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Park Chung Hee
Leader of South Korea from 1961 to 1979

Park Chung Hee was a South Korea’s third president from 1962 until his assassination in 1979, after seizing power in the 1961 coup. A former army officer, he led rapid economic growth known as the Miracle on the Han River by implementing reforms and fostering chaebols like Hyundai and Samsung. Park ruled as a military dictator after declaring martial law and imposing the authoritarian Yushin Constitution. His presidency was marked by anti-communism and close ties with the United States. Despite controversy over his legacy and human rights record, Park remains a significant figure in Korean history, and his daughter Park Geun-hye also served as president until her impeachment.

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Early life and education

Park was born around 11 am on November 14, 1917,3 in Sangmo-dong [ko], Gumi,4 Korea, Empire of Japan to father Pak Sŏngbin [ko] and mother Paek Namŭi [ko].5 He was the youngest of five brothers and two sisters.6 He was of the Goryeong Park clan [ko].7

Park's family was extremely poor and consistently lacked food.89 According to Park, his father was upper-class (yangban) and set to inherit the family's moderate holdings, but the clan banished him after he participated in the 1894–95 Donghak Peasant Revolution.101112 In 1916,13 the elder Park moved to his wife's village of Sangmo-dong, where he was given a small plot of land. According to later interviews, he did not work the land with his wife and instead drank alcohol and wandered around. Biographer of Park Chong-Sik Lee speculates that the elder Park did not wish to be seen working to avoid showing acceptance of his lost yangban status.14

Park's mother was seen by her contemporaries as diligent and focused. She managed both the household and farming.15 She was around 43 at the time of Park's birth. Due to her advanced age and disastrous economic situation, she tried to abort the pregnancy on a number of occasions.1617 When her son was eventually born, however, she was reportedly deeply affectionate toward him.181920

Park had a number of health concerns in his youth. For much of his early life, he did not eat well and was often described as sickly. When he was two years old, he crawled off a raised floor and landed in a smouldering fire pit. He was quickly rescued from the pit, but his forearms were significantly burned. For the rest of his life, he reportedly intentionally wore shirts with long sleeves to hide his scars.21

A significant biographer of Park,22 Cho Gab-je, interviewed many people who knew him and got the impression that Park's childhood was otherwise fairly happy. According to Cho, Park had many close friends, his parents got along well, and his family was affectionate toward him.2324

Elementary school

Park was the second person in his family, after his older brother Park Sang Hee [ko], to attend elementary school.25 He enrolled on April 1, 1927, at age 9 and eventually graduated on March 25, 1932.26 His school, Gumi Elementary School [ko], was 6 kilometers (3.7 mi)27 away from his home.2829 The long daily walk and his hunger took a toll on his body.3031 Park wrote of this in his memoirs:3233

[Class started at 8 a.m...] If I suspected I was late,34 I'd run the [6 km] to school... During the winter, food in my school lunch box would freeze. If I ate it anyway, my stomach would become upset, and I'd sometimes vomit. During these times, I'd sometimes go [without eating for days]...35

— Park Chung Hee, My Boyhood (1970)

Park was consistently among the shortest students at each school he attended,36 and was often described as sickly in his school records.37 In sixth grade, he was 135.8 cm (4 ft 5+1⁄2 in) tall and weighed 30 kg (66 lb). In spite of his physical challenges, he was a diligent student who got good grades.3839 Park was made class leader for several years; his classmates later recalled that he could be overbearing in enforcing discipline, even slapping a number of them.40

On Sundays, Park attended a seodang (traditional school), where he received an education in the Confucian classics.41 Also around this time, he attended the Presbyterian Sangmo Church in Gumi. His family teased him for this, as they did not attend church, though he stopped at the end of elementary school. Decades later, he donated money to repair the church after it was damaged during the Korean War.42

People who knew Park as a child described him as competitive and persistent. His classmates later recalled that even after he lost in competitions of strength, such as arm wrestling or ssireum (Korean wrestling), he would taunt his opponents and demand rematches until he won.43

Park's friends remembered him as a voracious reader of history, who frequently talked excitedly about his historical heroes.44 When he was around 13,45 Park became an admirer of the French leader Napoleon.4647 Around this time, he also came to idolize the famed Korean Admiral Yi Sun-sin (who fought the Japanese during the Imjin War). Park read a biography about the admiral by Yi Gwangsu which moved him deeply. According to Lee, a significant part of the biography is disparaging toward politicians and even Koreans in general, as the competent admiral was treated poorly by these groups during his lifetime. Lee speculated that this later influenced Park's authoritarian leadership style.4849

Taegu Normal School

In 1932, Park was admitted to Taegu Normal School [ko], a secondary school that trained elementary school teachers. Admissions were highly competitive, as it was the third such school in Korea, tuition was free, and teaching positions were historically seen as prestigious. Park was accepted from among 1,070 applicants into a class of 10 Japanese and 90 Korean students; he was ranked 50th at time of admission.50

Despite the prestige and free tuition, his mother had hoped that he would not be accepted. The living expenses his education incurred (at a time when currency was scarce and bartering was the norm), as well as the loss of his help on the farm, created a significant burden for the family. According to Lee, Park's family was about to go through their worst economic struggles yet. Around this time, Asia was experiencing the effects of the Great Depression and Japanese colonial policies mandated that Koreans send to Japan a significant portion of their agricultural output for what was seen as inadequate compensation.51

Park's schooling at Taegu was militaristic, especially as Japanese military officers were involved in running it. In fall, the entire school participated in enshū (演習)—military training programs. According to Lee, Park enjoyed and excelled in these aspects of the school. He took up kendo and became a trumpeter. His enthusiasm caught the eye of Lt. Col. Arikawa Keiichi (有川圭一, 1891–1945) of the Kwantung Army, who ran the military training programs and became fond of Park.52

Park became interested in quitting teaching and joining the military. But to his contemporaries, his chances seemed slim;53 entrance into the Japanese Military Academy was highly competitive for Koreans, and Park's grades were plummeting.5455 In 1935, he was ranked last among the 73 students in his class and missed more days of school each year.56 Park's teachers attributed this to his dire economic situation. Lee theorizes that the absences were caused by his parents' inability to gather enough money for his expenses at the school in time, which caused him to miss the first several weeks of each term. In addition, Park's older brother Sang Hee lost his job (and two children to disease) in 1935, making him unable to assist the rest of the family.57

By contrast, many of Park's classmates came from financially comfortable families. Several of them recalled that Park felt humiliated by his situation. When they pooled their money to buy snacks, Park would excuse himself and sulk alone. One classmate recalled finding Park in tears one evening. He was being sent home to collect money for his living expenses, despite knowing that his family would not have it. Lee speculates that Park became more pragmatic and calculating during this time, as they were traits that were needed for not only staying enrolled, but also to avoid starving.58

First marriage

In 1934, Park began secretly59 dating Yi Chŏngok (이정옥), who was attending a girls school in the same city. Park's father wished to see Park married as soon as possible, and not knowing about his son's relationship, arranged a marriage to a different woman: Kim Ho-nam [ko]. The two married in 1935 while Park was still in love with Yi. While the marriage produced a daughter, Park Jae-ok, Kim was reportedly appalled at the family's poverty, and the couple avoided each other as much as possible. After their marriage, Park had a year left to go at school, so he left her at the Park household and returned.60

Teaching

On March 20, 1937,61 Park graduated from Taegu, ranked 69 out of 70 in his class.62 As part of the conditions of his schooling, he was required to teach for at least two years,63 and was placed in the Mungyeong Public Normal School [ko].64 The school was in Mungyeong, then an isolated coal mining town.65 He finally began receiving a comfortable salary, which he sent part of to his family. But just as he had once done, his students walked to the school daily often from far away and struggled to afford meals. He offered assistance to several of them in order to have them keep coming to the school. While Park was remembered by his students as a caring and enthusiastic teacher, Lee speculates that, in such a small town, Park was lonely and understimulated. He and his roommate reportedly drank large amounts of makgeolli—Korean rice wine—to pass the time.66

