The name "Scythians" was initially used by ancient authors to designate specifically the Iranic people who lived in the Pontic Steppe between the Danube and the Don rivers.
In modern archaeology, the term "Scythians" is used in its original narrow sense as a name strictly for the Iranic people who lived in the Pontic and Crimean Steppes, between the Danube and Don rivers, from the 7th to 3rd centuries BC.
Early modern scholars tended to follow the lead of the Hellenistic authors in extending the name "Scythians" into a general catch-all term for the various equestrian warrior-nomadic cultures of the Iron Age-period Eurasian Steppe following the discovery in the 1930s in the eastern parts of the Eurasian steppe of items forming the "Scythian triad," consisting of distinctive weapons, horse harnesses, and objects decorated in the "Animal Style" art, which had until then been considered to be markers of the Scythians proper.
This broad use of the term "Scythian" has however been criticised for lumping together various heterogeneous populations belonging to different cultures, and therefore leading to several errors in the coverage of the various warrior-nomadic cultures of the Iron Age-period Eurasian Steppe. Therefore, the narrow use of the term "Scythian" as denoting specifically the people who dominated the Pontic Steppe between the 7th and 3rd centuries BC is preferred by Scythologists such as Askold Ivantchik.
Within this broad use, the Scythians proper who lived in the Pontic Steppes are sometimes referred to as Pontic Scythians.
Modern-day anthropologists instead prefer using the term "Scytho-Siberians" to denote this larger cultural grouping of nomadic peoples living in the Eurasian steppe and forest steppe extending from Central Europe to the limits of the Chinese Zhou Empire, and of which the Pontic Scythians proper were only one section. These various peoples shared the use of the "Scythian triad," that is of distinctive weapons, horse harnesses and the "Animal Style" art.
The term "Scytho-Siberian" has itself in turn also been criticised since it is sometimes used broadly to include all Iron Age equestrian nomads, including those who were not part of any Scythian or Saka. The scholars Nicola Di Cosmo and Andrzej Rozwadowski instead prefer the use of the term "Early Nomadic" for the broad designation of the Iron Age horse-riding nomads.
While the ancient Persians used the name Saka to designate all the steppe nomads and specifically referred to the Pontic Scythians as Sakā tayaiy paradraya (𐎿𐎣𐎠 𐏐 𐎫𐎹𐎡𐎹 𐏐 𐎱𐎼𐎭𐎼𐎹; lit. 'the Saka who dwell beyond the (Black) Sea'), the name "Saka" is used in modern scholarship to designate the Iranic pastoralist nomads who lived in the steppes of Central Asia and East Turkestan in the 1st millennium BC.
The Late Babylonian scribes of the Achaemenid Empire used the name "Cimmerians" to designate all the nomad peoples of the steppe, including the Scythians and Saka.
However, while the Cimmerians were an Iranic people sharing a common language, origins and culture with the Scythians and are archaeologically indistinguishable from the Scythians, all sources contemporary to their activities clearly distinguished the Cimmerians and the Scythians as being two separate political entities.
The second wave of migration of Iranic nomads corresponded to the early Scythians' arrival from Central Asia into the Caucasian Steppe, which begun in the 9th century BC, when a significant movement of the nomadic peoples of the Eurasian Steppe started after the early Scythians were expelled from Central Asia by either the Massagetae, who were a powerful nomadic Iranic tribe from Central Asia closely related to them, or by another Central Asian people called the Issedones, forcing the early Scythians to the west, across the Araxes river and into the Caspian and Ciscaucasian Steppes.
This western migration of the early Scythians lasted through the middle 8th century BC, and archaeologically corresponded to the westward movement of a population originating from Tuva in southern Siberia in the late 9th century BC, and arriving in the 8th to 7th centuries BC into Europe, especially into Ciscaucasia, which it reached some time between c. 750 and c. 700 BC, thus following the same migration path as the first wave of Iranic nomads of the Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex.
The Scythians' westward migration brought them in the 7th century BC to the Caspian Steppe, occupied by the Cimmerians since the 10th century BC as part of the first westward wave of proto-Scythian migrations. Around this time, the Cimmerians left the steppe and crossed the Caucasus into West Asia. This may have been due to pressure from the Scythians, but they arrived in West Asia about 40 years before the Scythians and evidence is lacking of pressure or conflict between them in later Graeco-Roman accounts.
Thus dominance of in the Caspian Steppe transferred from Cimmerians to Scythians. Remaining Cimmerians were assimilated by the Scythians, which was facilitated by their similar ethnic backgrounds and lifestyles. Later, the Scythians settled the Ciscaucasian Steppe where they established their capital, between the Araxes river to the east, the Caucasus Mountains to the south, and the Maeotian Sea to the west.
The arrival and establishment of the Scythians corresponds to a disturbance of the development and a replacement of the Cimmerian peoples' Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex during c. 750 to c. 600 BC in southern Europe. Nevertheless, early Scythian culture had links to the Chernogorovka-Novocherkassk complex. Also, Scythian culture shows links to the older Bronze Age Timber Grave culture in the north Pontic region, including elements of funerary rituals, ceramics, horse gear, and some weapon types.
