtar were originally separate, unrelated deities,11 but were conflated with one another during the reign of Sargon of Akkad and came to be regarded as effectively the same goddess under two different names.1213 Inanna's name may derive from the Sumerian phrase nin-an-ak, meaning "Lady of Heaven",1415 but the cuneiform sign for Inanna (𒈹) is not a ligature of the signs lady (Sumerian: nin; cuneiform: 𒊩𒌆 SAL.TUG2) and sky (Sumerian: an; cuneiform: 𒀭 AN).161718 These difficulties led some early Assyriologists to suggest that Inanna may have originally been a Proto-Euphratean goddess, who was only later accepted into the Sumerian pantheon. This idea was supported by Inanna's youthfulness, as well as the fact that, unlike the other Sumerian divinities, she seems to have initially lacked a distinct sphere of responsibilities.19 The view that there was a Proto-Euphratean substrate language in Southern Iraq before Sumerian is not widely accepted by modern Assyriologists.20

The name Ishtar occurs as an element in personal names from both the pre-Sargonic and post-Sargonic eras in Akkad, Assyria, and Babylonia.21 It is of Semitic derivation2223 and is probably etymologically related to the name of the West Semitic god Attar, who is mentioned in later inscriptions from Ugarit and southern Arabia.2425 The morning star may have been conceived as a male deity who presided over the arts of war and the evening star may have been conceived as a female deity who presided over the arts of love.26 Among the Akkadians, Assyrians, and Babylonians, the name of the male god eventually supplanted the name of his female counterpart,27 but, due to extensive syncretism with Inanna, the deity remained as female, although her name was in the masculine form.28

Origins and development

Inanna has posed a problem for many scholars of ancient Sumer due to the fact that her sphere of power contained more distinct and contradictory aspects than that of any other deity.29 Two major theories regarding her origins have been proposed.30 The first explanation holds that Inanna is the result of a syncretism between several previously unrelated Sumerian deities with totally different domains.3132 The second explanation holds that Inanna was originally a Semitic deity who entered the Sumerian pantheon after it was already fully structured, and who took on all the roles that had not yet been assigned to other deities.33

As early as the Uruk period (c. 4000–3100 BCE), Inanna was already associated with the city of Uruk.34 During this period, the symbol of a ring-headed doorpost was closely associated with Inanna.35 The famous Uruk Vase (found in a deposit of cult objects of the Uruk III period) depicts a row of naked men carrying various objects, including bowls, vessels, and baskets of farm products,36 and bringing sheep and goats to a female figure facing the ruler.37 The female stands in front of Inanna's symbol of the two twisted reeds of the doorpost,38 while the male figure holds a box and stack of bowls, the later cuneiform sign signifying the En, or high priest of the temple.39

Seal impressions from the Jemdet Nasr period (c. 3100–2900 BCE) show a fixed sequence of symbols representing various cities, including those of Ur, Larsa, Zabalam, Urum, Arina, and probably Kesh.40 This list probably reflects the report of contributions to Inanna at Uruk from cities supporting her cult.41 A large number of similar seals have been discovered from phase I of the Early Dynastic period (c. 2900–2350 BCE) at Ur, in a slightly different order, combined with the rosette symbol of Inanna.42 These seals were used to lock storerooms to preserve materials set aside for her cult.43

Various inscriptions in the name of Inanna are known, such as a bead in the name of King Aga of Kish c. 2600 BCE, or a tablet by King Lugal-kisalsi c. 2400 BCE:

For An, king of all the lands, and for Inanna, his mistress, Lugal-kisalsi, king of Kish, built the wall of the courtyard.

— Inscription of Lugal-kisalsi.44

During the Akkadian period (c.  2334–2154 BCE), following the conquests of Sargon of Akkad, Inanna and originally independent Ishtar became so extensively syncretized that they became regarded as effectively the same.4546 The Akkadian poet Enheduanna, the daughter of Sargon, wrote numerous hymns to Inanna, identifying her with Ishtar.4748 As a result of this,49 the popularity of Inanna/Ishtar's cult skyrocketed.505152 Alfonso Archi, who was involved in early excavations of Ebla, assumes Ishtar was originally a goddess venerated in the Euphrates valley, pointing out that an association between her and the desert poplar is attested in the most ancient texts from both Ebla and Mari. He considers her, a moon god (e.g., Sin) and a sun deity of varying gender (Shamash/Shapash) to be the only deities shared between various early Semitic peoples of Mesopotamia and ancient Syria, who otherwise had different not necessarily overlapping pantheons.53

Worship

Gwendolyn Leick assumes that during the Pre-Sargonic era, the cult of Inanna was rather limited,54 though other experts argue that she was already the most prominent deity in Uruk and a number of other political centers in the Uruk period.55 She had temples in Nippur, Lagash, Shuruppak, Zabalam, and Ur,56 but her main cult center was the Eanna temple in Uruk,57585960 whose name means "House of Heaven" (Sumerian: e2-anna; cuneiform: 𒂍𒀭 E2.AN).61 Some research assumes that the original patron deity of this fourth-millennium BCE city was An.62 After its dedication to Inanna, the temple seems to have housed priestesses of the goddess.63 Next to Uruk, Zabalam was the most important early site of Inanna worship, as the name of the city was commonly written with the signs MUŠ3 and UNUG, meaning respectively "Inanna" and "sanctuary".64 It is possible that the city goddess of Zabalam was originally a distinct deity, though one whose cult was absorbed by that of the Urukean goddess very early on.65 Joan Goodnick Westenholz proposed that a goddess identified by the name Nin-UM (reading and meaning uncertain), associated with Ishtaran in a zame hymn, was the original identity of Inanna of Zabalam.66

In the Old Akkadian period, Inanna merged with the Akkadian goddess Ishtar, associated with the city of Agade.67 A hymn from that period addresses the Akkadian Ishtar as "Inanna of the Ulmaš" alongside Inanna of Uruk and of Zabalam.68 The worship of Ishtar and syncretism between her and Inanna was encouraged by Sargon and his successors,69 and as a result she quickly became one of the most widely venerated deities in the Mesopotamian pantheon.70 In inscriptions of Sargon, Naram-Sin, and Shar-Kali-Sharri, Ishtar is the most frequently invoked deity.71

In the Old Babylonian period, her main cult centers were Uruk, Zabalam, Agade, and Ilip.72 Her cult was also introduced from Uruk to Kish.73

During later times, while her cult in Uruk continued to flourish,74 Ishtar also became particularly worshipped in the Upper Mesopotamian kingdom of Assyria (modern northern Iraq, northeast Syria, and southeast Turkey), especially in the cities of Nineveh, Aššur, and Arbela (modern Erbil).75 During the reign of the Assyrian king Assurbanipal, Ishtar rose to become the most important and widely venerated deity in the Assyrian pantheon, surpassing even the Assyrian national god Ashur.76 Votive objects found in her primary Assyrian temple indicate that she was a popular deity among women.77

Individuals who went against the gender binary were heavily involved in the cult of Inanna.78 During Sumerian times, a set of priests known as gala worked in Inanna's temples, where they performed elegies and lamentations.79 Men who became gala sometimes adopted female names, and their songs were composed in the Sumerian eme-sal dialect, which, in literary texts, is normally reserved for the speech of female characters. Some Sumerian proverbs seem to suggest that gala had a reputation for engaging in anal sex with men.80 During the Akkadian Period, kurgarrū and assinnu were servants of Ishtar who dressed in female clothing and performed war dances in Ishtar's temples.81 Several Akkadian proverbs seem to suggest that they may have also had homosexual proclivities.82 Gwendolyn Leick, an anthropologist known for her writings on Mesopotamia, has compared these individuals to the contemporary Indian hijra.83 In one Akkadian hymn, Ishtar is described as transforming men into women.8485

Throughout the latter half of the twentieth century, it was widely believed that the cult of Inanna involved a "sacred marriage" ritual, in which a king would establish his legitimacy by taking on the role of Dumuzid and engaging in ritual sexual intercourse with the high priestess of Inanna, who took on the role of the goddess.86878889 This view has been challenged, however, and scholars continue to debate whether the sacred marriage described in literary texts involved any kind of physical ritual enactment at all and, if so, whether this ritual enactment involved actual intercourse or merely the symbolic representation of intercourse.9091 The scholar of the ancient Near East Louise M. Pryke states that most scholars now maintain, if the sacred marriage was a ritual that was actually acted out, then it involved only symbolic intercourse.92

The cult of Ishtar was long thought to have involved sacred prostitution,93 but this is now rejected among many scholars.94 Hierodules known as ishtaritum are reported to have worked in Ishtar's temples,95 but it is unclear if such priestesses actually performed any sex acts,96 and several modern scholars have argued that they did not.9798 Women across the ancient Near East worshipped Ishtar by dedicating to her cakes baked in ashes (known as kamān tumri).99 A dedication of this type is described in an Akkadian hymn.100 Several clay cake molds discovered at Mari are shaped like naked women with large hips who are clutching their breasts.101 Some scholars have suggested that the cakes made from these molds were intended as representations of Ishtar herself.102 In the Biblical book of Jeremiah, the prophet condemns Judean female refugees for worshipping the Queen of Heaven (a syncretism of Ishtar and Asherah) by baking cakes with the goddess's image upon them and pouring libations to her (Jer. Ch. 7 and 44). The women and their husbands defy him, and state that they will follow the practices of their ancestors, who performed these acts "in the towns of Judea and the streets of Jerusalem" (Jer. 44:15–19). In Ezekiel 8:14, the prophet has a vision of the women of Jerusalem weeping for Tammuz.