Shortly after Park began teaching, Japan launched the Second Sino-Japanese War, and began making significant victories in quick succession. Park was inspired by the success of the Japanese. He even wrote a stageplay that his students acted out, entitled [The Korean] Volunteer Soldiers Go to War (『지원병출정』).6768 The play reflected contemporary events, as around February 1938, the colonial government had instituted the Special Volunteer Enlistment System. Thousands of Korean youths applied, although whether most applied willingly, or even just for the salary and benefits, is a subject of academic debate.69 However, the Japanese military was wary of accepting Koreans due to concerns over their loyalty, and thus only accepted a fraction of the applicants each year. If a Korean could demonstrate unshakable patriotism, they were considered to have a better chance of being accepted.70

Applying for military school and blood oath

In 1938, Park applied to join the Manchukuo Army Military Academy, which was to open the following year. However, he was three years over the maximum age limit of 19 for candidates;71 he wrote a request for the admissions office to overlook his age, but was rejected.72 Park sought out Kang Chaeho, an ethnic Korean captain in the Manchukuo Army and a native of Taegu, for advice. Kang offered to use his connections to try and get an exception for Park. He also advised Park to swear a blood oath (혈서; 血書; hyŏlsŏ) in order to demonstrate his fealty to Japan and draw publicity for his cause.73

Park did so. On March 31, 1939, the Manchukuo newspaper Manshū Shimbun ran an article called "Blood Oath: Desire to be an Army Officer: Young Teacher from the Peninsula".74

On the 29th, admissions officers of the Military Government command were deeply moved by a piece of registered mail from Park Chung Hee, a teacher at Western Mungyeong Public School in North Gyeongsang Province, Korea. Included in the mail was a passionate letter that expressed Park's desire to be an army officer, as well as an oath written in blood that read "Service Until Death" (一死以テ御奉公)... Becoming an officer, however, is limited to those already in the army; being 23 years old, he exceeded the age limit of 19. Therefore and regretfully, his application was politely rejected.

Acceptance and controversy

In spite of this second rejection, Park was somehow eventually accepted to the academy. The circumstances surrounding his acceptance are not known with certainty, and are a source of controversy.7576 The leading theory is that Arikawa, then a colonel in the Kwantung Army, personally asked the commandant of the academy Major General Nagumo to let Park in.77

Another theory, proposed by the Korean Chinese historian Ryu Yŏnsan (류연산) in 2003, posits that Park may have joined the Gando Special Force as another show of fealty. The unit was meant to suppress Korean independence activism in the Jiandao region ("Gando" in Korean, "Kantō" in Japanese) of Northeast China.78 However, this theory is rejected by biographers Cho Gab-je and Chong-Sik Lee, who argue that the testimony which the theory is based on does not align with the chronology of widely accepted events in Park's life.7980

Military career

Manchukuo Army Military Academy

The schooling environment at the Manchukuo Academy was tense, in part due to its significant ethnic, linguistic, and political diversity.81 Its student body was composed of around 10 Korean, 223 Chinese, and 107 Japanese people. According to Chong-sik Lee, Park excelled at the academy,82 especially in comparison to the non-Japanese students.83 He was fluent in Japanese, comparatively well-educated, and already accustomed to military drills and regimented dormitory life from his time at Taegu Normal School.84 He adopted and went by the Japanese name Takagi Masao (高木正雄).858687

Park was made to assist other students.88 Several of his Chinese and Korean classmates later described him as arrogant, and recalled that other students picked fights with him.89 In spite of this, according to Lee, Park remembered his time at the academy fondly. At a state dinner in Tokyo in November 1961, Park made a point to find and thank General Nagumo Shinichirō (南雲慎一郎), the former commandant of the academy, for his time there. Nagumo revealed that Park had been sending him gifts of ginseng.90

At the time, Manchukuo was seen as a haven for Japanese political extremists of both the left and right, and the academy similarly had instructors who were then and later associated with significant controversy.91 According to one account, a Captain Kanno Hiroshi had previously partaken in the failed February 26 incident coup in Japan, and taught an analysis of the coup that Park possibly heeded. Lee evaluated this account as convincing, and theorized that, years later, Park applied the lessons to his own coup.9293

In March 1942, Park graduated among the top five students of the academy.9495 After graduation, he took a three-month apprenticeship in the Kwantung Army's 30th Infantry Regiment in Harbin as a liaison.9697

Japanese Military Academy

His talents as an officer were swiftly recognized and he was one of the few Koreans allowed to attend the Imperial Japanese Army Academy near Tokyo. He was subsequently posted to a Japanese Army regiment in Manchuria and served there until Japan's surrender at the end of World War II.98

In Manchukuo

After graduating fifth in the class of 1944, Park was commissioned as a lieutenant into the army of Manchukuo, a Japanese puppet state, and served during the final stages of World War II as aide-de-camp to a regimental commander99100

After the Soviet invasion of Manchuria and the surrender of Japan, in September 1945 Park and several other Korean officers in the 8th Division of the Manchukuo army traveled to Beijing. The Korean Liberation Army of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was being assembled there, and its leader at the time, Choi Yong-duk, accepted many Korean officers who had been in Japanese or Manchurian service. The army traveled to Korea in April 1946, but it was disbanded by the United States Army Military Government in Korea, at which point Park returned to his home province.101

Return to Korea

Park returned to Korea after the war and enrolled at the Korea Military Academy. He graduated in the second class of 1946 (one of his classmates was Kim Jae-gyu, his close friend and later assassin) and became an officer in the constabulary army under the United States Army Military Government in South Korea. The newly established South Korean government, under the leadership of Syngman Rhee, arrested Park in November 1948 on charges that he led a Communist cell in the Korean constabulary.102 Park was subsequently sentenced to death by a military court, but his sentence was commuted by Rhee at the urging of several high-ranking Korean military officers.103

While Park had been a member of the Workers' Party of South Korea, the allegations concerning his involvement in a military cell were never substantiated.104 Nevertheless, he was forced out of the army. While working in the Army as an unpaid civilian assistant, he came across the 8th class of the Korea Military Academy (graduated in 1950), among whom was Kim Jong-pil, and this particular class would later serve as the backbone of the May 16 coup. Right after the Korean War began and with help from Paik Sun-Yup, Park returned to active service as a major in the South Korean Army.105

He was promoted to lieutenant colonel in September 1950 and to colonel in April 1951. As a colonel, Park was the deputy director of the Army Headquarters Intelligence Bureau in 1952 before switching to artillery and commanded the II and III Artillery Corps during the war.106107 By the time the war ended in 1953, Park had risen to become a brigadier general.108 After the signing of the Korean Armistice Agreement, Park was selected for six months' training at Fort Sill in the United States.109

After returning to Korea, Park rose rapidly in the military hierarchy. He was the head of the Army's Artillery School and commanded the 5th and 7th Divisions of the South Korean army before his promotion to major general in 1958.110 Park was then appointed Chief of Staff of the First Army and made the head of the Korean 1st and 6th District Command, which gave him responsibility for the defense of Seoul.111 In 1960, Park became commander of the Pusan Logistics Command before becoming Chief of the Operations Staff of the South Korean Army and the deputy commander of the Second Army. As such, he was one of the most powerful and influential figures in the military.112

Rise to power

Main article: May 16 coup

On April 26, 1960, Syngman Rhee, the authoritarian inaugural President of South Korea, was forced out of office and into exile following the April Revolution, a student-led uprising. Yun Po-sun was elected as president later that year on July 29, although the real power was held by Prime Minister Chang Myon.113 Problems arose immediately because neither man could command loyalty from any majority of the Democratic Party or reach agreement on the composition of the cabinet. Prime Minister Chang attempted to hold the tenuous coalition together by reshuffling cabinet positions three times within five months.114

Meanwhile, the new government was caught between an economy that was suffering from a decade of mismanagement and corruption under the Rhee presidency and the students who had instigated Rhee's ousting. Protesters regularly filled the streets making numerous and wide-ranging demands for political and economic reforms. Public security had deteriorated while the public had distrusted the police, which was long under the control of the Rhee government, and the ruling Democratic Party lost public support after long factional fighting.115