After their initial westwards migrations, and from around c. 750 BC, the Scythians settled in the Ciscaucasian Steppe between the Araxes river to the east, the Caucasus mountains to the south, and the Maeotian Sea to the west. They concentrated in the valley of the Kuban river, where they established their capital until the end of the 7th century BC. Initially, they were few and occupied a small area of Ciscaucasia. This would remain the centre of the Scythian kingdom and culture until around c. 600 BC.
Small nomad groups from Ciscaucasia might have acted in West Asia since the 9th century BC, which laid the ground for the larger migrations. The migration of the Scythians was not directly connected to that of the of the Cimmerians. Scythians became active there after arriving in Transcaucasia around c. 700 BC, and maintained contact with the Scythian kingdom in Ciscaucasia.
In West Asia, the Scythians settled eastern Transcaucasia and the northwest Iranian plateau, in today's Azerbaijan, which became their centre until c. 600 BC. Akkadian sources from Mesopotamia called this "land of the Scythians" (𒆳𒅖𒆪𒍝𒀀𒀀, māt Iškuzaya). Unlike Cimmerians, the Scythians there remained a single polity. Local craftsmen became their suppliers.
The Scythian and Cimmerian movements into Anatolia and the Iranian Plateau would act as catalysts for the adoption of Eurasian nomadic military and equestrian equipments by various West Asian states: it was during the 7th and 6th centuries BCE that "Scythian-type" socketed arrowheads and sigmoid bows ideal for use by mounted warriors were adopted throughout West Asia.
The Mannaean king Aḫšeri (r. c. 675 – c. 650 BC) welcomed the Cimmerians and the Scythians as useful allies against the Neo-Assyrian Empire. During the reign of the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon (r. 681 – 669 BC), the Scythians acted in with Mannai and Media; their first known mention in Neo-Assyrian records is in c. 680 BC. Around this time, Aḫšēri hindered Neo-Assyrian operations between its own territory and Mannai. The Scythians even attacked distant Neo-Assyrian provinces, and on one occasion core territories.
Between c. 680 and c. 677 BC, Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon, retaliated deep into Median territory. The first known Scythian king Išpakāya was killed. His successor Bartatua might have immediately negotiated with whom Esarhaddon. By 672 BC, Bartatua had asked to marry Esarhaddon's eldest daughter Šērūʾa-ēṭirat. Thus Scythia in West Asia became a vassal and nominal extension of Assyria and would remain so.
The eastern Cimmerians soon left the Iranian Plateau westwards for Anatolia.
Without the alliance with the Cimmerians and Scythians, Mannai was weaker. Thus between 660 and 659 BC Esarhaddon's successor Ashurbanipal (r. 669 – 631 BC) attacked Mannai. Bartatua, acted as an intermediary and annexed Mannai into the Scythian kingdom. After this, the centre of Scythian power in West Asia shifted to Sakez near Lake Urmia, where fertile pastures allowed the Scythians to rea large herds of horses.
The marital alliance, as well as the proximity of the Scythians to Assyrian-influenced states, placed the Scythians under the strong influence of Assyrian culture. Scythian culture and art absorbed various West Asian elements; Scythian dress and armour from this time, including in Cirscaucasia, reflect heavy influences from West Asia and the Iranian Plateau on Scythian culture during this period.
Even West Asian horses were imported to Ciscaucasia. It was also only when the Scythians expanded into West Asia that they became acquainted with iron smelting and forging, before which they were still a Bronze Age society until the late 8th century BC. The Scythians also borrowed the use of the war chariots and of scale armour from West Asians, and Scythian warriors themselves obtained iron weapons and military experience during their stay in West Asia. Within the Scythian religion, the goddess Artimpasa and the Snake-Legged Goddess were significantly influenced by the Mesopotamian and Syro-Canaanite religions.
During the 7th century BC, the bulk of the Cimmerians were operating in Anatolia. The disturbances they caused led to many of the rulers of this region to break away from Neo-Assyrian overlordship, by the time of Ashurbanipal. In 644 BC, the Cimmerians and their allies the Treres defeated the Lydians and captured their capital city of Sardis. Despite this and other setbacks, the Lydian kingdom was able to grow in power. Around c. 635 BC, and with Neo-Assyrian approval, the Scythians under Madyes conquered Urartu, entered Central Anatolia and defeated the Cimmerians alongside the Lydians.
Scythian power in West Asia thus reached its peak under Madyes, with the territories ruled by the Scythian kingdom extending from the Halys river in Anatolia in the west to the Caspian Sea and the eastern borders of Media in the east, and from Transcaucasia in the north to the northern borders of the Neo-Assyrian Empire in the south. Meanwhile, the new Lydian Empire became the dominant power of Anatolia.
The Neo-Assyrian Empire began unravelling after the death of Ashurbanipal because of civil wars under his successors Aššur-etil-ilāni (r. 631 – 627 BC) and Sîn-šar-iškun (r. 627 – 612 BC). In 625 BC, the Median king Cyaxares invited the Scythian leaders to a feast, where he assassinated them all, thus overthrowing the Assyro-Scythian yoke. Cyaxares combined Scythian and Neo-Assyrian military practices to transform Media into the dominant power of the Iranian Plateau. Other vassals of the Neo-Assyrian Empire started breaking away.