Iconography

Symbols

Inanna/Ishtar's most common symbol was the eight-pointed star,103 though the exact number of points sometimes varies;104 six-pointed stars also occur frequently, but their symbolic meaning is unknown.105 The eight-pointed star seems to have originally borne a general association with the heavens,106 but, by the Old Babylonian Period (c. 1830 – c. 1531 BCE), it had come to be specifically associated with the planet Venus, with which Ishtar was identified.107 Starting during this same period, the star of Ishtar was normally enclosed within a circular disc.108 During later Babylonian times, slaves who worked in Ishtar's temples were sometimes branded with the seal of the eight-pointed star.109110 On boundary stones and cylinder seals, the eight-pointed star is sometimes shown alongside the crescent moon, which was the symbol of Sin (Sumerian Nanna) and the rayed solar disk, which was a symbol of Shamash (Sumerian Utu).111

Inanna's cuneiform ideogram was a hook-shaped twisted knot of reeds, representing the doorpost of the storehouse, a common symbol of fertility and plenty.112 The rosette was another important symbol of Inanna, which continued to be used as a symbol of Ishtar after their syncretism.113 During the Neo-Assyrian Period (911 – 609 BCE), the rosette may have actually eclipsed the eight-pointed star and become Ishtar's primary symbol.114 The temple of Ishtar in the city of Aššur was adorned with numerous rosettes.115

Inanna/Ishtar was associated with lions,116117 which the ancient Mesopotamians regarded as a symbol of power.118 Her associations with lions began during Sumerian times;119 a chlorite bowl from the temple of Inanna at Nippur depicts a large feline battling a giant snake and a cuneiform inscription on the bowl reads "Inanna and the Serpent", indicating that the cat is supposed to represent the goddess.120 During the Akkadian Period, Ishtar was frequently depicted as a heavily armed warrior goddess with a lion as one of her attributes.121

Doves were also prominent animal symbols associated with Inanna/Ishtar.122123 Doves are shown on cultic objects associated with Inanna as early as the beginning of the third millennium BCE.124 Lead dove figurines were discovered in the temple of Ishtar at Aššur, dating to the thirteenth century BCE125 and a painted fresco from Mari, Syria shows a giant dove emerging from a palm tree in the temple of Ishtar,126 indicating that the goddess herself was sometimes believed to take the form of a dove.127

As the planet Venus

Inanna was associated with the planet Venus, which is named after her Roman equivalent.128129130 Several hymns praise Inanna in her role as the goddess or personification of the planet Venus.131 Theology professor Jeffrey Cooley has argued that, in many myths, Inanna's movements may correspond with the movements of Venus across the sky.132 In Inanna's Descent to the Underworld, Inanna, unlike any other deity, is able to descend into the netherworld and return to the heavens. The planet Venus appears to make a similar descent, setting in the West and then rising again in the East.133 An introductory hymn describes Inanna leaving the heavens and heading for Kur, what could be presumed to be the mountains, replicating the rising and setting of Inanna to the West.134 In Inanna and Shukaletuda, Shukaletuda is described as scanning the heavens in search of Inanna, possibly searching the Eastern and Western horizons.135 In the same myth, while searching for her attacker, Inanna herself makes several movements that correspond with the movements of Venus in the sky.136

Because the movements of Venus appear to be discontinuous (it disappears due to its proximity to the Sun, for many days at a time, and then reappears on the other horizon), some cultures did not recognize Venus as a single entity;137 instead, they assumed it to be two separate stars on each horizon: the morning and evening star.138 Nonetheless, a cylinder seal from the Jemdet Nasr period indicates that the ancient Sumerians knew that the morning and evening stars were the same celestial object.139 The discontinuous movements of Venus relate to both mythology as well as Inanna's dual nature.140

Modern astrologers recognize the story of Inanna's descent into the underworld as a reference to an astronomical phenomenon associated with retrograde Venus. Seven days before retrograde Venus makes its inferior conjunction with the sun, it disappears from the evening sky. The seven day period between this disappearance and the conjunction itself is seen as the astronomical phenomenon on which the myth of descent was based. After the conjunction, seven more days elapse before Venus appears as the morning star, corresponding to the ascent from the underworld.141142

Inanna in her aspect as Anunītu was associated with the eastern fish of the zodiacal constellation, Pisces.143144 Her consort Dumuzi was associated with the contiguous constellation, Aries.145

Character

The Sumerians worshipped Inanna as the goddess of both warfare and love.146 Unlike other gods, whose roles were static and whose domains were limited, the stories of Inanna describe her as moving from conquest to conquest.147148 She is portrayed as young and impetuous, constantly striving for more power than had been allotted to her.149150

While she was worshipped as the goddess of love, Inanna was not the goddess of marriage, nor was she ever viewed as a mother goddess.151152 Andrew R. George goes as far as stating that "According to all mythology, Ištar was not [...] temperamentally disposed" towards such functions.153 Julia M. Asher-Greve has even championed the significance of Inanna specifically because she is not a mother-goddess.154 As a love goddess, she was commonly[quantify] invoked by Mesopotamians in incantations.155156

In Inanna's Descent to the Underworld, Inanna treats her lover Dumuzid in a very capricious manner.157 This aspect of Inanna's personality is emphasized in the later standard Akkadian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh in which Gilgamesh points out Ishtar's infamous ill-treatment of her lovers.158159 However, according to assyriologist Dina Katz, the portrayal of Inanna's relationship with Dumuzi in the Descent myth is unusual.160161

Inanna was also worshipped as one of the Sumerian war deities.162163 One of the hymns dedicated to her declares: "She stirs confusion and chaos against those who are disobedient to her, speeding carnage and inciting the devastating flood, clothed in terrifying radiance. It is her game to speed conflict and battle, untiring, strapping on her sandals."164 Battle itself was occasionally referred to as the "Dance of Inanna".165 Epithets related to lions in particular were meant to highlight this aspect of her character.166 As a war goddess she was sometimes referred to with the name Irnina ("victory"),167 though this epithet could be applied to other deities as well,168169170 in addition to functioning as a distinct goddess linked to Ningishzida171 rather than to Ishtar. Another epithet highlighting this aspect of Ishtar's nature was Anunitu ("the martial one").172 Like Irnina, Anunitu could also be a separate deity,173 and as such she is first attested in documents from the Ur III period.174

Assyrian royal curse-formulas invoked both of Ishtar's primary functions at once, invoking her to remove potency and martial valor alike.175 Mesopotamian texts indicate that traits perceived as heroic (such as a king's ability to lead his troops and to triumph over enemies) and sexual prowess were regarded as interconnected.176

While generally classified as a goddess, Inanna/Ishtar could seem at times to have ambiguous gender.177 Gary Beckman states that "ambiguous gender identification" was a characteristic not just of Ishtar herself but of a category of deities he refers to as "Ishtar type" goddesses (such as Shaushka, Pinikir or Ninsianna).178 A late hymn contains the phrase "she [Ishtar] is Enlil, she is Ninil" which might be a reference to occasionally "dimorphic" character of Ishtar, in addition to serving as an exaltation.179 A hymn to Nanaya alludes to a male aspect of Ishtar from Babylon alongside a variety of more standard descriptions.180 However, Ilona Zsolnay only describes Ishtar as a "feminine figure who performed a masculine role" in certain contexts, for example as a war deity.181

Family

Inanna's twin brother was Utu (known as Shamash in Akkadian), the god of the sun and justice.182183184 In Sumerian texts, Inanna and Utu are depicted as extremely close;185 some modern authors even perceive their relationship as bordering on incestuous.186187 In the myth of her descent into the underworld, Inanna addresses Ereshkigal, the queen of the underworld, as her "older sister,"188189 yet the two goddesses almost never appear together elsewhere in Sumerian literature190 and were not placed in the same category in god lists.191 In some Neo-Assyrian sources, Ishtar is also associated with Adad, with the relationship mirroring that between Shaushka and her brother Teshub in Hurrian mythology.192

The most common tradition regarded Nanna and his wife Ningal as her parents.193194 Examples of it are present in sources as diverse as a god list from the Early Dynastic period,195 a hymn of Ishme-Dagan relaying how Enlil and Ninlil bestowed Inanna's powers upon her,196 a late syncretic hymn to Nanaya,197 and an Akkadian ritual from Hattusa.198 While some authors assert that in Uruk Inanna was usually regarded as the daughter of the sky god An,199200201 it is possible that references to him as her father are only referring to his status as an ancestor of Nanna and thus his daughter.202 In literary texts, Enlil or Enki may be addressed as her fathers203204205 but references to major gods being "fathers" can also be examples of the use of this word as an epithet indicating seniority.206

Dumuzid (later known as Tammuz), the god of shepherds, is usually described as Inanna's husband,207 but according to some interpretations Inanna's loyalty to him is questionable;208 in the myth of her descent into the Underworld, she abandons Dumuzid and permits the galla demons to drag him down into the underworld as her replacement.209210 In a different myth, The Return of Dumuzid Inanna instead mourns over Dumuzid's death and ultimately decrees that he will be allowed to return to Heaven to be with her for one half of the year.211212 Dina Katz notes that the portrayal of their relationship in Inanna's Descent is unusual;213 it does not resemble the portrayal of their relationship in other myths about Dumuzi's death, which almost never pin the blame for it on Inanna, but rather on demons or even human bandits.214 A large corpus of love poetry describing encounters between Inanna and Dumuzi has been assembled by researchers.215 However, local manifestations of Inanna/Ishtar were not necessarily associated with Dumuzi.216 In Kish, the tutelary deity of the city, Zababa (a war god), was viewed as the consort of a local hypostasis of Ishtar,217 though after the Old Babylonian period Bau, introduced from Lagash, became his spouse (an example of a couple consisting of a warrior god and a medicine goddess, common in Mesopotamian mythology218) and Ishtar of Kish started to instead be worshipped on her own.219

Inanna is not usually described as having any offspring;220 however, in the myth of Lugalbanda, as well as in a single building inscription from the Third Dynasty of Ur (c. 2112 – c. 2004 BCE), the warrior god Shara is described as her son.221 She was also sometimes considered the mother of Lulal,222 who is described in other texts as the son of Ninsun.223 Wilfred G. Lambert described the relation between Inanna and Lulal as "close but unspecified" in the context of Inanna's Descent.224 There is also similarly scarce evidence for the love goddess Nanaya being regarded as her daughter, but it is possible all of these instances merely refer to an epithet indicating closeness between the deities and were not a statement about actual parentage.225

Sukkal

Main article: Ninshubur

Inanna's sukkal was the goddess Ninshubur,226 whose relationship with Inanna is one of mutual devotion.227 In some texts, Ninshubur is listed right after Dumuzi as a member of Inanna's circle, even before some of her relatives;228 in one text the phrase "Ninshubur, beloved vizier" appears.229 In another text Ninshubur is listed even before Nanaya, originally possibly a hypostasis of Inanna herself,230 in a list of deities from her entourage.231 In an Akkadian ritual text known from Hittite archives, Ishtar's sukkal is invoked alongside her family members Sin, Ningal, and Shamash.232

Other members of Inanna's entourage frequently listed in god lists are the goddesses Nanaya, Kanisurra, Gazbaba, and Bizila, all of them also associated with each other in various configurations independently from this context.233234