Against this backdrop of social instability and division, Park formed the Military Revolutionary Committee. When he found out that he was going to be retired within the next few months, he sped up the committee's plans. It led a military coup on May 16, 1961, which was nominally led by Army Chief of Staff Chang Do-yong after his defection on the day it started.116 On May 18, Chang Myon announced his resignation along with his cabinet.117 Yun accepted the coup and persuaded the United States Eighth Army and the commanders of various ROK army units not to interfere with the new government.118 U.S. President John F. Kennedy reluctantly accepted the coup to preserve the military alliance and prevent further instability.119

Initially, a new administration was formed from among those military officers who supported Park. The reformist military Supreme Council for National Reconstruction was nominally led by General Chang. Following Chang's arrest in July 1961, Park took overall control of the council. The coup was largely welcomed by a general populace exhausted by political chaos, although condemned in certain quarters.120

Soon after the coup, Park was promoted to Lieutenant general. The South Korean historian Hwang Moon Kyung described Park's rule as very "militaristic", noting right from the start Park aimed to mobilize South Korean society along "militaristically disciplined lines".121 One of Park's very first acts upon coming to power was a campaign to "clean up" the streets by arresting and putting the homeless to work in "welfare centers".122

The American historian Carter Eckert wrote that the historiography, including his work, around Park has tended to ignore the "enormous elephant in the room" namely that the way in which Park sought kündaehwa (modernization) of South Korea was influenced by his distinctively militaristic way of understanding the world, and the degree in which the Japanophile Park was influenced by Japanese militarism as he created what South Korean historians call a "developmental dictatorship".123 Eckert called South Korea under Park's leadership one of the most militarized states in the entire world, writing that Park sought to militarize South Korean society in a way that no other South Korean leader has ever attempted.124

In the Imperial Japanese Army, there was the belief that bushido would give Japanese soldiers enough "warrior spirit" as to make them invincible in battle, as the Japanese regarded war as simply a matter of willpower with the side with the stronger will always prevailing. Reflecting his background as a man trained by Japanese officers, one of Park's favorite sayings was "we can do anything if we try" as Park argued that all problems could be overcome by sheer willpower.125 Eckert wrote when interviewing Park's closest friends, he always received the same answer when he asked them what was the important influence on Park, namely his officer training by the Japanese in Manchukuo.126 All of Park's friends told Eckert that to understand him, one needed to understand his Ilbonsik sagwan kyoyuk (Japanese officer training) as they all maintained Park's values were those of an Imperial Japanese Army officer.127

On June 19, 1961, the military council created the Korean Central Intelligence Agency in order to prevent counter-coups and suppress potential enemies, both foreign and domestic. Along with being given investigative powers, the KCIA was also given the authority to arrest and detain anyone suspected of wrongdoing or having anti-government sentiments. Under its first director, retired Brigadier general Kim Jong-pil, a relative of Park and one of the original planners of the coup, the KCIA would extend its power to economic and foreign affairs.128

President Yun remained in office, giving the military regime legitimacy. After Yun resigned on March 24, 1962, Park, who remained chairman of the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction, consolidated his power by becoming acting president; he was also promoted to full general. Park agreed to restore civilian rule following pressure from the Kennedy administration.129

In 1963, he was elected president in his own right as the candidate of the newly created Democratic Republican Party. He appointed Park Myung-keun, the Vice Leader of the party as the chief of the President's Office. He narrowly defeated former President Yun, the candidate of the Civil Rule Party, by just over 156,000 votes—a margin of 1.5 percent. Park would be re-elected president in 1967, defeating Yun with somewhat less difficulty.

Presidency (1963–1979)

Foreign policy

In June 1965, Park signed a treaty normalizing relations with Japan, which included payment of reparations and the making of soft-loans from Japan, and led to increased trade and investment between South Korea and Japan. In July 1966, South Korea and the United States signed a Status of Forces Agreement, establishing a more equal relationship between the two countries. With its growing economic strength and the security guarantee of the United States, the threat of a conventional invasion from North Korea seemed increasingly remote. Despite the South Korean government's heavy reliance on American support, Hee made an effort to not fully attach his foreign policy agendas to their US counterpart. However, following the escalation of the Vietnam War with the US deploying ground combat troops in March 1965, South Korea sent the Capital Division and the 2nd Marine Brigade to South Vietnam in September 1965, followed by the White Horse Division in September 1966.130

Vietnam War

See also: South Korea in the Vietnam War

At the request of the United States, Park sent approximately 320,000 South Korean troops to fight alongside the United States and South Vietnam during the Vietnam War; a commitment second only to that of the United States.131 The stated reasons for this were to help maintain good relations with the United States, prevent the further advance of communism in East Asia132 and to enhance the Republic's international standing. In January 1965, on the day when a bill mandating a major deployment passed the National Assembly (with 106 votes for and 11 against),133 Park announced that it was "time for South Korea to wean itself from a passive position of receiving help or suffering intervention, and to assume a proactive role of taking responsibility on major international issues." South Korean soldiers were not able to ultimately defeat the Viet Cong, even though South Korea was quite successful. They also gained a reputation for brutality towards civilians134 and were accused of numerous "My Lai-style" massacres.135

Although primarily to strengthen the military alliance with the United States, there were also financial incentives for South Korea's participation in the war. South Korean military personnel were paid by the United States federal government and their salaries were remitted directly to the South Korean government. Park was eager to send South Korean troops to Vietnam and vigorously campaigned to extend the war. In return for troop commitments, South Korea received tens of billions of dollars in grants, loans, subsidies, technology transfers, and preferential markets, all provided by the Johnson and Nixon administrations.136

North Korea

See also: Korean DMZ Conflict (1966–1969), Blue House raid, and Korean axe murder incident

Park oversaw transitional changes between the two Koreas from conflict to consolidation. In 1961, the North Korean leader, Kim Il Sung secretly sent Hwang Tae-song, a former friend of Park Chung Hee and a vice-minister in ministry of trade, to South Korea, hoping to improve inter-Korean relations. However, in order to dissipate the suspicions about his Communist leanings and assure Americans his firm stance as an ally, Park decided to execute Hwang as a spy.137138

Beginning in October 1964, North Korea increased the infiltration of its intelligence-gatherers and propagandists into the South. More than 30 South Korean soldiers and at least 10 civilians had been killed in clashes with North Korean infiltrators by October 1966.

In October 1966, Park ordered the Korean Army to stage a retaliatory attack without seeking the approval of General Charles Bonesteel. This action, which was in retaliation for ongoing South Korean losses, caused tension between Park's government and the U.S. command in Korea, which wished not to violate the armistice.

Between 1966 and 1969 the clashes escalated as Park's armed forces were involved in firefights along the Korean DMZ. The fighting, sometimes referred to as the Second Korean War, was related to a speech given by Kim Il Sung on October 5, 1966, in which the North Korean leader challenged the legitimacy of the 1953 Armistice Agreement. Kim stated that irregular warfare could now succeed in a way conventional warfare could not because the South Korean military was now involved with the ever-growing Vietnam War. He believed Park's administration could be undermined if armed provocation by North Korea was directed against U.S. troops. This would force United States to reconsider its worldwide commitments. Any splits would give the North an opportunity to incite an insurgency in the South against Park.

On January 21, 1968, the 31-man Unit 124 of North Korean People's Army special forces commandos attempted to assassinate Park and nearly succeeded. They were stopped just 800 metres from the Blue House by a police patrol. A fire fight broke out and all but two of the North Koreans were killed or captured. In response to the assassination attempt, Park organized Unit 684, a group intended to assassinate Kim Il Sung. It was disbanded in 1971.

Despite the hostility, negotiations were conducted between the North and South regarding reunification. On July 4, 1972, both countries released a joint statement specifying that reunification must be achieved internally with no reliance on external forces or outside interference, that the process must be achieved peacefully without the use of military force, and that all parties must promote national unity as a united people over any differences of ideological and political systems. The United States Department of State was not happy with these proposals and, following Park's assassination in 1979, they were quietly buried.