Nevertheless, the Scythians took advantage of the temporary power vacuum to raid into the Levant some time between c. 626 and c. 616 BC. It is unknown whether this raid damaged the hold of the Neo-Assyrian Empire on its western provinces. The raid reached as far south as Palestine, but did not affect the kingdom of Judah. It reached the borders of the Saite Egyptian kingdom, but pharaoh Psamtik I turn them back by offering them gifts. The retreating Scythians sacked several cities in Palestine. Later Scythian activities were limited to the eastern border of Neo-Assyria and the importation of West Asian goods into the Ciscaucasian steppe.
By the c. 590s BC, the ascending Median Empire of Cyaxares annexed Urartu, after having annexed Mannai in 616 BC. This rise of Median power forced the Scythians to leave West Asia and retreat north to the Ciscaucasian Steppe. Nevertheless, they continued complex relations with the Median kingdom.
Some splinter Scythian groups remained in eastern Transcaucasia. the Medes called this area Sakašayana (lit. 'land inhabited by the Saka (that is, by Scythians)'); this name was later recorded as Sakasēnē (Σακασηνη) by Ptolemy. Later Graeco-Roman sources claimed that these Scythians left the Median kingdom and fled into the Lydian Empire, beginning a conflict between Lydia and Media: These Scythians who had remained in West Asia had been completely assimilated into Median society and state by the mid-6th century BC.
From these settlements, Scythian aristocracy bought luxury goods, especially wine and vessels to mix and drink it, and even used those as grave goods. Greek colonists made gold and electrum items for Scythians. After Scythian activity in West Asia declined in the c. 620s BC, ties with the Greek colonies grew, and the Scythians started buying pottery imported from the Aegean islands. Greek influences on the Scythians replaced West Asian ones from the beginning of the 6th century BC.
The Scythians ruled as elites over the local populations and assimilated them into a tribal identity while allowing them to continue their lifestyles and economic organisations. Thus, the area became called Scythia, and many ethnically non-Scythian peoples were called "Scythians".
The Scythians introduced to the north Pontic region articles originating in the Siberian Karasuk culture, such as distinctive swords and daggers, and which were characteristic of early Scythian archaeological culture, consisting of cast bronze cauldrons, daggers, swords, and horse harnesses. Those early Scythian designs had been influenced by Chinese art; for example, the "cruciform tubes" used to fix strap-crossings were fitst created by Shang artisans. The metallurgical workshops for Scythian weapons and horse equipment were located in the forest steppe.
After the centre of Scythian power shifted to the Pontic Steppe, from around c. 600 BC the Scythians often raided adjacent regions such as central and southeast Europe: Transylvania, Podolia the Pannonian Steppe, southern Germania, Lusatian culture (causing its destruction), Gaul, and possibly even the Iberian peninsula. They destroyed multiple Lusatian settlements. Scythian arrowheads were found in today's Poland and Slovakia, such as at Witaszkowo, Wicina [pl], Strzegom, Polanowice [pl], and Smolenice-Molpír [sk]. The Scythians destroyed many important Iron-Age settlements north and south of the Moravian Gate and ones of the eastern Hallstatt culture. For example, Scythian-type arrows were found at the Smolenice-Molpír fortified hillfort's access points at the gate and the south-west side of the acropolis. From the 7th century BC, the Scythians attacked forest steppe tribes in the East European forest steppe to the north, who built many fortified settlements to repel these attacks. Overall, these incursions were similar to those of the Huns and the Avars during the Migration Period, and of the Mongols in the mediaeval era, and were recorded in Etruscan bronze figurines depicting mounted Scythian archers.
Meanwhile, in West Asia, the Neo-Babylonian, Median, Lydian empires had been replaced during c. 550 to c. 539 BC by the Achaemenid Empire, founded by Cyrus II of the Persians, who were a West Asian Iranic people distantly related to the Scythians. The Achaemenid Empire forced the Scythians to stay north of the Caucasus.
The establishment of the Pontic Scythian kingdom stimulated the development of extensive trade connections. After the bulk of the Scythians moved into the Pontic Steppe, permanent Greek colonies were founded there: the second wave of Greek colonisation of the north coast of the Black Sea, which started soon after c. 600 BC, involved the formation of settlements possessing agricultural lands (Ancient Greek: χωραι, romanized: khōrai) for migrants from Miletus, Corinth, Phocaea and Megara seeking to establishing themselves to farm (Ancient Greek: αποικια, romanized: apoikiai) in these regions where the land was fertile and the sea was plentiful. The contacts between the Scythians and the Greeks led to the formation of a mixed Graeco-Scythian culture, such as among the "Hellenised Scythian" tribe of the Callipidae, the Histrians, the Geloni to the north of Scythia, and the Hellenised populations in and around Crimea.
In c. 547 BC, Cyrus II's Persian Achaemenid Empire had conquered the Lydian Empire and Anatolia, causing a large outflow of Greek refugees and a third wave of Greek colonisation of the Black Sea, from around c. 560 BC until c. 530 BC. The importance of the Greek colonies of the north Black Sea coast drastically increased after the Persian Achaemenid Empire's conquest of Egypt in 525 BC, which deprived the states of Greece proper of the Egyptian grain that they depended on.
From the 6th to 4th centuries BC, the Scythian kingdom had good relations with the Sauromatians to the east. Scythian art was influenced by the Sauromatian culture. However, from c. 550 to c. 500 BC, Sauromatians from the Ural Mountains to the Caspian Steppe were pressed by the Massagetae of Central Asia due to campaigns against them by Cyrus II. In response, the Sauromatians took over Ciscaucasia from the Scythian kingdom. By the 5th century BC, the Scythians had completely retreated from Ciscaucasia.