Syncretism and influence on other deities

In addition to the full conflation of Inanna and Ishtar during the reign of Sargon and his successors,235 she was syncretised with a large number of deities236 to a varying degree. The oldest known syncretic hymn is dedicated to Inanna,237 and has been dated to the Early Dynastic period.238 Many god lists compiled by ancient scribes contained entire "Inanna group" sections enumerating similar goddesses,239 and tablet IV of the monumental god list An-Anum (7 tablets total) is known as the "Ishtar tablet" due to most of its contents being the names of Ishtar's equivalents, her titles and various attendants.240 Some modern researchers use the term Ishtar-type to define specific figures of this variety.241242 Some texts contained references to "all the Ishtars" of a given area.243

In later periods Ishtar's name was sometimes used as a generic term ("goddess") in Babylonia, while a logographic writing of Inanna was used to spell the title Bēltu, leading to further conflations.244 A possible example of such use of the name is also known from Elam, as a single Elamite inscription written in Akkadian refers to "Manzat-Ishtar", which might in this context mean "the goddess Manzat".245

Specific examples

Ashtart In cities like Mari and Ebla, the Eastern and Western Semitic forms of the name (Ishtar and Ashtart) were regarded as basically interchangeable.246 However, the western goddess evidently lacked the astral character of Mesopotamian Ishtar.247 Ugaritic god lists and ritual texts equate the local Ashtart with both Ishtar and Hurrian Ishara.248 Ishara Due to association with Ishtar,249 the Syrian goddess Ishara started to be regarded as a "lady of love" like her (and Nanaya) in Mesopotamia.250251 However, in Hurro-Hittite context Ishara was associated with the underworld goddess Allani instead and additionally functioned as a goddess of oaths.252253 Nanaya A goddess uniquely closely linked to Inanna, as according to assyriologist Frans Wiggermann her name was originally an epithet of Inanna (possibly serving as an appellative, "My Inanna!").254 Nanaya was associated with erotic love, but she eventually developed a warlike aspect of her own too ("Nanaya Euršaba").255 In Larsa Inanna's functions were effectively split between three separate figures and she was worshipped as part of a trinity consisting out of herself, Nanaya (as a love goddess) and Ninsianna (as an astral goddess).256 Inanna/Ishtar and Nanaya were often accidentally or intentionally conflated in poetry.257 Ninegal While she was initially an independent figure, starting with Old Babylonian period in some texts "Ninegal" is used as a title of Inanna, and in god lists she was a part of the "Inanna group" usually alongside Ninsianna.258 An example of the usage of "Ninegal" as an epithet can be found in the text designated as Hymn to Inana as Ninegala (Inana D) in the ETCSL. Ninisina A special case of syncretism was that between the medicine goddess Ninisina and Inanna, which occurred for political reasons.259 Isin at one point lost control over Uruk and identification of its tutelary goddess with Inanna (complete with assigning a similar warlike character to her), who served as a source of royal power, was likely meant to serve as a theological solution of this problem.260 As a result, in a number of sources Ninisina was regarded as analogous to similarly named Ninsianna, treated as a manifestation of Inanna.261 It is also possible that a ceremony of "sacred marriage" between Ninisina and the king of Isin had been performed as a result.262 Ninsianna A Venus deity of varying gender.263 Ninsianna was referred to as male by Rim-Sin of Larsa (who specifically used the phrase "my king") and in texts from Sippar, Ur, and Girsu, but as "Ishtar of the stars" in god lists and astronomical texts, which also applied Ishtar's epithets related to her role as a personification of Venus to this deity.264 In some locations Ninsianna was also known as a female deity, in which case her name can be understood as "red queen of heaven".265 Pinikir Originally an Elamite goddess, recognised in Mesopotamia, and as a result among Hurrians and Hittites, as an equivalent of Ishtar due to similar functions. She was identified specifically as her astral aspect (Ninsianna) in god lists.266 In a Hittite ritual she was identified by the logogram dIŠTAR and Shamash, Suen and Ningal were referred to as her family; Enki and Ishtar's sukkal were invoked in it as well.267 in Elam she was a goddess of love and sex268 and a heavenly deity ("mistress of heaven").269 Due to syncretism with Ishtar and Ninsianna Pinikir was referred to as both a female and male deity in Hurro-Hittite sources.270 Šauška Her name was frequently written with the logogram dIŠTAR in Hurrian and Hittite sources, while Mesopotamian texts recognised her under the name "Ishtar of Subartu".271 Some elements peculiar to her were associated with the Assyrian hypostasis of Ishtar, Ishtar of Nineveh, in later times.272 Her handmaidens Ninatta and Kulitta were incorporated into the circle of deities believed to serve Ishtar in her temple in Ashur.273274

Sumerian texts

Origin myths

The poem Enki and the World Order (ETCSL 1.1.3) begins by describing the god Enki and his establishment of the cosmic organization of the universe.275 Towards the end of the poem, Inanna comes to Enki and complains that he has assigned a domain and special powers to all of the other gods except for her.276 She declares that she has been treated unfairly.277 Enki responds by telling her that she already has a domain and that he does not need to assign her one.278

The myth of "Inanna and the Huluppu Tree", found in the preamble to the epic of Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Netherworld (ETCSL 1.8.1.4),279 centers around a young Inanna, not yet stable in her power.280281 It begins with a huluppu tree, which Kramer identifies as possibly a willow,282 growing on the banks of the river Euphrates.283284 Inanna moves the tree to her garden in Uruk with the intention to carve it into a throne once it is fully grown.285286 The tree grows and matures, but the serpent "who knows no charm", the Anzû-bird, and Lilitu (Ki-Sikil-Lil-La-Ke in Sumerian),287 seen by some as the Sumerian forerunner to the Lilith of Jewish folklore, all take up residence within the tree, causing Inanna to cry with sorrow.288289 The hero Gilgamesh, who, in this story, is portrayed as her brother, comes along and slays the serpent, causing the Anzû-bird and Lilitu to flee.290291 Gilgamesh's companions chop down the tree and carve its wood into a bed and a throne, which they give to Inanna,292293 who fashions a pikku and a mikku (probably a drum and drumsticks respectively, although the exact identifications are uncertain),294 which she gives to Gilgamesh as a reward for his heroism.295296

The Sumerian hymn Inanna and Utu contains an etiological myth describing how Inanna became the goddess of sex.297 At the beginning of the hymn, Inanna knows nothing of sex,298 so she begs her brother Utu to take her to Kur (the Sumerian underworld),299 so that she may taste the fruit of a tree that grows there,300 which will reveal to her all the secrets of sex.301 Utu complies and, in Kur, Inanna tastes the fruit and becomes knowledgeable.302 The hymn employs the same motif found in the myth of Enki and Ninhursag and in the later Biblical story of Adam and Eve.303

The poem Inanna Prefers the Farmer (ETCSL 4.0.8.3.3) begins with a rather playful conversation between Inanna and Utu, who incrementally reveals to her that it is time for her to marry.304305 She is courted by a farmer named Enkimdu and a shepherd named Dumuzid.306 At first, Inanna prefers the farmer,307 but Utu and Dumuzid gradually persuade her that Dumuzid is the better choice for a husband, arguing that, for every gift the farmer can give to her, the shepherd can give her something even better.308 In the end, Inanna marries Dumuzid.309 The shepherd and the farmer reconcile their differences, offering each other gifts.310 Samuel Noah Kramer compares the myth to the later Biblical story of Cain and Abel because both myths center around a farmer and a shepherd competing for divine favor and, in both stories, the deity in question ultimately chooses the shepherd.311

Conquests and patronage

Inanna and Enki (ETCSL t.1.3.1) is a lengthy poem written in Sumerian, which may date to the Third Dynasty of Ur (c. 2112 BCE – c. 2004 BCE);312 it tells the story of how Inanna stole the sacred mes from Enki, the god of water and human culture.313 In ancient Sumerian mythology, the mes were sacred powers or properties belonging to the gods that allowed human civilization to exist.314 Each me embodied one specific aspect of human culture.315 These aspects were very diverse and the mes listed in the poem include abstract concepts such as Truth, Victory, and Counsel, technologies such as writing and weaving, and also social constructs such as law, priestly offices, kingship, and prostitution. The mes were believed to grant power over all the aspects of civilization, both positive and negative.316

In the myth, Inanna travels from her own city of Uruk to Enki's city of Eridu, where she visits his temple, the E-Abzu.317 Inanna is greeted by Enki's sukkal, Isimud, who offers her food and drink.318319 Inanna starts up a drinking competition with Enki.320321 Then, once Enki is thoroughly intoxicated, Inanna persuades him to give her the mes.322323 Inanna flees from Eridu in the Boat of Heaven, taking the mes back with her to Uruk.324325 Enki wakes up to discover that the mes are gone and asks Isimud what has happened to them.326327 Isimud replies that Enki has given all of them to Inanna.328329 Enki becomes infuriated and sends multiple sets of fierce monsters after Inanna to take back the mes before she reaches the city of Uruk.330331 Inanna's sukkal Ninshubur fends off all of the monsters that Enki sends after them.332333334 Through Ninshubur's aid, Inanna successfully manages to take the mes back with her to the city of Uruk.335336 After Inanna escapes, Enki reconciles with her and bids her a positive farewell.337 It is possible that this legend may represent a historic transfer of power from the city of Eridu to the city of Uruk.338339 It is also possible that this legend may be a symbolic representation of Inanna's maturity and her readiness to become the Queen of Heaven.340

The poem Inanna Takes Command of Heaven is an extremely fragmentary, but important, account of Inanna's conquest of the Eanna temple in Uruk.341 It begins with a conversation between Inanna and her brother Utu in which Inanna laments that the Eanna temple is not within their domain and resolves to claim it as her own.342 The text becomes increasingly fragmentary at this point in the narrative,343 but appears to describe her difficult passage through a marshland to reach the temple while a fisherman instructs her on which route is best to take.344 Ultimately, Inanna reaches her father An, who is shocked by her arrogance, but nevertheless concedes that she has succeeded and that the temple is now her domain.345 The text ends with a hymn expounding Inanna's greatness.346 This myth may represent an eclipse in the authority of the priests of An in Uruk and a transfer of power to the priests of Inanna.347 Beside the epic text, the descent of the Eanna from heaven is mentioned in the story of Gilgameš and Akka (line 31) as well as the Sumerian Temple hymns and the bilingual text The Exaltation of Inanna/Ištar.