On August 15, 1974, Park was delivering a speech in the National Theater in Seoul at the ceremony to celebrate the 29th anniversary of the ending of colonial rule when a man named Mun Se-gwang fired a gun at Park from the front row. The would-be assassin, who was a Japanese-born North Korean sympathizer, missed Park but a stray bullet struck his wife Yuk Young-soo (who died later that day) and others on the stage. Park continued his speech as his dying wife was carried off the stage.139 Mun was hanged in a Seoul prison four months later. On the first anniversary of his wife's death, Park wrote in his diary "I felt as though I had lost everything in the world. All things became a burden and I lost my courage and will. A year has passed since then. And during that year I have cried alone in secret too many times to count."140

Japan

See also: South Korea–Japan relations

On June 22, 1965, the Park administration and the government of Japan under Eisaku Satō signed the Treaty on Basic Relations Between Japan and the Republic of Korea, which normalized relations between Japan and South Korea for the first time. Relations with Japan had previously not been officially established since Korea's decolonization and division at the end of World War II.

In January 2005, the South Korean government uncovered 1,200 pages of diplomatic documents of the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea of 1965 that had been kept secret for forty years. These documents revealed that the Japanese government proposed to the government of South Korea, then headed by Park, to directly compensate individual victims of Japanese colonization of Korea, but it was the Park administration that insisted it would handle the individual compensation to the victims, and took over the entire amount of the grant, 300,000,000$ (equivalent to $2,993,347,413 in 2024) (for 35 years of Japanese colonial rule in Korea), on behalf of the victims. The Park administration negotiated for a total of 360,000,000$ (equivalent to $3,592,016,895 in 2024) in compensation for the 1.03 million Koreans conscripted into the forced labor and military service during the colonial period but received only 300,000,000$ (equivalent to $2,993,347,413 in 2024).141

China

See also: South Korea–China relations

Park's government had no diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China, but did attempt to establish trade in chili peppers unsuccessfully in 1974 and successfully in 1978, contributing to a softening of tensions between the two Cold War enemies.142

Economic policy

Further information: Tiger economy and Miracle on the Han River

One of Park's main goals was to end the extreme poverty prevalent in South Korea, and lift the country up from being an underdeveloped economy to a developed economy via statist methods.143 Using the Soviet Union and its Five Year Plans as a model, Park launched his first Five Year Plan in 1962 by declaring the city of Ulsan as a "special industrial development zone".144 The chaebol of Hyundai took advantage of Ulsan's special status to make the city the home of its main factories.145

Park is credited with playing a pivotal role in the development of South Korea's tiger economy by shifting its focus to export-oriented industrialisation. When he came to power in 1961, South Korea's per capita income was only US$72.00. North Korea was the greater economic and military power on the peninsula due to the North's history of heavy industries such as the power and chemical plants, and the large amounts of economic, technical and financial aid it received from other communist bloc countries such as the Soviet Union, East Germany and China.146

One of Park's reforms was to bring in 24 hour provision of electricity in 1964, which was a major change as previously homes and businesses were provided with electricity for a few hours every day.147 With the second Five Year Plan in 1967, Park founded the Kuro Industrial Park in southwestern Seoul, and created the state owned Pohang Iron and Steel Company Limited to provide cheap steel for the chaebol, who were founding the first automobile factories and shipyards in South Korea.148 Reflecting its statist tendencies, the Park government rewarded chaebol who met their targets under the Five Year Plans with loans on easy terms of repayment, tax cuts, easy licensing and subsidies.149

It was common from the late 1960s onward for South Koreans to speak of the "octopus" nature of the chaebol as they began to extend their "tentacles" into all areas of the economy.150 Some of the successful chaebol like Lucky Goldstar (LG) and Samsung went back to the Japanese period while others like Hyundai were founded shortly after the end of Japanese rule; all would go to become world-famous companies.151 Hyundai, which began as a transport firm moving supplies for the U.S. Army during the Korean War, came to dominate the South Korean construction industry in the 1960s, and in 1967 opened its first car factory, building automobiles under license for Ford.152

In 1970, Hyundai finished the construction of the Seoul-Pusan Expressway, which became one of the busiest highways of South Korea, and in 1975 produced the Pony, its first car that was designed entirely by its own engineers.153 Besides manufacturing automobiles and construction, Hyundai moved into shipbuilding, cement, chemicals and electronics, ultimately becoming one of the world's largest corporations.154 On August 3, 1972, Park enacted an "Emergency Financial Act of August 3rd" (8·3긴급금융조치), which banned all private loans to make the foundation of economic growth, and supported chaebols even further.155

A sign of the growth of the South Korean economy was that in 1969 there were 200,000 television sets in operation in South Korea, and by 1979 there were six million television sets operating in South Korea.156 In 1969, only 6% of South Korean families owned a television; by 1979 four of every five South Korean families owned a TV.157 However, all television in South Korea was in black and white, and the color television did not come to South Korea until 1979.158 Reflecting the growth of TV ownership, the state-owned Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) began to produce more programming, while private sector corporation MBC began operating in 1969.159 During the Yushin era, television productions were subjected to strict censorship with, for example, men with long hair being banned from appearing on TV, but soap operas became a cultural phenomenon in the 1970s, becoming extremely popular.160

South Korean industry saw remarkable development under Park's leadership. Park viewed Japan's development model, in particular the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) and the Keiretsu, as an example for Korea. Park emulated MITI by establishing the Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI) and the Economic Planning Board (EPB).161 Government-corporate cooperation on expanding South Korean exports helped lead to the growth of some South Korean companies into today's giant Korean conglomerates, the chaebols.

President Park Chung Hee paid great attention to education for the low-income class and the people as well as economic development. He led the reform in the education sector, raising the educational standard of the Republic of Korea and promoting social equality. To increase access to education, the government expanded investment in education policies, and as a result, children from economically vulnerable families could benefit from it. President Park's educational reforms have raised the standard of education in the Republic of Korea and are affecting the current Korean education system.

According to the Gapminder Foundation extreme poverty was reduced from 66.9 percent in 1961 to 11.2 percent in 1979, making this one of the fastest and largest reductions in poverty in human history.162 This growth also encompassed declines in child mortality and increases in life expectancy. From 1961 to 1979 child mortality declined by 64%, the third-fastest decrease in child mortality of any country with over 10 million inhabitants during the same period.163

West Germany

Park's economic policy was highlighted by South Korea's relationship with West Germany. Park had an affinity for Germany due to his perception of it having strong leadership like that of Bismarck and Hitler, and wanted to create ties with West Germany to deal with the problems of increasing population growth and economic hardships and to receive an inflow of foreign capital for domestic development.164 Upon an agreement in 1961, South Korea sent labor forces to West Germany, including more than 8,000 mine workers and 10,000 nurses, which continued until 1977.165 (See Gastarbeiter and Koreans in Germany)

Iran

Park was close friends with the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who had established diplomatic relations in 1962 and following a visit to Iran in 1969, developed a close relationship with the two countries. Park realized the importance of Iran in securing oil for South Korea's industrial development and by 1973, was their main and only source of oil during the Oil Crisis.166 Most refineries in South Korea were built to process Iranian crude and thousands of engineers and workers were sent to Iran to help develop their refining capability.167

The relationship eventually expanded beyond oil as Park promoted other industries to operate in Iran. Many Chaebol's went to Iran, including Hyundai Engineering & Construction, whose first Middle East Project were a series of shipyards in Bandar Abbas and Chahbahar to help develop Iran's maritime industry. Park's favorite architect Kim Swoo-Geun and his office designed the Ekbatan Complex in Tehran and the South Korean Special Forces helped train the Imperial Iranian Navy Commandos.168169

Park invited the Shah in 1978 for a special "South Korea-Iran" summit to further deepen relations but due to the Iranian Revolution, it never materialized. In preparation for that summit, Tehran and Seoul became sister cities and the two exchanged street names as well; Teheran-ro in Gangnam and Seoul Street in Tehran which both still remain.170

Domestic policy

Among Park's first actions upon assuming control of South Korea in 1961 was to pass strict legislation metrifying the country171 and banning the use of traditional Korean measurements like the li and pyeong.172 Despite its strict wording, the law's enforcement was so spotty as to be considered a failure,173 with the government abandoning prosecution under its terms by 1970.174 In the end, South Korea's traditional units continued until June 2001.