This process caused Sauromatian nomads to immigrate near the Royal Scythians, and intermarry with local nomad inhabitants. This may have caused the replacement of the Scythian dynasty of Spargapeithes by that of Ariapeithes. This immigration introduced new social norms, including women warriors.
In the late 6th century BC, the Achaemenid Persian Empire started expanding into Europe, beginning with the Persian annexation of all of Thrace, after which the Achaemenid king of kings Darius I crossed the Istros river in 513 BC and attacked the Scythian kingdom with an army of 700,000 to 800,000 soldiers, possibly with the goal of annexing it.
The results of this campaign are unclear, with Darius I himself claiming that he had conquered the Sakā tayaiy paradraya (lit. 'the Saka who dwell beyond the (Black) Sea'), that is the Pontic Scythians, while the ancient Greek literary tradition, following the account of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, claimed that the Persian campaign had been defeated by the Scythians, due to which the Greeks started perceiving the Scythians as invincible thanks to their nomadic lifestyle.
Herodotus's narrative is considered dubious, and his account of the failure of Darius appears extremely exaggerated. Some form of Achaemenid authority might have been established in Pontic Scythia as a result of this campaign without it having been annexed.
The retreat of the Scythians from Ciscaucasia and the arrival of the Sauromatian incomers into the Pontic Steppe in the late 6th century BC gave rise to the Middle or Classical Scythian period, a hybrid culture originating from a combination of Ciscaucasian Scythian and Sauromatian elements. Among the changes in Scythia in this period was a significant increase in the number of monumental burials.
Due to the need to resist Persian encroachment, the Scythian kingdom underwent political consolidation in the early 5th century BC, during which it completed its evolution from a tribal confederation into an early state polity capable of dealing with the polities threatening or trading with it in an effective way; during this period, the Scythian kings increased their power and wealth by concentrating economic power under their authority. It was also during this period that the control of the Scythians over the western part of their kingdom became tighter.
At some point between c. 475 and c. 460 BC, Ariapeithes was succeeded as king by his son Scyles.
A consequence of this consolidation of the Scythian kingdom was an increase in its expansionism and militarism. To the southeast, the Scythians came into conflict with their splinter tribe of the Sindi, whom they fought by crossing the frozen Cimmerian Bosporus during the winter. In the west, nearby Thrace became a target following the Achaemenid retreat from Europe, with the Scythians gaining free access to the Wallachian and Moldavian Steppes and to the south of the Istros river]. In 496 BC, the Scythians launched a raid until as far south as the Hellespont. The Scythians' inroads in Thrace were however soon stopped by the emergence of the Odrysian kingdom in this region, following which the Scythian and Odrysian kingdoms mutually established the Istros as their common border around c. 480 BC: from then on, the Scythians and Thracians borrowed from the other's art and lifestyle; marriage between the Scythian and Odrysian aristocracies and royal families were also concluded.
A second direction where the Scythian kingdom expanded was in the north and north-west: the Scythian kingdom had continued its attempts to impose its rule on the forest steppe peoples and by the 5th century BC, it was finally able to complete the process after destroying their fortified settlements. Their cultures later fused with that of the Scythians. During the 5th century BC, Scythian rule over the forest steppe people became increadingly dominating and coercive, leading to a decline of their sedentary agrarian lifestyle. This in turn resulted in a reduction in the importation of Greek goods by the peoples of the forest steppe in the 5th century BC.
The peaceful relations which had until then prevailed between the Scythian kingdom and the Greek colonies of the northern Pontic region came to an end during the period of expansionism in the early 5th century BC, when the Scythian kings for the first time started trying to impose their rule over the Greek colonies. The Greek cities erected defensive installations while losing their agricultural production base. At the same time, because the Scythian kingdom still needed to trade with the Greeks in the lower Tanais region, in the early 5th century BC it replaced the destroyed Greek colony of Krēmnoi with a Scythian settlement. The hold of the Scythian kingdom on this region became firmer under Scyles, who was successfully able to impose Scythian rule on the Greek colonies such as Nikōnion, Tyras, Pontic Olbia, and Kerkinitis. Scyles' control over Nikōnion was at the time it was a member of the Delian League, putting it under the simultaneous hegemony of both the Scythian kingdom and Athens. This allowed the Scythian kingdom to engage in relations with Athens when it was at the height of its power. In consequence, a community of Scythians also lived in Athens at this time, as attested by Scythian graves in the Kerameikos cemetery.
The Scythian kingdom was however less successful at conquering other Greek colonies, around 30 of which, including Myrmēkion, Tyritakē, and Porthmeus, banded together into an alliance and successfully defended their independence. After this, they united into the Bosporan kingdom. The Bosporan kingdom soon became a centre of production for Scythian customers living in the steppes and contributed to the development of Scythian art and style. Despite the conflicts between the Scythian kingdom and the Greek cities, mutually beneficial exchanges between the Scythians, Maeotians and Greeks continued. There was consequently a considerable migration of Scythians into Pontic Olbia at this time. The Greek colonies of the Black Sea coast continued adhering to their Hellenic culture while their population was very mixed. During this period Greek influences also became more significant among the Scythians, especially among the aristocracy.