Inanna briefly appears at the beginning and end of the epic poem Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (ETCSL 1.8.2.3). The epic deals with a rivalry between the cities of Uruk and Aratta. Enmerkar, the king of Uruk, wishes to adorn his city with jewels and precious metals, but cannot do so because such minerals are only found in Aratta and, since trade does not yet exist, the resources are not available to him.348 Inanna, who is the patron goddess of both cities,349 appears to Enmerkar at the beginning of the poem350 and tells him that she favors Uruk over Aratta.351 She instructs Enmerkar to send a messenger to the lord of Aratta to ask for the resources Uruk needs.352 The majority of the epic revolves around a great contest between the two kings over Inanna's favor.353 Inanna reappears at the end of the poem to resolve the conflict by telling Enmerkar to establish trade between his city and Aratta.354

Justice myths

Inanna and her brother Utu were regarded as the dispensers of divine justice,355 a role which Inanna exemplifies in several of her myths.356 Inanna and Ebih (ETCSL 1.3.2), otherwise known as Goddess of the Fearsome Divine Powers, is a 184-line poem written by the Akkadian poet Enheduanna describing Inanna's confrontation with Mount Ebih, a mountain in the Zagros mountain range.357 The poem begins with an introductory hymn praising Inanna.358 The goddess journeys all over the entire world, until she comes across Mount Ebih and becomes infuriated by its glorious might and natural beauty,359 considering its very existence as an outright affront to her own authority.360361 She rails at Mount Ebih, shouting:

Mountain, because of your elevation, because of your height, Because of your goodness, because of your beauty, Because you wore a holy garment, Because An organized(?) you, Because you did not bring (your) nose close to the ground, Because you did not press (your) lips in the dust.362

Inanna petitions to An, the Sumerian god of the heavens, to allow her to destroy Mount Ebih.363 An warns Inanna not to attack the mountain,364 but she ignores his warning and proceeds to attack and destroy Mount Ebih regardless.365 In the conclusion of the myth, she explains to Mount Ebih why she attacked it.366 In Sumerian poetry, the phrase "destroyer of Kur" is occasionally used as one of Inanna's epithets.367 According to Annette Zgoll, in this text Inanna represents the expansive conquest policy of the Akkadian empire, while the reluctant behaviour of the god An represents the perspective of the land of Sumer and its inhabitants, who had to suffer under the Sargonid invasions.368 The rebellion of the mountain of Ebiḫ and its destruction by Inanna is also mentioned in the hymn Innin ša gura ("Mistress of the Great Heart"), which is ascribed to the high priestess En-ḫedu-ana.

The poem Inanna and Shukaletuda (ETCSL 1.3.3) begins with a hymn to Inanna, praising her as the planet Venus.369 It then introduces Shukaletuda, a gardener who is terrible at his job. All of his plants die, except for one poplar tree.370 Shukaletuda prays to the gods for guidance in his work. To his surprise, the goddess Inanna sees his one poplar tree and decides to rest under the shade of its branches.371 Shukaletuda removes her clothes and rapes Inanna while she sleeps.372 When the goddess wakes up and realizes she has been violated, she becomes furious and determines to bring her attacker to justice.373 In a fit of rage, Inanna unleashes horrible plagues upon the Earth, turning water into blood.374 Shukaletuda, terrified for his life, pleads his father for advice on how to escape Inanna's wrath.375 His father tells him to hide in the city, amongst the hordes of people, where he will hopefully blend in.376 Inanna searches the mountains of the East for her attacker,377 but is not able to find him.378 She then releases a series of storms and closes all roads to the city, but is still unable to find Shukaletuda,379 so she asks Enki to help her find him, threatening to leave her temple in Uruk if he does not.380 Enki consents and Inanna flies "across the sky like a rainbow".381 Inanna finally locates Shukaletuda, who vainly attempts to invent excuses for his crime against her. Inanna rejects these excuses and kills him.382 Theology professor Jeffrey Cooley has cited the story of Shukaletuda as a Sumerian astral myth, arguing that the movements of Inanna in the story correspond with the movements of the planet Venus.383 He has also stated that, while Shukaletuda was praying to the goddess, he may have been looking toward Venus on the horizon.384

The text of the poem Inanna and Bilulu (ETCSL 1.4.4), discovered at Nippur, is badly mutilated385 and scholars have interpreted it in a number of different ways.386 The beginning of the poem is mostly destroyed,387 but seems to be a lament.388 The intelligible part of the poem describes Inanna pining after her husband Dumuzid, who is in the steppe watching his flocks.389390 Inanna sets out to find him.391 After this, a large portion of the text is missing.392 When the story resumes, Inanna is being told that Dumuzid has been murdered.393 Inanna discovers that the old bandit woman Bilulu and her son Girgire are responsible.394395 She travels along the road to Edenlila and stops at an inn, where she finds the two murderers.396 Inanna stands on top of a stool397 and transforms Bilulu into "the waterskin that men carry in the desert",398 forcing her to pour the funerary libations for Dumuzid.399400

Descent into the underworld

Two different versions of the story of Inanna/Ishtar's descent into the underworld have survived:401402 a Sumerian version dating to the Third Dynasty of Ur (circa 2112 BCE – 2004 BCE) (ETCSL 1.4.1)403404 and a clearly derivative Akkadian version from the early second millennium BCE.405406407 The Sumerian version of the story is nearly three times the length of the later Akkadian version and contains much greater detail.408

Various other texts refer to the myth of Inanna's descent as well, including the tale of Inanna and Šukaletuda.  Already in the first cuneiform texts of late 4th millennium Uruk period, the divine name Inanna-kur "Inanna (of the) netherworld" is attested, which probably refers to the underworld passage and thus makes it probably the oldest reliably attested myth of mankind.409

Sumerian version

In Sumerian religion, the Kur or underworld was ruled by the goddess Ereshkigal, the "sister" of Inanna.410 The text itself does not explicitly state the motivation of Inanna's descent. However, hylistic myth research could show that at least one variant of the myth processed in the text relates to Inanna demanding the me (divine powers/rituals) of the netherworld, in which she finally succeeds.411

Before leaving, Inanna instructs her minister and servant Ninshubur to plead with the deities Enlil, Nanna, An, and Enki to rescue her if she does not return after three days.412413 The laws of the underworld dictate that, with the exception of appointed messengers, those who enter it may never leave.414 Inanna dresses elaborately for the visit; she wears a turban, wig, lapis lazuli necklace, beads upon her breast, the 'pala dress' (the ladyship garment), mascara, a pectoral, and golden ring, and holds a lapis lazuli measuring rod.415416 Each garment is a representation of a powerful me she possesses.417

Inanna pounds on the gates of the underworld, demanding to be let in.418419420 The gatekeeper Neti asks her why she has come421422 and Inanna replies that she wishes to attend the funeral rites of Gugalanna, the "husband of my elder sister Ereshkigal".423424425 Neti reports this to Ereshkigal,426427 who tells him: "Bolt the seven gates of the underworld. Then, one by one, open each gate a crack. Let Inanna enter. As she enters, remove her royal garments."428 Perhaps Inanna's garments, unsuitable for a funeral, along with Inanna's haughty behavior, make Ereshkigal suspicious.429 Following Ereshkigal's instructions, Neti tells Inanna she may enter the first gate of the underworld, but she must hand over her lapis lazuli measuring rod. She asks why, and is told, "It is just the ways of the underworld." She obliges and passes through. Inanna passes through a total of seven gates, at each one removing a piece of clothing or jewelry she had been wearing at the start of her journey,430 thus stripping her of her power.431432 When she arrives in front of her sister, she is naked:433434

After she had crouched down and had her clothes removed, they were carried away. Then she made her sister Erec-ki-gala rise from her throne, and instead she sat on her throne. The Anna, the seven judges, rendered their decision against her. They looked at her – it was the look of death. They spoke to her – it was the speech of anger. They shouted at her – it was the shout of heavy guilt. The afflicted woman was turned into a corpse. And the corpse was hung on a hook.435

Three days and three nights pass, and Ninshubur, following instructions, goes to the temples of Enlil, Nanna, An, and Enki, and pleads with each of them to rescue Inanna.436437438 The first three deities refuse, saying Inanna's fate is her own fault,439440441 but Enki is deeply troubled and agrees to help.442443444 He creates two sexless figures named gala-tura and the kur-jara from the dirt under the fingernails of two of his fingers.445446447 He instructs them to appease Ereshkigal448449 and, when she asks them what they want, ask for the corpse of Inanna, which they must sprinkle with the food and water of life.450451 When they come before Ereshkigal, she is in agony like a woman giving birth.452 She offers them whatever they want, including life-giving rivers of water and fields of grain, if they can relieve her,453 but they refuse all of her offers and ask only for Inanna's corpse.454 The gala-tura and the kur-jara sprinkle Inanna's corpse with the food and water of life and revive her.455456457

The Sumerian text connects the myth of Inanna's descent with one variant of the myth concerning the death of Dumuzi: Galla demons sent by Ereshkigal follow Inanna out of the underworld, insisting that someone else must be taken to the underworld as Inanna's replacement.458459460 They first come upon Ninshubur and attempt to take her,461462463 but Inanna stops them, insisting that Ninshubur is her loyal servant and that she had rightfully mourned for her while she was in the underworld.464465466 They next come upon Shara, Inanna's beautician, who is still in mourning.467468469 The demons attempt to take him, but Inanna insists that they may not, because he had also mourned for her.470471472 The third person they come upon is Lulal, who is also in mourning.473474475 The demons try to take him, but Inanna stops them once again.476477478

Finally, they come upon Dumuzi, Inanna's husband.479480 Despite Inanna's fate, and in contrast to the other individuals who were properly mourning her, Dumuzi is lavishly clothed and resting beneath a tree, or upon her throne, entertained by slave-girls. Inanna, displeased, decrees that the galla shall take him.481482483 The galla then drag Dumuzi down to the underworld.484485

Another text known as Dumuzi's Dream (ETCSL 1.4.3) describes Dumuzi's repeated attempts to evade capture by the galla demons, an effort in which he is aided by the sun-god Utu.486487488 In the Sumerian poem The Return of Dumuzid, which begins where The Dream of Dumuzid ends, Dumuzid's sister Geshtinanna laments continually for days and nights over Dumuzid's death, joined by Inanna, who has apparently experienced a change of heart, and Sirtur, Dumuzid's mother.489 The three goddesses mourn continually until a fly reveals to Inanna the location of her husband.490 Together, Inanna and Geshtinanna go to the place where the fly has told them they will find Dumuzid.491 They find him there and Inanna decrees that, from that point onwards, Dumuzid will spend half of the year with her sister Ereshkigal in the underworld and the other half of the year in Heaven with her, while his sister Geshtinanna takes his place in the underworld.492493494