After taking office for his second term in 1967, Park promised that, in accordance with the 1963 Constitution which limited the president to two consecutive terms, he would step down in 1971. However, soon after his 1967 victory, the Democratic Republican-dominated National Assembly successfully pushed through an amendment allowing the incumbent president —himself— to run for three consecutive terms.

In the meantime, Park grew anxious of the shift in US policy towards communism under Richard Nixon's Guam Doctrine. His government's legitimacy depended on staunch anti-communism, and any moderation of that policy from South Korea's allies (including the US) threatened the very basis of his rule. Park began to seek options to further cement his hold on the country. In May 1970, the Catholic poet Kim Chi-ha was arrested for supposedly violating the Anti-Communist Law for his poem Five Bandits, which in fact had no references to Communism either explicitly or implicitly, but instead attacked corruption under Park.175 The issue of the journal Sasanggye that published the Five Bandits was shut down by the government.176

One of the eponymous bandits of the Five Bandits is described as a general who began his career fighting for Japan in World War Two, and all of the bandits of the poem are described as chinilpa collaborators who served Japan because of their greed and amorality.177 Park recognized the reference to himself in Five Bandits with the character of the general while the fact that all of the bandits have a chinilpa background was a reference to the social basis of Park's regime. In 1974, Kim was sentenced to death for his poem, and though he was not executed, he spent almost all of the 1970s in prison.178

Later in 1970, Park launched his Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement) that set out to modernize the countryside by providing electricity and running water to farmers, building paved roads, and replacing thatched roofs with tin roofs. The roofing project was said to reflect a personal obsession on the part of Park, who could not stand the sight of thatched roofs on farmers' homes, which for him was a sign of South Korea's backwardness.179 Park used asbestos for fixing rustic houses, which is harmful to humans.180

In 1971, Park won another close election against his rival, Kim Dae-jung. That December, shortly after being sworn in, he declared a state of emergency "based on the dangerous realities of the international situation". In October 1972, Park dissolved the legislature and suspended the 1963 constitution in a self-coup. Work then began on drafting a new constitution. Park had drawn inspiration for his self-coup from Ferdinand Marcos, President of the Philippines, who had orchestrated a similar coup a few weeks earlier.

A new constitution, the so-called Yushin Constitution was approved in a heavily rigged plebiscite in November 1972. Meaning "rejuvenation" or "renewal" (as well as "restoration" in some contexts), scholars see the term's usage as Park alluding to himself as an "imperial president".181

The new Yushin constitution was a highly authoritarian document. It transferred the presidential election process to an electoral college, the National Conference for Unification. It also dramatically expanded the president's powers. Notably, he was given sweeping powers to rule by decree and suspend constitutional freedoms. The presidential term was increased from four to six years, with no limits on re-election. For all intents and purposes, it codified the emergency powers Park had exercised for the past year, transforming his presidency into a legal dictatorship. As per his new constitution, Park ran for a fresh term as president in December 1972, and won unopposed. He was reelected in 1978 also unopposed. Many of South Korea's leading writers were opposed to the Park regime, and many of the best remembered poems and novels of the 1970s satirized the Yushin system.182

Park argued that Western-style liberal democracy was not suitable for South Korea due to its still-shaky economy. He believed that in the interest of stability, the country needed a "Korean-style democracy" with a strong, unchallenged presidency.183 Although he repeatedly promised to open up the regime and restore full democracy, fewer and fewer people believed him.

In 1974, Park cracked down on the People's Revolutionary Party, a self-proclaimed leftist party and the first since Park seized power in 1961, using the National Security Law, resulted in the execution of eight people.

In 1975, in preparation for South Korea's bid to host the 1988 Olympic Games, he ordered the police to 'cleanse' the streets and expel beggars, vagrants and street vendors who gave the country a bad image abroad. Police officers, assisted by shop owners, rounded up panhandlers, small-time street merchants selling gum and trinkets, the disabled, lost or unattended children, and dissidents, including a college student who'd been holding anti-government leaflets. Thousands of people were victims of this social cleansing campaign, were sent thirty-six camps and subjected to forced labour, torture and repeated rape. By 1986, the number of inmates had jumped over five years from 8,600 to more than 16,000, according to government documents. Officially, 513 people died of exhaustion in these camps, but the number could be much higher.184185

Park abolished the usage of hanja or Chinese characters and established hangul exclusivity for the Korean language in the 1960s and 1970s. After a Five-Year Hangul Exclusivity Plan (한글종양오년계획) was promulgated through legislative and executive means, from 1970, using hanja became illegal in all grades of public school and in the military. This led to less illiteracy in South Korea.186

Final years of presidency

During the final years of his presidency, Park realized that people were not satisfied with the government.187 Despite this, his autocracy became increasingly open in this period.

Military

As president, Park tried to strengthen the military. He often said that if an independent country cannot protect itself with its military, it is not an independent country.188 Park ordered the development of missiles to attack Pyongyang. Due to a lack of technical knowledge, Korean engineers had to travel to the United States to learn how to produce missiles. After a painstaking development, on September 26, 1978, Nike Hercules Korea-1 had its successful first launch. But the development of missiles were stopped when Chun Doo-hwan reigned.189 Park also tried to develop his homegrown nuclear weapons programs, announcing that they would be made by 1983. This was never progressed after Park's death in 1979.190

Government of Park Chung Hee

Choi Tu-son Cabinet

Park launched his first cabinet at the presidencial inauguration on December 17, 1963. The cabinet was headed by Choi Tu-son, a critic of Park who was nominated for the premiership a few days earlier in accordance with Park's policy of embracement. The life of this cabinet was swift, as it resigned in May 1964 due to opposition protests against a treaty with Japan.

It's the first South Korean cabinet to appoint a Deputy Prime Minister.

PortfolioMinisterTook officeLeft officeParty
Prime MinisterChoi Tu-sonDecember 17, 1963May 9, 1964 Independent
Deputy Prime Ministerand Minister for Economic Planning BoardKim Yoo-taekDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Democratic Republican Party
Minister of Foreign AffairsChung Il-KwonDecember 17, 1963July 24, 1964 Democratic Republican Party
Minister of Interior AffairsUm Min-youngDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of FinancePark Dong-KyuDecember 17, 1963June 25, 1964 Independent
Minister of JusticeMin Bok-kiDecember 17, 1963September 25, 1966 Independent
Minister of National DefenseKim Sung-eunDecember 17, 1963February 27, 1968 Military
Minister of EducationKauh Kwang-manDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of Agriculture and ForestryWon Yong-sukDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Democratic Republican Party
Minister of Trade and IndustryLee Byung-hoDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of ConstructionJeong Nak-eunDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of Health and Social AffairsPark Joo-byungDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of TransportationKim Yun-giDecember 17, 1963May 10, 1964 Independent
Minister of Post and TelecommunicationsHong Heon-pyoDecember 17, 1963July 20, 1964 Independent
Minister for General Affairs SecretariatLee Suk-jaeDecember 17, 1963October 20, 1969 Democratic Republican Party

Death

Final years

Although the growth of the South Korean economy had secured a high level of support for Park's presidency in the 1960s, that support began to fade after economic growth started slowing in the early 1970s. Many South Koreans were becoming unhappy with his autocratic rule, his security services and the restrictions placed on personal freedoms. While Park had legitimised his administration, using the provisions laid down in the state of emergency laws dating back to the Korean War, he also failed to address the constitutional guarantees of freedom of speech and the press. Furthermore, the security service, the KCIA, retained broad powers of arrest and detention; many of Park's opponents were held without trial and frequently tortured.191 Eventually demonstrations against the Yushin system erupted throughout the country as Park's unpopularity began to rise.