As result of these expansionist ventures, the Scythian kingdom implemented an economic policy through a division of labour according to which: the settled populations of the forest steppe produced grain, which they were now obliged to offer to the Scythian aristocracy as tribute, and which was then shipped through the Borysthenēs and Hypanis rivers to Pontic Olbia, Tyras, and Nikōnion, where these Greek cities traded the grain at a profit for themselves. The outbreak of the Peloponnesian War in Greece proper in 431 BC further increased the importance of the Pontic Steppe in supplying grain to Greece. The Scythians also sold cattle and animal products to the Greeks.
The Greek cities in the Aegean Sea had started to import slaves from Scythia immediately after the end of the Persian invasions of Greece. The Greek cities acted as slave trade hubs but did not themselves capture slaves, and instead depended on the Scythian rulers to acquire slaves for them: the Scythian aristocrats nonetheless still found it profitable to acquire slaves from their subordinate tribes or through military raids in the forest steppe. One group of slaves was bought by the city of Athens, where they constituted an organisation of public slaves employed by the city as an urban police force.
Under these conditions, the grain and slave trade continued, and Pontic Olbia experienced economic prosperity. The Scythian aristocracy also derived immense revenue from these commercial activities with the Greeks, most especially from the grain trade, with Scythian coins struck in Greek cities bearing the images of ears of grain. This prosperity of the Scythian aristocracy is attested by how the lavish aristocratic burials progressively included more relatives, retainers, and were richly furnished with grave goods, especially imported ones, consisting of gold jewellery, silver and gold objects, including fine Greek-made toreutics, vessels and jewellery, and gold-plated weapons. Scythian commoners however did not obtain any benefits from this trade, with luxury goods being absent from their tombs.
Around this time the steppe climate also became warmer and wetter, which allowed the nomads to rear their large herds of animals in abundance; combined with Greek influence, this acted as a catalyst for the process of sedentarisation of many nomadic Scythians which started during the Middle Scythian period in the late 5th century BC. especially in areas where the terrain was propitious for agriculture. Archaeological evidence suggests that the population of the agriculture-focused Tauric Chersonese increased by 600%, especially in the Trachean Chersonese.
This process led to the foundation in the late 5th and early 4th centuries BC of several new city-sites including important sites located on major routes which provided access to the major rivers of Scythia. For example, the city of Kamianka had become the economic, political and commercial capital of the Scythian kingdom in the late 5th century BC. Until the 3rd century BC, the majority of Scythians nevertheless still remained composed of nomads.
Some time around c. 440 BC, Scyles was overthrown and executed by his half-brother Octamasadas. As a result of the Scythian kingdom's prosperity during this period, neighbouring populations borrowed elements of Scythian culture: for example, Scythian-type arrowheads were found in Central and Western Europe. The Thracian Getae of the Carpathian and Balkan regions imported large amounts of Scythian-manufactured weapons and horse equipment. Thanks to the close family connections of Octamasadas to the Thracian Odrysian dynasty, contacts between the Scythian kingdom and Odrysian-ruled Thrace intensified during the period from c. 440 to c. 400 BC. Significant Thracian influence consequently appeared in Scythian grave goods.
It was then that Pontic Olbia started declining, partly due to the instability within the Scythian steppe to its north, but also because most of the trade, including the grain exports of the Scythian kingdom, passing through Oblia until then shifted to transiting through the cities of the Cimmerian Bosporus constiting the Bosporan Kingdom at this time. The Scythians instead started importing luxury goods made in Bosporan Greek workshops, whose products thus replaced Olbian ones. Around that same time, Athenian commercial influence in the Bosporan Kingdom started declining, and it had fully come to an end by 404 BC.
The period of instability ended soon, and Scythian culture experienced a period of prosperity during the 4th century BC. Most Scythian monuments and the richest Scythian royal burials dating from this period, as exemplified by the lavish Čortomlyk mohyla [uk]. This height of Scythian power corresponded to a time of unprecedented prosperity for the Greek colonies of the northern Black Sea: there was high demand for the Greek cities' trade goods. Consequently, Scythian culture, especially that of the aristocracy, experienced rapidly-occurring extensive Hellenisation.
During this time, and with the support of the Scythian kings, the sedentarised Scythian farmers sold up to 16,000 tonnes to Pantikapaion, who in turn sold this grain to Athens in mainland Greece. The dealings between mainland Greece and the northern Pontic region were significant enough that the Athenian Dēmosthenēs had significant commercial endeavours in the Bosporan kingdom, from where he received a 1000 medimnoi of wheat per year, and he had the statues of the Bosporan rulers Pairisadēs I, Satyros I and Gorgippos insalled in the Athenian market. Dēmosthenēs himself had had a Scythian maternal grandmother, and his political opponents Dinarchus and Aeschines went so far as to launch racist attacks against Dēmosthenēs by referring to his Scythian ancestry to attempt discrediting him.
The Scythian kingdom experienced an early wave of immigration by a related Iranic nomadic people, the Sarmatians, during the 4th century BC, to the Pontic steppe. This slow flow of Sarmatian immigration continued during the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BC, but these small and isolated groups did not negatively affect its hegemony.