Akkadian version

This version had two manuscripts found in the Library of Ashurbanipal and a third was found in Asshur, all dating from the first half of the first millennium before the common era.495 Of the Ninevite version, the first cuneiform version was published in 1873 by François Lenormant, and the transliterated version was published by Peter Jensen in 1901.496 Its title in Akkadian is Ana Kurnugê, qaqqari la târi.497

The Akkadian version begins with Ishtar approaching the gates of the underworld and demanding the gatekeeper to let her in:

If you do not open the gate for me to come in, I shall smash the door and shatter the bolt, I shall smash the doorpost and overturn the doors, I shall raise up the dead and they shall eat the living: And the dead shall outnumber the living!498499

The gatekeeper (whose name is not given in the Akkadian version500) hurries to tell Ereshkigal of Ishtar's arrival. Ereshkigal orders him to let Ishtar enter, but tells him to "treat her according to the ancient rites".501 The gatekeeper lets Ishtar into the underworld, opening one gate at a time.502 At each gate, Ishtar is forced to shed one article of clothing. When she finally passes the seventh gate, she is naked.503 In a rage, Ishtar throws herself at Ereshkigal, but Ereshkigal orders her servant Namtar to imprison Ishtar and unleash sixty diseases against her.504

After Ishtar descends to the underworld, all sexual activity ceases on earth.505506 The god Papsukkal, the Akkadian counterpart to Ninshubur,507 reports the situation to Ea, the god of wisdom and culture.508 Ea creates an androgynous being called Asu-shu-namir and sends them to Ereshkigal, telling them to invoke "the name of the great gods" against her and to ask for the bag containing the waters of life. Ereshkigal becomes enraged when she hears Asu-shu-namir's demand, but she is forced to give them the water of life. Asu-shu-namir sprinkles Ishtar with this water, reviving her. Then, Ishtar passes back through the seven gates, receiving one article of clothing back at each gate, and exiting the final gate fully clothed.509 But Ištar must provide a substitute for her return to the world of the living, namely her husband Dumuzi. His sister Belili, however, takes part of the punishment upon herself, so that from now on they take turns in the underworld. Together with Dumuzi, the other dead are now allowed to leave the underworld on certain days as well – thus Ištar's descent into the underworld has created an opportunity for people to make contact with the dead, thus founding a religious holiday.

Interpretations in modern assyriology

Dina Katz, an authority on Sumerian afterlife beliefs and funerary customs, considers the narrative of Inanna's descent to be a combination of two distinct preexisting traditions rooted in broader context of Mesopotamian religion.

In one tradition, Inanna was only able to leave the underworld with the help of Enki's trick, with no mention of the possibility of finding a substitute.510 This part of the myth belongs to the genre of myths about deities struggling to obtain power, glory etc. (such as Lugal-e or Enuma Elish),511 and possibly served as a representation of Inanna's character as a personification of a periodically vanishing astral body.512 According to Katz, the fact that Inanna's instructions to Ninshubur contain a correct prediction of her eventual fate, including the exact means of her rescue, show that the purpose of this composition was simply highlighting Inanna's ability to traverse both the heavens and the underworld, much like how Venus was able to rise over and over again.513 She also points out Inanna's return has parallels in some Udug-hul incantations.514

Another was simply one of the many myths about the death of Dumuzi (such as Dumuzi's Dream or Inana and Bilulu; in these myths Inanna is not to blame for his death),515 tied to his role as an embodiment of vegetation. She considers it possible that the connection between the two parts of the narrative was meant to mirror some well attested healing rituals which required a symbolic substitute of the person being treated.516

Katz also notes that the Sumerian version of the myth is not concerned with matters of fertility, and points out any references to it (e.g. to nature being infertile while Ishtar is dead) were only added in later Akkadian translations;517 so was the description of Tammuz's funeral.518 The purpose of these changes was likely to make the myth closer to cultic traditions linked to Tammuz, namely the annual mourning of his death followed by celebration of a temporary return.519 According to Katz it is notable that known many copies of the later versions of the myth come from Assyrian cities which were known for their veneration of Tammuz, such as Ashur and Nineveh.520

Other interpretations

A number of less scholarly interpretations of the myth arose through the 20th century, many of them rooted in the tradition of Jungian analysis rather than assyriology. Some authors draw comparisons to the Greek myth of the abduction of Persephone as well.521

Monica Otterrmann performed a feminist interpretation of the myth, questioning its interpretation as related to the cycle of nature,522 claiming that the narratives represent that Inanna's powers were being restricted by the Mesopotamian patriarchy, due to the fact that, according to her, the region was not conducive to fertility.523 Brandão questions this idea in part, for although Inanna's power is at stake in the Sumerian text, in the Akkadian text the goddess' relationship to fertility and fertilization is at stake. Furthermore, in the Sumerian text Inanna's power is not limited by a man, but by another equally powerful goddess, Ereskigal.524

Later myths

Epic of Gilgamesh

Main article: Epic of Gilgamesh

In the Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh, Ishtar appears to Gilgamesh after he and his companion Enkidu have returned to Uruk from defeating the ogre Humbaba and demands Gilgamesh to become her consort.525526 Gilgamesh refuses her, pointing out that all of her previous lovers have suffered:527

Listen to me while I tell the tale of your lovers. There was Tammuz, the lover of your youth, for him you decreed wailing, year after year. You loved the many-coloured Lilac-breasted Roller, but still you struck and broke his wing [...] You have loved the lion tremendous in strength: seven pits you dug for him, and seven. You have loved the stallion magnificent in battle, and for him you decreed the whip and spur and a thong [...] You have loved the shepherd of the flock; he made meal-cake for you day after day, he killed kids for your sake. You struck and turned him into a wolf; now his own herd-boys chase him away, his own hounds worry his flanks.528

Infuriated by Gilgamesh's refusal,529 Ishtar goes to heaven and tells her father Anu that Gilgamesh has insulted her.530 Anu asks her why she is complaining to him instead of confronting Gilgamesh herself.531 Ishtar demands that Anu give her the Bull of Heaven532 and swears that if he does not give it to her, she will "break in the doors of hell and smash the bolts; there will be confusion [i.e., mixing] of people, those above with those from the lower depths. I shall bring up the dead to eat food like the living; and the hosts of the dead will outnumber the living."533

Anu gives Ishtar the Bull of Heaven, and Ishtar sends it to attack Gilgamesh and his friend Enkidu.534535 Gilgamesh and Enkidu kill the Bull and offer its heart to the sun-god Shamash.536537 While Gilgamesh and Enkidu are resting, Ishtar stands up on the walls of Uruk and curses Gilgamesh.538539 Enkidu tears off the Bull's right thigh and throws it in Ishtar's face,540541 saying, "If I could lay my hands on you, it is this I should do to you, and lash your entrails to your side."542 (Enkidu later dies for this impiety.)543 Ishtar calls together "the crimped courtesans, prostitutes and harlots"544 and orders them to mourn for the Bull of Heaven.545546 Meanwhile, Gilgamesh holds a celebration over the Bull of Heaven's defeat.547548

Later in the epic, Utnapishtim tells Gilgamesh the story of the Great Flood,549 which was sent by the god Enlil to annihilate all life on earth because the humans, who were vastly overpopulated, made too much noise and prevented him from sleeping.550 Utnapishtim tells how, when the flood came, Ishtar wept and mourned over the destruction of humanity, alongside the Anunnaki.551 Later, after the flood subsides, Utnapishtim makes an offering to the gods.552 Ishtar appears to Utnapishtim wearing a lapis lazuli necklace with beads shaped like flies and tells him that Enlil never discussed the flood with any of the other gods.553 She swears him that she will never allow Enlil to cause another flood554 and declares her lapis lazuli necklace a sign of her oath.555 Ishtar invites all the gods except for Enlil to gather around the offering and enjoy.556[disputed – discuss]

Song of Agushaya

Main article: Agushaya Hymn

The Song of Agushaya,557 an Akkadian text presumably from the time of Hammurabi, tells a myth mixed with hymnic passages: the war goddess Ishtar is filled with constant wrath and plagues the earth with war and battle. With her roar, she finally even threatens the wise god Ea in Apsû. He appears before the assembly of gods and decides (similar to Enkidu in the Epic of Gilgameš) to create an equal opponent for Ishtar. From the dirt of his fingernails he forms the powerful goddess Ṣaltum ("fight, quarrel"), whom he instructs to confront Ishtar disrespectfully and plague her day and night with her roar. The text section with the confrontation of both goddesses is not preserved, but it is followed by a scene in which Ishtar demands from Ea to call Ṣaltum back, which he does. Subsequently, Ea establishes a festival in which henceforth a "whirl dance" (gūštû) is to be performed annually in commemoration of the events. The text ends with the statement that Ishtar's heart has calmed down.

Other tales

A myth about the childhood of the god Ishum, viewed as a son of Shamash, describes Ishtar seemingly temporarily taking care of him, and possibly expressing annoyance at that situation.558

In a pseudepigraphical Neo-Assyrian text written in the seventh century BCE, but which claims to be the autobiography of Sargon of Akkad,559 Ishtar is claimed to have appeared to Sargon "surrounded by a cloud of doves" while he was working as a gardener for Akki, the drawer of the water.560 Ishtar then proclaimed Sargon her lover and allowed him to become the ruler of Sumer and Akkad.561

In Hurro-Hittite texts the logogram dISHTAR denotes the goddess Šauška, who was identified with Ishtar in god lists and similar documents as well and influenced the development of the late Assyrian cult of Ishtar of Nineveh according to hittitologist Gary Beckman.562 She plays a prominent role in the Hurrian myths of the Kumarbi cycle.563

Later influence

In antiquity

The cult of Inanna/Ishtar may have been introduced to the Kingdom of Judah during the reign of King Manasseh564 and, although Inanna herself is not directly mentioned in the Bible by name,565 the Old Testament contains numerous allusions to her cult.566 Jeremiah 7:18 and Jeremiah 44:15–19 mention "the Queen of Heaven," who is probably a syncretism of Inanna/Ishtar and the West Semitic goddess Astarte.567568569570 Jeremiah states that the Queen of Heaven was worshipped by women who baked cakes for her.571