These demonstrations came to a decisive moment on October 16, 1979, when student groups calling for the end of dictatorship and the Yushin system began at Busan National University.192 The action, which was part of the "Pu-Ma" struggle (named for the Pusan and Masan areas), soon moved into the streets of the city where students and riot police fought all day. By evening, up to 50,000 people had gathered in front of Busan city hall. Over the next two days several public offices were attacked and around 400 protesters were arrested.193 On October 18, Park's government declared martial law in Busan. On the same day protests spread to Kyungnam University in Masan. Up to 10,000 people, mostly students and workers, joined the demonstrations against Park's Yushin System. Violence quickly escalated with attacks being launched at police stations and city offices of the ruling party. By nightfall a citywide curfew was put into place in Masan.194195196197

Assassination

Main article: Assassination of Park Chung Hee

On October 26, 1979, six days after the student protests ended, Park Chung Hee was fatally shot in the head and chest by Kim Jae-gyu, the director of the KCIA, after a banquet at a safehouse in Gungjeong-dong, Jongno District, Seoul.198 Other KCIA officers then went to other parts of the building shooting dead four more presidential guards. Cha Ji-chul, chief of the Presidential Security Service, was also fatally shot by Kim.199 Kim and his group were later arrested by soldiers.200 They were tortured201 and later executed.202

It is unclear whether this was a spontaneous act of passion by an individual or part of a pre-arranged attempted coup by the intelligence service. Kim claimed that Park was an obstacle to democracy and that his act was one of patriotism. The investigation's head, Chun Doo-hwan, rejected his claims and concluded that Kim acted to preserve his own power.203204

Choi Kyu-hah became Acting President in pursuant to Article 48 of the Yushin Constitution. Major General Chun Doo-hwan quickly amassed sweeping powers after his Defense Security Command was charged with investigating the assassination, first taking control of the military and the KCIA before installing another military junta and finally assuming the presidency in 1980.

Park, who was said to be a devout Buddhist,205 was accorded the first South Korean interfaith state funeral on November 3 in Seoul. He was buried with full military honors at the National Cemetery near the grave of former president Syngman Rhee who died in 1965.206 Kim Jae-gyu, whose motive for murdering Park remains unclear, was hanged on May 24, 1980.

Personal life

Park divorced his first wife, Kim Ho-nam, in 1950. Park professed to being and was reportedly a distant husband and father. His divorce request was seen as sudden and surprising for both Kim and the couple's daughter Park Jae-ok. Kim attempted to but failed to resist the divorce, and moved out of the household with her daughter. Eventually, she moved into a Buddhist temple in Busan, where she spent much of the rest of her life. Jae-ok left her mother at age 13 and moved to Seoul for high school. There, Park's new wife Yuk Young-soo learned of Jae-ok's existence, and invited her to come live with Park's new family. Park reportedly attempted to apologize to Jae-ok on a number of occasions, but she rebuffed all of these attempts. Eventually, she married diplomat Han Byeong-gi [ko], and spent much of the rest of her life abroad and out of the public spotlight. The two never reconciled, which she later expressed regret for.207208

Park's eldest daughter from his second marriage (with Yuk Young-soo), Park Geun-hye, was elected the chairwoman of the conservative Grand National Party in 2004. She was elected as South Korea's 11th president and first female president in 2012 and took office in February 2013. Park Geun-hye's association to her father's legacy has caused her to be labeled the daughter of a dictator. She once responded to such claims with "I want to be judged on my own merits".209210 Her political association with the daughter of a spiritual leader hired by the elder Park eventually led to her downfall in 2016.211

Her presidency ended in her impeachment in 2016 and removal from office in 2017.212 She was sentenced to 24 years in prison on April 6, 2018.213 Park was released in 2021 from the Seoul Detention Center.214

Family tree

Family of Park Chung Hee215
Pak Sŏngbin [ko]1871–1938Paek Namŭi [ko]1872–1949
Park Dong-hui1895–1972Park Mu-hui1898–1960Park Gui-hui1901–1974Park Sang-hui [ko]1906–1946Park Han-saeng1911–1925216Park Jae-hui1913–1996217Kim Ho-nam [ko]1920–1990Park Chung Hee1917–1979Yuk Young-soo1925–1974
Park Jae-ok1937–2020218Park Geun-hye1952–Park Geun Ryeong [ko]1954–Park Ji-man [ko]1958–
Notes
  • Dashed lines represent marriages
  • Solid lines represent descendants
  • Yellow for Park Chung Hee, pink for female, light blue for male

Legacy

Park Chung Hee remains a controversial figure in South Korea. The eighteen-year Park era is considered to be one of the most controversial topics for the Korean public, politicians, and scholars.219 Opinion is split regarding his legacy, between those who credit Park for his reforms and those who condemn his authoritarian way of ruling the country, especially after 1971. Older generations who spent their adulthood during Park's rule tend to credit Park for building the economic foundation of the country and protecting the country from North Korea, as well as leading Korea to economic and global prominence. Park was listed as one of the top ten "Asians of the Century" by Time magazine in 1999.220221

An October 2021 Gallup Korea public opinion poll showed Park Chung Hee, Roh Moo-hyun, and Kim Dae-jung as the most highly rated presidents of South Korean history. The poll showed Park received a favorability rating of 72% and 82% from citizens in the age range of 50–60 and 60+ years respectively, and a favorability rating of 43% and 64% from citizens in the age range of 20–30 and 30–40 years, respectively.222

Park Geun-hye, Park's eldest daughter, became the 11th president of South Korea and the first female president of South Korea. Park Geun-hye's parentage served as a considerable source of controversy during the 2012 presidential election and throughout her administration, as detractors described her as the daughter of a dictator. Park was impeached, removed from office, and later sentenced to 27 years in prison as a result of an influence-peddling scandal.223224 Park's rule is also believed to be one of the main causes of regionalism which is a serious problem in Korea today.225

Economic impact

Park has been recognized and respected by many South Koreans as an exceptionally efficient leader, credited with making South Korea economically prosperous to what it is today.226 Park led the Miracle on the Han River, a period of rapid economic growth in South Korea. Under Park's rule, South Korea possessed one of the fastest growing national economies during the 1960s and 1970s, becoming one of the Four Asian Tigers.

There were also many economic feats established during Park's regime, including the building of the Gyeongbu Expressway, the creation of the steel giant POSCO, the famous Five-Year Plans of South Korea, and the New Community Movement.227 In 1987, South Korea was able to successfully democratized partly a result of Park's modernization efforts.

According to the Gapminder Foundation, extreme poverty was reduced from 66.9 percent in 1961 to 11.2 percent in 1979, making one of the fastest and largest reductions in poverty in human history.228 This growth also encompassed declines in child mortality and increases in life expectancy. From 1961 to 1979 child mortality declined by 64%, the third-fastest decrease in child mortality of any country with over 10 million inhabitants during the same period.229 Economic growth continued after Park's death and after considerable political turmoil in the wake of his assassination and military coups.

Authoritarian rule

Park is regarded by critics as a highly repressive dictator who curtailed freedoms and committed human rights abuses during his rule.230231 Dissolving the constitution to allow him unopposed rule, Park's blackmailing, arresting, jailing, and murdering of opposition figures are well documented.232 The new constitution President Park implemented after declaring the state of emergency in 1971 gave him the power to appoint one third of the members of the National Assembly and even outlawed criticism of the constitution and of the president.233

Kim Dae-jung, a pro-democracy chief opponent of Park who was kidnapped, arrested, and sentenced to death by the Park administration, later served as the 8th president of South Korea.234 On October 24, 2007, following an internal inquiry, South Korea's National Intelligence Service (NIS) admitted that its precursor, the KCIA, undertook the kidnapping of Kim, saying it had at least tacit backing from Park.235236

Relationship with Japan

Park was accused of having pro-Japanese tendencies by detractors. Park is responsible for the normalization of relations with Japan and today Japan is one of South Korea's top trading partners, surpassed only by the People's Republic of China and the United States, as well as a close military ally against North Korea.237238 The state nationalist (국가주의,國家主義) policies of the Park Chung Hee administration were influenced by Manchukuo economic system, and Japanese pre-war "statist" politics. He was also inspired by the Japanese Zaibatsu conglomerates that have led Japan post-war economic miracle, eventually creating the Korean version of conglomerates.239 Park Chung Hee's political philosophy was influenced by Ikki Kita240 and Nobusuke Kishi.241