Since both Ateas and Philip had been interested in the region to the immediate south of the Istros, the two kings formed an alliance against the Histriani. However, this alliance soon fell apart and war broke out between the Scythian and Macedonian kingdoms, ending in 339 BC in a battle at the estuary of the Istros where Ateas was killed. The Scythian kingdom had lost its new territories in Thrace due to this defeat. The power of Scythian kingdom was not immediately harmed by the death of Ateas, and it did not experience any weakening or disintegration as a result of it: the Kamianka city continued to prosper and the Scythian burials from this time continued to be lavishly-furnished.
The defeat against Philip II was followed by a series of military defeats which led to a significant decline during the late 4th century BC. Although the experience of Philip II's military dealings with the Scythians led his son Alexander the Great to choose to avoid attacking them, his conquests harmed trade networks Pontic Olbia depended on. In 331 or 330 BC, Alexander III's general Zopyrion campaigned against the Scythian kingdom. Although Zōpyriōn's army was defeated by the Scythians, his attack initiated the final decline of Olbia, and various tribes from the West such as the Celts started moving into its territories.
In the early 3rd century BC, the Scythian kingdom faced a number of interlocking unfavourable conditions, such as climatic changes in the steppes and economic crises from overgrazed pastures and a series of military setbacks, as well as the intensifiation of the arrival from the east of the Sarmatians, who captured Scythian pastures. With the loss of its most important resource, the Scythian kingdom suddenly collapsed, and the Scythian capital of Kamianka was abandoned. The Sarmatian tribe responsible for most of the destruction were the Roxolani.
As a consequence, the material culture of the Scythians also disappeared in the early 3rd century BC. The peoples of the forest steppe also became independent again, returning to their sedentary lifestyle while all Scythian elements disappeared from their culture. Grain exports from the northern Pontic region declined drastically, while Greek inscriptions stopped mentioning names of Scythian slaves. Following the invasion, the Sarmatian tribes became the new dominant force of the Pontic Steppe, resulting in the name "Sarmatia Europa" (lit. 'European Sarmatia') replacing "Scythia" as the name of the Pontic Steppe.
Sarmatian pressure against the Scythians continued in the 3rd century BC, so that the Sarmatians had reached as far as the city of Chersonesus in the Tauric Chersonese by 280 BC, and most native and Greek settlements on the north shore of the Black Sea were destroyed by the Sarmatians over the course of the c. 270s to c. 260s BC, Celts, the Thracian Getae, and the Germanic Bastarnae from the west, also put the Scythians under pressure by seizing their lands. By the early 2nd century BC, the Bastarnae had grown powerful enough that they were able to stop the southward advance of the Sarmatians along the line of the Istros river.
With the Sarmatian invasion and the collapse of the Pontic Scythian kingdom, the Scythians were pushed to the fringes of the northern Pontic region where urban life was still possible, and they retreated to a series of fortified settlements along the major rivers and fled to the two regions both known as "Little Scythia," which remained the only places where the Scythians could still be found in by the 2nd century BC were:
By this time, although the Scythians living in the Tauric Chersonese had managed to retain some of their nomadic lifestyle, the limited area of their polity forced them to become more and more sedentary and to primarily engage in stockbreeding in far away pastures, as well as in agriculture, and they also acted as trading intermediaries between the Graeco-Roman world and the peoples of the steppes.
With sedentarisation, both fortified and unfortified settlements replaced the older nomadic camps in the basin of the lower Borysthenēs river, which prevented the remaining Scythians from continuing to maintain a steppe economy. Therefore, the number of fortified settlements in the Tauric Chersonese increased with the retreat into this territory and away from the steppe of the Scythian aristocracy, who was then rapidly embracing a Hellenistic lifestyle. By the 1st century BC, these Scythians living in the Tauric Chersonese had fully become sedentary farmers.
In the 1st century BC, both Little Scythias were destroyed and their territories annexed by the king Mithridates VI Eupator of the kingdom of Pontus despite the Scythians' alliance with their former enemies, the Roxolani, against him.
The Scythian populations in both Little Scythias continued to exist after the end of Mithridates's empire, although they had become fully sedentary by then and were increasingly intermarrying with the native Tauri, hence why Roman sources often referred to them as "Tauro-Scythians" (Ancient Greek: Ταυροσκυθαι, romanized: Tauroskuthai; Latin: Tauroscythae).
These late Scythians were slowly assimilated by the Sarmatians over the course of c. 50 to c. 150 AD, although they continued to exist as an independent people throughout the 2nd century AD until around c. 250 AD: in the settled regions of the lower Borysthenēs, lower Hypanis, and the Tauric Chersonese, an urbanised and Hellenised Scythian society continued to develop which also exhibited Thracian and Celtic influences.
The Scytho-Sarmatian Iranic nomads' dominance of the Pontic Steppe finally ended with the invasion of the Goths and other Germanic tribes around c. 200 AD, which was when the Scythian settlements in Crimea and the lower Borysthenēs were permanently destroyed.
The inroads of the Cimmerians and the Scythians into West Asia over the course of the 8th to 7th centuries BC, which were early precursors of the later invasions of West Asia by steppe nomads such as the Huns, various Turkic peoples, and the Mongols, in Late Antiquity and the Mediaeval Period, had destabilised the political balance which had prevailed in the region between the dominant great powers of Assyria, Urartu, and Phrygia, thus irreversibly changing the geopolitical situation of West Asia. These Cimmerians and Scythians also influenced the developments in West Asia through the spread of the steppe nomad military technology brought by them into this region.