The Song of Songs bears strong similarities to the Sumerian love poems involving Inanna and Dumuzid,572 particularly in its usage of natural symbolism to represent the lovers' physicality.573 Song of Songs 6:10 Ezekiel 8:14 mentions Inanna's husband Dumuzid under his later East Semitic name Tammuz,574575576 and describes a group of women mourning Tammuz's death while sitting near the north gate of the Temple in Jerusalem.577578 Marina Warner (a literary critic rather than Assyriologist) claims that early Christians in the Middle East assimilated elements of Ishtar into the cult of the Virgin Mary.579 She argues that the Syrian writers Jacob of Serugh and Romanos the Melodist both wrote laments in which the Virgin Mary describes her compassion for her son at the foot of the cross in deeply personal terms closely resembling Ishtar's laments over the death of Tammuz.580 However, broad comparisons between Tammuz and other dying gods are rooted in the work of James George Frazer and are regarded as a relic of less rigorous early 20th century Assyriology by more recent publications.581

The cult of Inanna/Ishtar also heavily influenced the cult of the Phoenician goddess Astarte.582 The Phoenicians introduced Astarte to the Greek islands of Cyprus and Cythera,583584 where she either gave rise to or at least heavily influenced the Greek goddess Aphrodite.585586587588 Aphrodite took on Inanna/Ishtar's associations with sexuality and procreation.589590 Furthermore, Aphrodite was known as Ourania (Οὐρανία), meaning "heavenly,"591592 corresponding to Inanna's role as the Queen of Heaven.593594

Early artistic and literary portrayals of Aphrodite are extremely similar to Inanna/Ishtar.595596 Aphrodite was also a warrior goddess;597598599 the second-century AD Greek geographer Pausanias records that, in Sparta, Aphrodite was worshipped as Aphrodite Areia, which means "warlike."600601 He also mentions that Aphrodite's most ancient cult statues in Sparta and on Cythera showed her bearing arms.602 Modern scholars note that Aphrodite's warrior-goddess aspects appear in the oldest strata of her worship603 and see it as an indication of her Near Eastern origins.604605 Aphrodite also absorbed Ishtar's association with doves,606607 which were sacrificed to her alone.608 The Greek word for "dove" was peristerá,609610 which may be derived from the Semitic phrase peraḥ Ištar, meaning "bird of Ishtar."611 The myth of Aphrodite and Adonis is derived from the story of Inanna and Dumuzid.612613

Classical scholar Charles Penglase has written that Athena, the Greek goddess of wisdom and war, resembles Inanna's role as a "terrifying warrior goddess."614 Others have noted that the birth of Athena from the head of her father Zeus could be derived from Inanna's descent into and return from the Underworld.615 However, as noted by Gary Beckman, a rather direct parallel to Athena's birth is found in the Hurrian Kumarbi cycle, where Teshub is born from the surgically split skull of Kumarbi,616 rather than in any Inanna myths.

In Mandaean cosmology, one of the names for Venus is ʿStira, which is derived from the name Ishtar.617

Anthropologist Kevin Tuite argues that the Georgian goddess Dali was also influenced by Inanna,618 noting that both Dali and Inanna were associated with the morning star,619 both were characteristically depicted nude,620 (but Assyriologists assume the "naked goddess" motif in Mesopotamian art in most cases cannot be Ishtar,621 and the goddess most consistently depicted as naked was Shala, a weather goddess unrelated to Ishtar622) both were associated with gold jewelry,623 both sexually preyed on mortal men,624 both were associated with human and animal fertility,625 (note however that Assyriologist Dina Katz pointed out the references to fertility are more likely to be connected to Dumuzi than Inanna/Ishtar in at least some cases626) and both had ambiguous natures as sexually attractive, but dangerous, women.627

Traditional Mesopotamian religion gradually began to decline between the third and fifth centuries AD as ethnic Assyrians converted to Christianity. Nonetheless, the cult of Ishtar and Tammuz managed to survive in parts of Upper Mesopotamia.628 In the tenth century AD, an Arab traveler wrote that "All the Sabaeans of our time, those of Babylonia as well as those of Harran, lament and weep to this day over Tammuz at a festival which they, more particularly the women, hold in the month of the same name."629

Worship of Venus deities possibly connected to Inanna/Ishtar was known in Pre-Islamic Arabia right up until the Islamic period. Isaac of Antioch (d. 406 AD) said that the Arabs worshipped 'the Star' (kawkabta), also known as Al-Uzza, which many identify with Venus.630 Isaac also mentions an Arabian deity named Baltis, which according to Jan Retsö most likely was another designation for Ishtar.631 In pre-Islamic Arabian inscriptions themselves, it appears that the deity known as Allat was also a Venusian deity.632 Attar, a male god whose name is a cognate of Ishtar's, is a plausible candidate for the role of Arabian Venus deity too on the account of both his name and his epithet "eastern and western".633

Modern relevance

In his 1853 pamphlet The Two Babylons, as part of his argument that Roman Catholicism is actually Babylonian paganism in disguise, Alexander Hislop, a Protestant minister in the Free Church of Scotland, incorrectly argued that the modern English word Easter must be derived from Ishtar due to the phonetic similarity of the two words.634 Modern scholars have unanimously rejected Hislop's arguments as erroneous and based on a flawed understanding of Babylonian religion.635636637 Nonetheless, Hislop's book is still popular among some groups of evangelical Protestants638 and the ideas promoted in it have become widely circulated, especially through the Internet, due to a number of popular Internet memes.639

Ishtar had a major appearance in Ishtar and Izdubar,640 a book-length poem written in 1884 by Leonidas Le Cenci Hamilton, an American lawyer and businessman, loosely based on the recently translated Epic of Gilgamesh.641 Ishtar and Izdubar expanded the original roughly 3,000 lines of the Epic of Gilgamesh to roughly 6,000 lines of rhyming couplets grouped into forty-eight cantos.642 Hamilton significantly altered most of the characters and introduced entirely new episodes not found in the original epic.643 Significantly influenced by Edward FitzGerald's Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam and Edwin Arnold's The Light of Asia,644 Hamilton's characters dress more like nineteenth-century Turks than ancient Babylonians.645 In the poem, Izdubar (the earlier misreading for the name "Gilgamesh") falls in love with Ishtar,646 but, then, "with hot and balmy breath, and trembling form aglow", she attempts to seduce him, leading Izdubar to reject her advances.647 Several "columns" of the book are devoted to an account of Ishtar's descent into the Underworld.648 At the conclusion of the book, Izdubar, now a god, is reconciled with Ishtar in Heaven.649 In 1887, the composer Vincent d'Indy wrote Symphony Ishtar, variations symphonique, Op. 42, a symphony inspired by the Assyrian monuments in the British Museum.650

Inanna has become an important figure in modern feminist theory because she appears in the male-dominated Sumerian pantheon,651 but is equally as powerful, if not more powerful than, the male deities she appears alongside.652 Simone de Beauvoir, in her book The Second Sex (1949), argues that Inanna, along with other powerful female deities from antiquity, have been marginalized by modern culture in favor of male deities.653 Tikva Frymer-Kensky has argued that Inanna was a "marginal figure" in Sumerian religion who embodies the "socially unacceptable" archetype of the "undomesticated, unattached woman".654 Feminist author Johanna Stuckey has argued against this idea, pointing out Inanna's centrality in Sumerian religion and her broad diversity of powers, neither of which seem to fit the idea that she was in any way regarded as "marginal".655 Assyriologist Julia M. Asher-Greve, who specializes in the study of position of women in antiquity, criticizes Frymer-Kensky's studies of Mesopotamian religion as a whole, highlighting the problems with her focus on fertility, the small selection of sources her works relied on, her view that position of goddesses in the pantheon reflected that of ordinary women in society (so-called "mirror theory"), as well as the fact her works do not accurately reflect the complexity of changes of roles of goddesses in religions of ancient Mesopotamia.656 Ilona Zsolnay regards Frymer-Kensky's methodology as faulty.657

Inanna is also an important figure in BDSM culture. The portrayal of Inanna in the Inanna and Ebih myth is cited as a precursor example of the dominatrix archetype, characterizing her as a powerful woman who forces gods and men to submit to her.658 In mythology, Inanna's submissives danced in rituals while being whipped by her to satisfy her. When submissives asked for "mercy", Inanna ended the flagellation, making such an action the pioneer of the BDSM safeword concept.659

In Neopaganism and Sumerian reconstructionism

Inanna is the primary ancient source for Aleister Crowley's Babalon, a principal goddess in the religion Thelema. Inanna's name is also used to refer to the Goddess in modern Neopaganism and Wicca.660 Her name occurs in the refrain of the "Burning Times Chant,"661 one of the most widely used Wiccan liturgies.662 Inanna's Descent into the Underworld was the inspiration for the "Descent of the Goddess,"663 one of the most popular texts of Gardnerian Wicca.664

Ishtar is a key figure in the novel The Ship of Ishtar by A. Merritt.

Inanna is the protagonist of Star Dancer (1993), a fantasy novel by Fay Sampson.665

In the Kurdish feature film, Where Is Gilgamesh? (2024) based on the Epic of Gilgamesh, Innana appears as a rival of Gilgamesh and a protector of an ancient hidden secret written on a Sumerian tablet.666

Dates (approximate)

See also

Notes

Bibliography

Further reading

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Inanna and Ishtar. Look up Inanna or Ishtar in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
  • Quotations related to Inanna at Wikiquote

References

  1. /ɪˈnɑːnə/; Sumerian: 𒀭𒈹, romanized: DINANA vocalized as: Inanak, also 𒀭𒊩𒌆𒀭𒈾, Dnin-an-na[3][4] /wiki/Help:IPA/English

  2. /ˈɪʃtɑːr/; Sumerian: 𒀭𒀹𒁯, romanized: Dištar,[3] /wiki/Help:IPA/English

  3. Steinkeller, Piotr, "Archaic City Seals and the Question of Early Babylonian Unity" in Riches Hidden in Secret Places: Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Memory of Thorkild Jacobsen, edited by Tzvi Abusch, University Park, USA: Penn State University Press, pp. 249–258, 2002

  4. Szarzyńska, Krystyna, "Offerings for the Goddess Inana in Archaic Uruk", Revue d’Assyriologie et d’archéologie Orientale, vol. 87, no. 1, pp. 7–28, 1993

  5. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), p. xviii. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  6. Nemet-Nejat (1998), p. 182. - Nemet-Nejat, Karen Rhea (1998). Daily Life in Ancient Mesopotamia. Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-29497-6. https://archive.org/details/dailylifeinancie00neme

  7. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), p. xv. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  8. Penglase (1994), pp. 42–43. - Penglase, Charles (1994). Greek Myths and Mesopotamia: Parallels and influence in the Homeric hymns and Hesiod. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-15706-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=U4mFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA42

  9. Kramer (1961), p. 101. - Kramer, Samuel Noah (1961). Sumerian Mythology: A study of spiritual and literary achievement in the third millennium B.C. (revised ed.). Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1047-7. http://www.sacred-texts.com/ane/sum/