The South Korean Center for Historical Truth and Justice (CHTJ) describes Park as a collaborator with Imperial Japan in their controversial Dictionary of Pro-Japanese Collaborators [ko] and Museum of Japanese Colonial History in Korea.242243

Park's relationship regarding Japan has been extensively examined. Chong-Sik Lee points out that Park's admiration of both Admiral Yi Sun-sin and the Empire of Japan may seem contradictory. Lee argues that Park's admiration of Japan can be explained by his low opinion of the former Joseon Dynasty. Park saw the previous kings and the nobility as feudalistic and having failed to provide the lives of ordinary Koreans such as himself with education and economic mobility.244

Memorials

A number of monuments and memorials to Park now exist. One of Park's houses in Seoul is now a National Registered Cultural Heritage.245 The Park Chung-hee Presidential Museum opened in 2021.246

Bibliography

  • Our Nation's Path [ko] (우리 민족의 나갈 길; 1962)247
  • The Country, the Revolution and I [ko] (국가와 혁명과 나; 1963)248
  • My Boyhood (나의 소년 시절; 1970)249
  • The Bottom of Korean People [ko] (민족의 저력; 1971)
  • The Way of National Revival [ko] (민족중흥의 길; 1978)

Honors

National honors

Foreign honors

See also

  • South Korea portal
  • Biography portal

Notes

Sources

In English

In Korean

  • Media related to Park Chung-hee at Wikimedia Commons
  • Quotations related to Park Chung Hee at Wikiquote

References

  1. "BBC News' 'On this day'". BBC News. October 26, 1994. Retrieved February 18, 2013. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/october/26/newsid_2478000/2478353.stm#startcontent ↩

  2. [갤럽] "전두환 잘한 일 많다" 16%뿐…노태우는 21%. Naver News. October 29, 2021. Retrieved May 16, 2022. [갤럽] "전두환 잘한 일 많다" 16%뿐…노태우는 21% ↩

  3. Cho 67 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 26, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (67) ["Spit on My Grave!" (67)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/26/1997122670313.html ↩

  4. "The Encyclopedia of the Cold War: A Political, Social, and Military History: Park Jung Hee (1917–1979)". American Broadcasting Company. Retrieved March 24, 2013. http://www.historyandtheheadlines.abc-clio.com/ContentPages/ContentPage.aspx?entryId=1162682¤tSection=1130228&productid=4 ↩

  5. Lee 2012, p. 8. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  6. 경상북도 기념물 박정희대통령생가 (朴正熙大統領生家) [The House of President Park Chung Hee]. Cultural Heritage Administration (in Korean). Retrieved August 22, 2023. 경상북도 기념물 박정희대통령생가 (朴正熙大統領生家) ↩

  7. Lee 2012, p. 8. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  8. Lee 2012, pp. 26, 34. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  9. Cho 67 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 26, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (67) ["Spit on My Grave!" (67)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/26/1997122670313.html ↩

  10. Lee 2012, pp. 21–23. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  11. Cho 68 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 28, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (68) ["Spit on My Grave!" (68)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/28/1997122870193.html ↩

  12. Park's paternal grandfather, Park Yŏng-kyu (박영규; 1840–1914), had inherited enough land to feed the family and hoped to support Park's father in taking the gwageo: the civil service examinations that determined placement in high-level government jobs. Instead, Park's father passed the less-prestigious mugwa, the military examinations.[9][10] He was considered a persuasive talker; after participating in the rebellion, he talked his way out of being executed. He was apparently the only survivor from among 300 tried.[10] /wiki/Gwageo ↩

  13. Cho 68 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 28, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (68) ["Spit on My Grave!" (68)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/28/1997122870193.html ↩

  14. Lee 2012, pp. 21–23. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  15. Cho 70 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 30, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (70) ["Spit on My Grave!" (70)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://biz.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/30/1997123070348.html ↩

  16. Lee 2012, p. 24. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  17. Cho 67 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 26, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (67) ["Spit on My Grave!" (67)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/26/1997122670313.html ↩

  18. Lee 2012, p. 25. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  19. Cho 70 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 30, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (70) ["Spit on My Grave!" (70)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://biz.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/30/1997123070348.html ↩

  20. She gave birth to Park alone, as the rest of the family was outside of the home at the time. She cut the umbilical cord herself.[14] /wiki/Umbilical_cord ↩

  21. Cho 67 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 26, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (67) ["Spit on My Grave!" (67)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/26/1997122670313.html ↩

  22. Lee 2012, p. xi. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  23. Cho 70 1997. - Cho, Gab-je (December 30, 1997), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (70) ["Spit on My Grave!" (70)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://biz.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1997/12/30/1997123070348.html ↩

  24. Cho 84 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 16, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (84) ["Spit on My Grave!" (84)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/16/1998011670343.html ↩

  25. Lee 2012, p. 38. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  26. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  27. Park claims in his autobiography that the path was 8 km long,[20] but if the reconstructed path is measured today, it is around 6 km.[21] ↩

  28. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  29. Lee 2012, pp. 33–34. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  30. Lee 2012, pp. 33–34. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  31. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  32. 낙태하려 별짓 다 했는데 태어난 아이...박정희!. Newdaily (in Korean). November 13, 2010. Retrieved March 5, 2024. 낙태하려 별짓 다 했는데 태어난 아이...박정희! ↩

  33. 오전에 네 시간 수업을 했으니까 학교수업 개시가 8시라고 기억한다... 시간이 좀 늦다고 생각하면 구보로 20리 길을 거의 뛰어야 했다... 학교에 가지고 간 도시락이 겨울에는 얼어서 찬밥을 먹으면 나는 흔히 체해서 가끔은 음식을 토하기도 하고 체하면 때로는 아침밥을 먹지 않고 가기도 했다... 며칠 동안 밥을 먹지 못하면 이웃집의 침장이 할아버지가 있었는데 거기에 가서 침을 맞았다. ↩

  34. Nobody in his village had access to a clock.[20] ↩

  35. Cho 72 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 3, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (72) ["Spit on My Grave!" (72)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/03/1998010370285.html ↩

  36. Park's father reportedly had a large frame.[10] ↩

  37. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  38. Lee 2012, pp. 39–40. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  39. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  40. Lee 2012, pp. 41–42. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  41. Cho 82 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 14, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (82) ["Spit on My Grave!" (82)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/14/1998011470357.html ↩

  42. Lee 2012, pp. 48–49. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  43. Cho 84 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 16, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (84) ["Spit on My Grave!" (84)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/16/1998011670343.html ↩

  44. Cho 84 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (January 16, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (84) ["Spit on My Grave!" (84)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/01/16/1998011670343.html ↩

  45. Lee 2012, p. 78. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  46. Hwang 2010, p. 229. - Hwang, Kyung (October 15, 2010). A History of Korea. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-230-20545-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=zNtLSAAACAAJ ↩

  47. Lee 2012, p. 44. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  48. Lee 2012, pp. 46–47. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  49. These feelings may have been further reinforced by one of Park's teachers at Taegu Normal School, Kim Yŏnggi (김영기). Popular with the Korean students, Kim was an ardent Korean nationalist who vocally disparaged the former Korean kingdoms and criticized Korean culture.[31] ↩

  50. Lee 2012, pp. 52–53. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  51. Lee 2012, pp. 53–55. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  52. Lee 2012, pp. 60–61. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  53. According to classmate and friend Kim Pyŏnghŭi (김병희; 金昞熙), one day Park expressed interest in joining the military, and Kim skeptically teased his ambition. Twenty-five years later, they reminisced about the conversation after Park became the military dictator of South Korea.[35] ↩

  54. Lee 2012, pp. 64–65. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  55. "The Encyclopedia of the Cold War: A Political, Social, and Military History: Park Jung Hee (1917–1979)". American Broadcasting Company. Retrieved March 24, 2013. http://www.historyandtheheadlines.abc-clio.com/ContentPages/ContentPage.aspx?entryId=1162682¤tSection=1130228&productid=4 ↩

  56. Lee 2012, pp. 64–65. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  57. Lee 2012, pp. 68–69. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  58. Lee 2012, pp. 69–70. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  59. Because it was against school policy for students to be in relationships.[39] ↩