By the 5th century BC, the image of the Scythians in Athens had become the quintessential stereotype used for barbarians, (non-Greeks). They increasingly associated the Scythians with drunkenness. Ancient Greek authors considered the Scythians and Persians, not as related Iranic peoples, but in opposition to each other. The Scythians represented "savagery" and were linked to the Thracians, while the Persians represented "refined civilisation" and were connected to the Assyrians and Babylonians.
Strabo of Amasia idealised the Scythians as leading a nomadic life founded on simplicity. According to Strabo's narrative, the Scythians became "corrupted" and lost their simple and honest life because of the influence of the Greeks' "love of luxury and sensual pleasures." Following Strabo, the Scythians continued to be represented as an idealised freedom-loving and truthful people. Later Graeco-Roman tradition transformed the Scythian prince Anacharsis into a legendary figure as a kind of "noble savage" who represented "Barbarian wisdom," due to which the ancient Greeks included him as one of the Seven Sages of Greece and he became a popular figure in Greek literature.
The richness of Scythian burials was already well known in Antiquity, and, by the 3rd century BC, the robbing of Scythian graves had begun, initially carried out by Scythians themselves. During Late Antiquity itself, another wave of grave robbery of Scythian burials occurred at the time of the Sarmatian and Hunnish domination of the Pontic Steppe, when these peoples reused older Scythian kurgans to bury their own dead.
Although the Scythians themselves had disappeared by the Middle Ages, the complex relations between their nomadic groupings and the settled populations of Southeast and Central Europe were continued by the Hungarians, the Bulgars, Rus and Poles. Mediaeval authors followed the use of the name of the Scythians as an archaising term for steppe nomads to designate the Mongols.
Various cultures of North Europe started claiming ancestry from the "Scythians" and adopted the Graeco-Roman vision of the "barbarity" of ancient peoples of Europe as legitimate records of their own ancient cultures. In this context, the similarity of the name Scythia with the Latin name of the Irish, Scotti, led to the flourishing of speculations of a Scythian ancestry of the Irish. Drawing on the confusion of the Scotti with both Scythia and the Picti, as well as on the conceptualisation of Scythia as a typical "barbarian land", Bede invented a Scythian origin for the Picts in his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum.
Drawing on the Biblical narrative and the Graeco-Roman conflation of the Scythians and Celts, early modern European scholars believed that the Celts were Scythians. It therefore became popular among pseudohistorians of the 15th and 16th centuries to claim that the Irish people were the "truest" inheritors of Scythian culture so as both to distinguish and denigrate Irish culture. While these claims in much of Europe were abandoned during the Reformation and Renaissance, British works on Ireland continued to emphasise the alleged Scythian ancestry of the Irish, until it was discredited by early 19th century advances in philology. During the early modern period itself, Hungarian scholars identified the Hungarians with the Huns, and claimed that they descended from Scythians. Therefore, the image of the Scythians among Hungarians was shaped into one of "noble savages" who were valorous and honest, uncouth and hostile to "Western refinement," but at the same time defended "Christian civilisation" from aggression from the East.
The Scythians were a member of the broader cultures of nomadic Iranic peoples living throughout the Eurasian steppe and possessed significant commonalities with them, such as similar weapons, horse harnesses and "Animal Style" art. The Scythians were a people from the Eurasian steppe, whose conditions required them to be pastoralists, which required mobility to find natural pastures, which in turn shaped every aspect of the Scythian nomads' lives, ranging from the structure of their habitations and the style of their clothing to how they cooked. This nomadic culture depended on a self-sufficient economy whose own resources could provide for its sustainance, and whose central component was the horse, which could be used peacefully to barter for commodities and services or belligerently in a form of warfare which provided nomadic fighters superiority until the creation of firearms. Since the Scythians did not have a written language, their non-material culture can only be pieced together through writings by non-Scythian authors, parallels found among other Iranic peoples, and archaeological evidence.
Scythian society constited of kinship structures where clan groups formed the basis of the community and of political organisation. Clan elders wielded considerable power and were able to depose kings. As an extension of clan-based relations, a custom of blood brotherhood existed among the Scythians.
Scythian society was stratified along class lines. By the 5th to 4th centuries BC, the Scythian population was stratified into five different class groups: the aristocracy, very wealthy commoners, moderately wealthy commoners, the peasantry, who were the producer class and formed the mass of the populace, and the poor. The Scythian aristocracy were an elite class dominating all aspects of Scythian life consisting of property owners who possessed landed estates large enough that it sometimes took a whole day to ride around them. These freeborn Scythian rulers used the whip as their symbol. Their burials were the largest ones, normally including between 3 and 11 human sacrifices, and showcasing luxury grave goods. The elite classes rewarded their dependants' loyalty through presents consisting of metal products whose manufacture was overseen by the elites themselves in the industrial centre located in the Scythian capital city at Kamianka.
The Scythians were organised into a tribal nomadic state with its own territorial boundaries, and comprising both pastoralist and urban elements. Such nomadic states were managed by institutions of authority presided over by the rulers of the tribes, the warrior aristocracy, and ruling dynasty. The Scythians were monarchical, and the king of all the Scythians was the main tribal chief, who was from the dominant tribe of the Royal Scythians. The historian and anthropologist Anatoly Khazanov has suggested that the Scythians had been ruled by the same dynasty from the time of their stay in West Asia until the end of their kingdom in the Pontic Steppe, while the Scythologist Askold Ivantchik has instead proposed that the Scythians had been ruled by at least three dynasties, including that of Bartatua, that of Spargapeithes, and that of Ariapeithes.