  10. Wiggermann (1999), p. 216. - Wiggermann, Frans A.M. (1999). "Nergal A. Philologisch · Nergal A. Philological". Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German). Retrieved 10 August 2021. http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8961

  11. Leick 1998, p. 87; Black & Green 1992, p. 108; Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, p. xviii, xv; Collins 1994, p. 110–111; Brandão 2019, p. 43. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  12. Leick 1998, p. 87; Black & Green 1992, p. 108; Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, p. xviii, xv; Collins 1994, p. 110–111. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  13. With exception of Ana Kurnugê, qaqqari la târi and Sha naqba īmuru who use the name Ishtar, all others texts use the name/are about Inanna.[15]

  14. Leick (1998), p. 86. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  15. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  16. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  17. Leick (1998), p. 86. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  18. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. xiii–xix. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  19. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  20. Rubio (1999), pp. 1–16. - Rubio, Gonzalo (1999). "On the alleged "Pre-Sumerian substratum"". Journal of Cuneiform Studies. 51: 1–16. doi:10.2307/1359726. JSTOR 1359726. S2CID 163985956. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1359726

  21. Collins (1994), p. 110. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  22. Leick (1998), p. 96. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  23. Collins (1994), p. 110. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  24. Leick (1998), p. 96. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  25. Collins (1994), p. 110. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  26. Collins (1994), p. 110. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  27. Collins (1994), pp. 110–111. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  28. Collins (1994), pp. 110–111. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  29. Vanstiphout (1984), pp. 225–228. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  30. Vanstiphout (1984), p. 228. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  31. Vanstiphout (1984), p. 228. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  32. Brandão (2019), p. 43. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  33. Vanstiphout (1984), pp. 228–229. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  34. Black & Green (1992), p. 108. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  35. Black & Green (1992), p. 108. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  36. Suter (2014), p. 551. - Suter, Claudia E. (2014). "Human, divine, or both?: The Uruk Vase and the problem of ambiguity in early Mesopotamian visual arts". In Feldman, Marian; Brown, Brian (eds.). Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 545–568. ISBN 978-1-61451-035-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=F4DoBQAAQBAJ&q=Human%2C+Divine%2C+or+Both%3F%3A+The+Uruk+Vase+and+the+Problem+of+Ambiguity+in+Early+Mesopotamian+Visual+Arts&pg=PA545

  37. Suter (2014), pp. 550–552. - Suter, Claudia E. (2014). "Human, divine, or both?: The Uruk Vase and the problem of ambiguity in early Mesopotamian visual arts". In Feldman, Marian; Brown, Brian (eds.). Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 545–568. ISBN 978-1-61451-035-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=F4DoBQAAQBAJ&q=Human%2C+Divine%2C+or+Both%3F%3A+The+Uruk+Vase+and+the+Problem+of+Ambiguity+in+Early+Mesopotamian+Visual+Arts&pg=PA545

  38. Suter (2014), pp. 550–552. - Suter, Claudia E. (2014). "Human, divine, or both?: The Uruk Vase and the problem of ambiguity in early Mesopotamian visual arts". In Feldman, Marian; Brown, Brian (eds.). Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 545–568. ISBN 978-1-61451-035-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=F4DoBQAAQBAJ&q=Human%2C+Divine%2C+or+Both%3F%3A+The+Uruk+Vase+and+the+Problem+of+Ambiguity+in+Early+Mesopotamian+Visual+Arts&pg=PA545

  39. Suter (2014), pp. 552–554. - Suter, Claudia E. (2014). "Human, divine, or both?: The Uruk Vase and the problem of ambiguity in early Mesopotamian visual arts". In Feldman, Marian; Brown, Brian (eds.). Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Berlin, Germany: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 545–568. ISBN 978-1-61451-035-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=F4DoBQAAQBAJ&q=Human%2C+Divine%2C+or+Both%3F%3A+The+Uruk+Vase+and+the+Problem+of+Ambiguity+in+Early+Mesopotamian+Visual+Arts&pg=PA545

  40. van der Mierop (2007), p. 55. - van der Mierop, Marc (2007). A History of the Ancient Near East: 3,000–323 BCE. Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-4911-2.

  41. van der Mierop (2007), p. 55. - van der Mierop, Marc (2007). A History of the Ancient Near East: 3,000–323 BCE. Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-4911-2.

  42. van der Mierop (2007), p. 55. - van der Mierop, Marc (2007). A History of the Ancient Near East: 3,000–323 BCE. Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-4911-2.

  43. van der Mierop (2007), p. 55. - van der Mierop, Marc (2007). A History of the Ancient Near East: 3,000–323 BCE. Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-4911-2.

  44. Maeda (1981), p. 8. - Maeda, Tohru (1981). ""King of Kish" in pre-Sarogonic Sumer". Orient. 17. The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan: 1–17. doi:10.5356/orient1960.17.1. ISSN 1884-1392. https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/orient1960/17/0/17_0_1/_article/-char/en

  45. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  46. Collins (1994), pp. 110–111. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  47. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  48. Collins (1994), p. 111. - Collins, Paul (1994). "The Sumerian goddess Inanna (3400–2200 BCE)". Papers from the Institute of Archaeology. 5. UCL. doi:10.5334/pia.57. https://doi.org/10.5334%2Fpia.57

  49. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  50. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  51. Black & Green (1992), p. 108. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  52. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. xviii, xv. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  53. A. Archi, The Gods of Ebla [in:] J. Eidem, C.H. van Zoest (eds.), Annual Report NINO and NIT 2010, 2011, p. 3 https://www.nino-leiden.nl/publication/annual-report-nino-and-nit-2010

  54. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  55. Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 27; Kramer 1961, p. 101; Wolkstein & Kramer 1983, pp. xiii–xix; Nemet-Nejat 1998, p. 182. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  56. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  57. Leick (1998), p. 87. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  58. Black & Green (1992), pp. 108–109. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  59. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  60. modern-day Warka, Biblical Erech /wiki/Erech

  61. é-an-na means 'sanctuary' ('house' + 'Heaven' [An] + genitive)[42]

  62. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  63. Harris (1991), pp. 261–278. - Harris, Rivkah (February 1991). "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites". History of Religions. 30 (3): 261–278. doi:10.1086/463228. JSTOR 1062957. S2CID 162322517. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F463228

  64. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 42. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  65. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 42. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  66. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 50. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

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  153. George (2015), p. 8. - George, Andrew R. (2015). "The Gods Išum and Ḫendursanga: Night Watchmen and Street-lighting in Babylonia". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 74 (1): 1–8. doi:10.1086/679387. ISSN 0022-2968. S2CID 161546618. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277594149

  154. Asher-Greve, Julia M. (1 January 2003). "The Gaze of Goddesses: on Divinity, Gender, and Frontality in the Late Early Dynastic, Akkadian, and Neo-Sumerian Periods". NIN – Journal of Gender Studies in Antiquity. 4 (1): 1–59. doi:10.1163/157077603775818585. ISSN 2156-2253. cited in: Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources. Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0 – "Asher-Greve 2003; cf. Groneberg (1986a: 45) argues that Inana is significant because she is not a mother goddess (my italics) [...]" /wiki/Doi_(identifier)

  155. Asher-Greve, Julia M. (2013). "Images". In Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (eds.). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Vol. 259. Fribourg, DE: Academic Press. p. 242. ISBN 9783525543825. Retrieved 26 August 2022. 9783525543825

  156. "According to Graham Cunningham (1997: p. 171) incantations are connected with 'forms of symbolic identification', and it seems obvious that symbolic identitification with some goddesses relates to their divine function or domain, e.g. ... sex and love related matters with Inana and Nanaya ... ." — J.M. Asher-Greve (2013, p. 242)[101]

  157. Black & Green (1992), pp. 108–9. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  158. Gilgamesh, p. 86 - George, Andrew, ed. (1999). The Epic of Gilgamesh: The Babylonian epic poem and other texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-044919-1.

  159. Pryke (2017), p. 146. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  160. Katz (1996), p. 93-103. - Katz, Dina (1996). "How Dumuzi became Inanna's victim: On the formation of Inanna's Descent". Acta Sumerologica. 18. Dept. of Linguistics, University of Hiroshima: 93–103. https://www.academia.edu/318403

  161. Katz (2015), p. 67-68. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

  162. Black & Green (1992), pp. 108–109. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  163. Vanstiphout (1984), pp. 226–227. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  164. Enheduanna pre 2250 BCE "A hymn to Inana (Inana C)". The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature. 2003. lines 18–28. 4.07.3. /wiki/Enheduanna

  165. Vanstiphout (1984), p. 227. - Vanstiphout, H.L. (1984). "Inanna / Ishtar as a figure of controversy". Struggles of Gods: Papers of the Groningen Work Group for the Study of the History of Religions. 31. Berlin, DE: Mouton Publishers. ISBN 978-90-279-3460-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=mQnv_Wh3gCwC&pg=PA225

  166. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 203-204. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  167. Westenholz (1997), p. 78. - Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (1997). Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The texts. Eisenbrauns. pp. 33, 49. ISBN 978-0-931464-85-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=izhhWQEJkrQC&pg=PA33

  168. Wiggermann (1997), p. 42. - Wiggermann, Frans A.M. (1997). "Transtigridian snake gods". In Finkel, I.L.; Geller, M.J. (eds.). Sumerian Gods and their Representations. STYX Publications. ISBN 978-90-56-93005-9. https://www.academia.edu/540407

  169. Streck & Wasserman (2013), p. 184. - Streck, Michael P.; Wasserman, Nathan (2013). "More light on Nanāya" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. 102 (2). Walter de Gruyter GmbH: 183–201. doi:10.1515/za-2012-0010. ISSN 1613-1150. S2CID 163386405. https://altorient.gko.uni-leipzig.de/StreckPub/Streck_Wasserman_2012_Nanaya.pdf

  170. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 113-114. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  171. Wiggermann (1999a), p. 369, 371. - Wiggermann, Frans A.M. (1999a). "Nin-ĝišzida". Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German). Retrieved 6 August 2021. http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#8687

  172. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 71. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  173. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 133. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  174. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 286. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  175. Zsolnay (2010), p. 397-401. - Zsolnay, Ilona (2010). "Ištar, "goddess of war, pacifier of kings": An analysis of Ištar's martial role in the maledictory sections of the Assyrian royal inscriptions". City Administration in the Ancient Near East. 53e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Vol. 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-1-57506-168-9. OCLC 759160119. https://www.academia.edu/4009945