  60. Lee 2012, pp. 70–71. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  61. Cho 97 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (February 4, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (97) ["Spit on My Grave!" (97)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/02/04/1998020470376.html ↩

  62. Park and other students with poor grades were allowed to graduate likely because there was a significant need for teachers. Most of the students that did not graduate were not kicked out because of their grades, but instead because they had been caught reading socialist literature.[41] ↩

  63. Lee 2012, p. 93. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  64. Cho 101 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (February 9, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (101) ["Spit on My Grave!" (101)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/02/09/1998020970326.html ↩

  65. Lee 2012, p. 82. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  66. Lee 2012, pp. 82–84. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  67. Cho 101 1998. - Cho, Gab-je (February 9, 1998), '내 무덤에 침을 뱉어라!' (101) ["Spit on My Grave!" (101)], The Chosun Ilbo (in Korean) https://www.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/1998/02/09/1998020970326.html ↩

  68. Lee 2012, pp. 87–88. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  69. Some scholars argue that local officials, in an effort to make their districts seem more patriotic, pressured locals into applying.[47] There were several reasons that service could have been appealing, however. Most of the applicants were from poor sharecropping families who likely would have appreciated the military salary and benefits. Military service also improved their social status; in Korea, Koreans were at the bottom of the social ladder, but in Manchuria, they were above the Chinese majority. Abuses committed by Koreans in Manchuria have since contributed to anti-Korean sentiment in China.[48] ↩

  70. Lee 2012, pp. 87–89. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  71. His age was not the only issue; applicants were also required to be unmarried. However, it's likely that Park concealed his marital status.[50] ↩

  72. Lee 2012, pp. 93–94. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  73. Lee 2012, pp. 103–104. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  74. Lee 2012, pp. 104–105. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  75. Lee 2012, pp. 105–106. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  76. 김, 하영 (April 28, 2006). '박정희 간도특설대' 기고 실은 〈말〉지 피소 ['Park Chung Hee Jiandao Korean Special Unit' Article Publisher 'Talk' Sued]. Pressian (in Korean). Retrieved September 11, 2023. '박정희 간도특설대' 기고 실은 〈말〉지 피소 ↩

  77. Lee 2012, pp. 110–111. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  78. Ryu based this theory on an account from an ethnic Korean in China who allegedly served under Park in the unit.[55] Jiandao was a hotbed for militant resistance against the Japanese Empire, with famous fighters like Kim Il Sung and Hong Beom-do having operated there.[55] Park is already controversial in contemporary South Korea for collaborating with the Japanese Empire; the idea that he voluntarily suppressed Korean freedom fighters would make him even more controversial. What followed was a series of lawsuits that alleged defamation, including several from Park's daughter Park Geun Ryeong, who sued Ryu and several publishers of Ryu's works. This sparked a debate over academic freedom and free speech. Over a hundred scholars published a letter in protest of the lawsuits, in which they argued Park had been a public figure and not just a private citizen, so he should be discussed publicly.[56] ↩

  79. 신, 동호 (September 13, 2005). [조명]'친일파 박정희' 진실과 허구 사이 [[Shedding Light On] 'Chinilpa Park Chung Hee' Truth and Fiction]. Weekly Kyunghyang (in Korean). Retrieved September 11, 2023. [조명]'친일파 박정희' 진실과 허구 사이 ↩

  80. Lee 2012, pp. 107–108. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  81. Lee 2012, pp. 121–123. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  82. Lee notes that none of Park's records at the academy are known to exist to confirm this, however.[61] ↩

  83. Lee 2012, pp. 120–121. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  84. Lee 2012, pp. 120–121. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  85. 趙 甲済 (1991). 朴正煕：韓国近代革命家の実像. 亜紀書房. p. 65. ISBN 9784750591193. 朴正煕：韓国近代革命家の実像9784750591193 ↩

  86. Lee 2012, p. 120. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  87. Lee theorized that Park deliberately chose a given name and surname that had "no trace of Korean in it". While it was common for Koreans to choose Japanese-sounding surnames, notably under the sōshi-kaimei policies, they often kept their given names and read them with a Japanese pronunciation. If he had done this, Park's name would probably have been read "Takagi Seiki" (高木正熙).[65] /wiki/S%C5%8Dshi-kaimei ↩

  88. Lee 2012, p. 122. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  89. Lee 2012, pp. 122–123. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  90. Lee 2012, p. 127. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  91. Lee 2012, pp. 123–124. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  92. Lee 2012, pp. 124–125. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  93. Lee noted that both coups had similar justifications provided. The February 26 coup accused the zaibatsu corporations of wielding unfair political influence, with Park's coup doing the same with the chaebol.[61] /wiki/Zaibatsu ↩

  94. Lee 2012, p. 126. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  95. At the ceremony, he received an award and gold watch from Manchukuo Emperor Puyi.[71] /wiki/Puyi ↩

  96. Lee 2012, p. 127. - Lee, Chong-sik (2012). Park Chung-Hee: From Poverty to Power. The KHU Press. ISBN 978-0615560281. https://books.google.com/books?id=g0LwuQAACAAJ ↩

  97. According to Lee, Park was disappointed with what he observed. Many of the Chinese soldiers had been pressed into service, were undisciplined, and often poor and illiterate.[72] ↩

  98. "The Encyclopedia of the Cold War: A Political, Social, and Military History: Park Jung Hee (1917–1979)". American Broadcasting Company. Retrieved March 24, 2013. http://www.historyandtheheadlines.abc-clio.com/ContentPages/ContentPage.aspx?entryId=1162682¤tSection=1130228&productid=4 ↩

  99. John Sulvivan, ed. (1987). Two Koreas—one future?: a report. University Press of America. ISBN 978-0819160492. 978-0819160492 ↩

  100. 池東 旭 (2002). 韓国大統領列伝：権力者の栄華と転落. Tokyo: 中央公論新社. p. 96. ISBN 978-4121016508. 韓国大統領列伝：権力者の栄華と転落978-4121016508 ↩

  101. Durand, James (2017). "General Shin Hyun-joon: Father of the Marine Corps" (PDF). International Journal of Korean Studies. XXI: 12–13. http://icks.org/n/data/ijks/2017FW-6.pdf ↩

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  104. Han, Yong-sup (2011). "The May Sixteenth Military Coup". The Park Chung-hee Era: The Transformation of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 36. ISBN 9780674058200. 9780674058200 ↩

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  113. Kim 2003, p. 45. - Kim, Hyung-A (2003). Korea's Development Under Park Chung Hee (annotated ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0415323291. https://www.routledge.com/Koreas-Development-Under-Park-Chung-Hee/Kim/p/book/9780415511209 ↩

  114. Savada, Andrea Matles; Shaw, William, eds. (1990). "The Democratic Interlude". South Korea: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/south-korea/12.htm ↩

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  116. "FIGHTING IN SEOUL; Rebels Order Martial Law--Say They Hold All Major Cities REGIME IN KOREA OUSTED BY JUNTA Figures in Coup in South Korea". The New York Times. May 16, 1961. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 20, 2025. https://www.nytimes.com/1961/05/16/archives/fighting-in-seoul-rebels-order-martial-lawsay-they-hold-all-major.html ↩

  117. Kim & Vogel 2011, p. 53. - Kim, Byung-kook; Vogel, Ezra F., eds. (2011). The Park Chung Hee Era: The Transformation of South Korea. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674058200. https://archive.org/details/parkchungheeerat0000unse ↩

  118. Savada, Andrea Matles; Shaw, William, eds. (1990). "The Democratic Interlude". South Korea: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/south-korea/12.htm ↩

  119. "Historical Documents - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v22/d230 ↩

  120. Kim, Yongjeung; President; Washington, Korean Affairs Institute (June 15, 1961). "Korea's Coup Denounced; Overthrow of Government Held No Popular Uprising". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 20, 2025. https://www.nytimes.com/1961/06/15/archives/koreas-coup-denounced-overthrow-of-government-held-no-popular.html ↩

  121. Hwang 2010, p. 229. - Hwang, Kyung (October 15, 2010). A History of Korea. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-230-20545-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=zNtLSAAACAAJ ↩

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