  176. Zsolnay (2010), p. 393. - Zsolnay, Ilona (2010). "Ištar, "goddess of war, pacifier of kings": An analysis of Ištar's martial role in the maledictory sections of the Assyrian royal inscriptions". City Administration in the Ancient Near East. 53e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Vol. 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-1-57506-168-9. OCLC 759160119. https://www.academia.edu/4009945

  177. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 17: "Although the majority of Mesopotamian deities are characterized as masculine or feminine, the gender identity of numerous gods and goddesses is fluid, or changeable [...]. [...] Primeval deities as well as genies and demons are apparently genderless or bi-gendered. Although the gender of Inana/Ištar is feminine, gender ambiguity is one of her characteristics and also included in her domain as goddess of sex and sexuality." - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  178. Beckman (1999), p. 25. - Beckman, Gary (1999). "The goddess Pirinkir and her ritual from Ḫattuša (CTH 644)". Ktèma: Civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques. 24 (1). PERSEE Program: 25–39. doi:10.3406/ktema.1999.2206. hdl:2027.42/77419. ISSN 0221-5896. https://doi.org/10.3406%2Fktema.1999.2206

  179. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 127. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  180. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 116-117. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  181. Zsolnay (2010), p. 401. - Zsolnay, Ilona (2010). "Ištar, "goddess of war, pacifier of kings": An analysis of Ištar's martial role in the maledictory sections of the Assyrian royal inscriptions". City Administration in the Ancient Near East. 53e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Vol. 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-1-57506-168-9. OCLC 759160119. https://www.academia.edu/4009945

  182. Black & Green (1992), pp. 108, 182. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  183. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. x–xi. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  184. Pryke (2017), p. 36. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  185. Pryke (2017), pp. 36–37. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  186. Pryke (2017), pp. 36–37. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  187. Black & Green (1992), p. 183. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  188. Black & Green (1992), p. 77. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  189. Pryke (2017), p. 108. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  190. Pryke (2017), p. 108. - Pryke, Louise M. (2017). Ishtar. New York and London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-86073-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=fggqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA94

  191. Wiggermann (1997), p. 47-48. - Wiggermann, Frans A.M. (1997). "Transtigridian snake gods". In Finkel, I.L.; Geller, M.J. (eds.). Sumerian Gods and their Representations. STYX Publications. ISBN 978-90-56-93005-9. https://www.academia.edu/540407

  192. Schwemer (2007), p. 157. - Schwemer, Daniel (2007). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies Part I" (PDF). Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 7 (2). Brill: 121–168. doi:10.1163/156921207783876404. ISSN 1569-2116. https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/7075/1/JANER7%3A2offprint.pdf

  193. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 230. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  194. Wilcke (1980), p. 80. - Wilcke, Claus (1980). "Inanna / Ištar A. Mesopotamien. Philologisch · Inanna / Ištar A. Mesopotamia. Philological". Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German). Retrieved 10 August 2021. http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#5767

  195. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 45. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

  196. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 75. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

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  198. Beckman (2002), p. 37. - Beckman, Gary (2002). "Babyloniaca hethitica: The "babilili-ritual" from Bogazköy (CTH 718)". Recent Developments in Hittite Archaeology and History. Penn State University Press. doi:10.5325/j.ctv1bxh36t.6. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/44963754

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  200. Leick (1998), p. 88. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  201. Brandão (2019), pp. 47, 74. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

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  203. Black & Green (1992), p. 108. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  204. Leick (1998), p. 88. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  205. Brandão (2019), p. 74. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  206. Asher-Greve, Julia M. (2013). "Facets of Change". In Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (eds.). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Vol. 259. Fribourg, DE: Academic Press. p. 140. ISBN 9783525543825. Retrieved 26 August 2022. 9783525543825

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  208. Black & Green (1992), p. 108. - Black, Jeremy; Green, Anthony (1992). Gods, Demons, and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: An illustrated dictionary. The British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1705-8. https://books.google.com/books?id=05LXAAAAMAAJ&q=Inana

  209. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 71–84. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  210. Leick (1998), p. 93. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  211. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), p. 89. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  212. Leick (1998), p. 93. - Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991]. A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19811-0. https://books.google.com/books?id=c52EAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA91

  213. Katz (2015), p. 67-68. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

  214. Katz (1996), p. 93-103. - Katz, Dina (1996). "How Dumuzi became Inanna's victim: On the formation of Inanna's Descent". Acta Sumerologica. 18. Dept. of Linguistics, University of Hiroshima: 93–103. https://www.academia.edu/318403

  215. Peterson (2010), p. 253. - Peterson, Jeremiah (2010). "A fragmentary Erotic Sumerian Context Featuring Inana". Aula orientalis: Revista de estudios del Próximo Oriente Antiguo. 28 (2): 253–258. ISSN 0212-5730. https://www.academia.edu/4415246

  216. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 80. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

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  218. Asher-Greve & Westenholz (2013), p. 38. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G., eds. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On divine powers, roles, relationships, and gender in Mesopotamian textual and visual sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf

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  222. Hallo (2010), p. 233. - Hallo, William W. (2010). The World's Oldest Literature: Studies in Sumerian Belles-Lettres. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-17381-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=WjNqb1G88b0C&pg=PA233

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  224. Lambert (1987), p. 163-164. - Lambert, Wilfred G. (1987). "Lulal / Lātarāk". Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Retrieved 6 August 2021. http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#7303

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  482. Penglase (1994), p. 18. - Penglase, Charles (1994). Greek Myths and Mesopotamia: Parallels and influence in the Homeric hymns and Hesiod. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-15706-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=U4mFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA42

  483. Tinney (2018), p. 86. - Tinney, Steve (April 2018). "Dumuzi's Dream revisited". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 77 (1): 85–89. doi:10.1086/696146. ISSN 0022-2968. S2CID 165931671. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F696146

  484. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 71–73. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  485. Penglase (1994), p. 18. - Penglase, Charles (1994). Greek Myths and Mesopotamia: Parallels and influence in the Homeric hymns and Hesiod. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-15706-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=U4mFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA42

  486. Tinney (2018), pp. 85–86. - Tinney, Steve (April 2018). "Dumuzi's Dream revisited". Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 77 (1): 85–89. doi:10.1086/696146. ISSN 0022-2968. S2CID 165931671. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F696146

  487. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 74–84. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  488. Dumuzid's Dream is attested in seventy-five known sources, fifty-five of which come from Nippur, nine from Ur, three probably from the region around Sippar, one each from Uruk, Kish, Shaduppum, and Susa.[293] /wiki/Nippur

  489. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 85–87. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  490. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 87–89. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  491. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 88–89. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  492. Kramer (1966), p. 31. - Kramer, Samuel Noah (October 1966). "Dumuzi's annual resurrection: An important correction to Inanna's Descent". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 183 (183): 31. doi:10.2307/1356459. JSTOR 1356459. S2CID 163544444. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1356459

  493. Penglase (1994), p. 18. - Penglase, Charles (1994). Greek Myths and Mesopotamia: Parallels and influence in the Homeric hymns and Hesiod. New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-15706-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=U4mFAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA42

  494. Wolkstein & Kramer (1983), pp. 85–89. - Wolkstein, Diane; Kramer, Samuel Noah (1983). Inanna, Queen of Heaven and Earth: Her stories and hymns from Sumer. New York City, New York: Harper&Row Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-090854-6.

  495. Brandão (2019), p. 11. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

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  498. Dalley (1989), p. 155. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

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  503. Dalley (1989), pp. 156–157. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  504. Dalley (1989), p. 157-158. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

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  506. Brandão (2019), pp. 15–16. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  507. Bertman (2003), p. 124. - Bertman, Stephen (2003). Handbook to Life in Ancient Mesopotamia. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-518364-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=1C4NKp4zgIQC&q=Papsukkal+%2B+Ninshubur&pg=PA124

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  509. Dalley (1989), pp. 158–160. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  510. Katz (2015), p. 65. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

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  514. Katz (2015), p. 66. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

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  519. Katz (2015), p. 70-71. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

  520. Katz (2015), p. 70. - Katz, Dina (2015). "Myth and ritual through tradition and innovation". Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East. Penn State University Press. pp. 59–74. doi:10.1515/9781575063584-007. ISBN 9781575063584 – via academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/10479122

  521. Dobson (1992). - Dobson, Marcia W. D-S. (1992). "Ritual Death, Patriarchal Violence, and Female Relationships in the Hymns to Demeter and Inanna". NWSA Journal. 4 (1): 42–58. JSTOR 4316175. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4316175

  522. Brandão (2019), p. 71. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  523. Brandão (2019), p. 72. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  524. Brandão (2019), p. 72. - Ao Kurnugu, Terra sem Retorno (in Brazilian Portuguese). Translated by Jacyntho Lins Brandão. Curitiba: Kotter Editorial. 2019. p. 208. ISBN 978-65-80103-41-6.

  525. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  526. Abush proposes the thesis that Ishtar's proposal would be for Gilgamesh to become a worker in the world of the dead.[320]

  527. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  528. Gilgamesh, p. 86 - George, Andrew, ed. (1999). The Epic of Gilgamesh: The Babylonian epic poem and other texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-044919-1.

  529. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  530. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  531. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  532. Dalley (1989), p. 80. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  533. Gilgamesh, p. 87 - George, Andrew, ed. (1999). The Epic of Gilgamesh: The Babylonian epic poem and other texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-044919-1.

  534. Dalley (1989), pp. 81–82. - Dalley, Stephanie (1989). Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the flood, Gilgamesh, and others. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-283589-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=7ERp_y_w1nIC&q=Ishtar

  535. Fontenrose (1980), pp. 168–169. - Fontenrose, Joseph Eddy (1980) [1959]. Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins (reprint ed.). Berkeley, California, Los Angeles, California, and London, England: The University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04106-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=wqeVv09Y6hIC&pg=PA167

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  537. Fontenrose (1980), pp. 168–169. - Fontenrose, Joseph Eddy (1980) [1959]. Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins (reprint ed.). Berkeley, California, Los Angeles, California, and London, England: The University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04106-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=wqeVv09Y6hIC&pg=PA167

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  542. Gilgamesh, p. 88 - George, Andrew, ed. (1999). The Epic of Gilgamesh: The Babylonian epic poem and other texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-044919-1.

  543. Fontenrose (1980), p. 169. - Fontenrose, Joseph Eddy (1980) [1959]. Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins (reprint ed.). Berkeley, California, Los Angeles, California, and London, England: The University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04106-6. https://books.google.com/books?id=wqeVv09Y6hIC&pg=PA167

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