The Scythians were ruled by a triple monarchy, with a high king who ruled all of the Scythian kingdom, and two younger kings who ruled in sub-regions. The kingdom composed of three kingdoms which were in turn made of nomes headed by local lords. Ceremonies were held in each nome on a yearly basis. Such structures were also present among the ancient Xiongnu and the late nomadic Huns.
The Scythians were organised into popular and warrior assemblies that limited the power of the kings. Although the kings' powers were limited by these assemblies, royal power itself was held among the Scythians to be divinely ordained: this conception of royal power was initially foreign to Scythian culture and originated in West Asia. The Scythian kings were later able to further increase their position through the concentration of economic power in their hands because of their dominance of the grain trade with the Greeks. By the 4th century BC, the Scythian kingdom had developed into a rudimentary state after the king Ateas had united all the Scythian tribes under his personal authority.
Scythian kings chose members of the royal entourage from the tribes under his authority, who were to be killed and buried along with him after his death to serve him in the afterlife. Warriors belonging to the entourage of Scythian rulers were also buried in smaller and less magnificent tombs surrounding the tombs of the rulers.
The dominant tribe of the Royal Scythians originally led a transhumant warrior-pastoralist nomadic way of life by spending the summer northwards in the steppes and moving southwards towards the coasts in the winter. With the integration of Scythia with the Greek colonies on the northern shore of the Black Sea, the Scythians also soon became involved in activities such as cultivating grain, fishing, trading and craftsmanship. Although the Scythians adopted the use of coinage as a method of payment for trade with the Greeks, they never used it for their own domestic market.
Scythian pastoralism followed seasonal rhythm, moving closer to the shores of the Maeotian Sea in winter and back to the steppe in summer. The Scythians appear to have not stored food for their animals, who therefore likely foraged under the snow during winter. The strong reliance on pastoralism itself ensured self-sufficiency, the importance of which is visible in Scythian petroglyphic art. Hunting among the Scythians was primarily done for sport and entartainment rather than for procuring meat, although it was occasionally also carried out for food.
The settlements in the valley of the Borysthenēs river especially grew wheat, millet, and barley, which grew abundantly thanks to the fertile black soil of the steppe. This allowed the Scythians to, in addition of being principally reliant on domesticated animals, also complement their source of food with agriculture, and the Scythian upper classes owned large estates in which large numbers of slaves and members of the tribes subordinate to the Royal Scythians were used to till the land and rear cattle.
The populations of Scythia practised both metal casting and blacksmithing, with the same craftsmen usually both casting copper and bronze and forging iron. The ores from which copper and tin were smelted were likely mined in the region of the Donets Ridge, and metal might also have been imported from the Ural Mountains and the Caucasus. Iron was meanwhile smelted out of bog iron ores obtained from the swampy regions on the lower Dnipro. The Scythians had practised goldsmithing from before their migration out of Central Asia. This tradition of goldsmithing continued until the times of the Pontic Scythian kingdom.
The metallurgical workshops which produced the weapons and horse harnesses of the Scythians during the Early Scythian period were located in the forest steppe. By the Middle Scythian period, its principal centre was at a site corresponding to present-day Kamianka, where the whole process of manufacturing bog iron was carried out. Other metals, such as copper, lead, and zinc were also smelted at Kamianka, while gold- and silversmiths also worked there. This large-scale industrial operation consumed large amounts of timber which was obtained from the river valleys of Scythia, and metalworking might have developed at Kamianka because timber was available nearby.
Beginning in the 5th century BC, the grain trade with Greece was carried out through the intermediary of the Bosporan kingdom. As a consequence of the Peloponnesian War, the Bosporan Kingdom became the main supplier of grain to Greece in the 4th century BC, which resulted in an increase of the trade of grain between the Scythians and the Bosporans. The Scythian aristocracy became the main intermediary in providing grain to the Bosporan Kingdom. Inscriptions from the Greek cities on the northern Black Sea coast also show that upper class Greek families also derived wealth from this trade.
The Scythians also sold slaves acquired from neighbouring or subordinate tribes to the Greeks. The Greek colonies on the northern Black Sea coast were hubs of slave trafficking.
Beginning in the 7th and 6th centuries BC, the Scythians had been importing craft goods and luxuries such as vessels, decorations made from previous metals, bronze items, personal ornaments, gold and silver vases, black burnished pottery, carved semi-precious and gem stones, wines, fabrics, oil, and offensive and defensive weapons made in the workshops of Pontic Olbia or in mainland Greece, as well as pottery made by the Greeks of the Aegean islands.
The more nomadic Scythians lived in habitations suited for nomadic lifestyles, such as tents similar to the yurt of the Turkic peoples and the ger of the Mongolic peoples that could easily be assembled and disassembled, as well as covered wagons that functioned as tents on up to six wheels. The walls and floors of these portable habitations were made of felt and the tents themselves were bound together using ropes made from horse hair.
Beginning in the 5th and 4th centuries BC, the Scythians started building fortified sedentary settlements, of which the most important ones were located on major routes which provided access to the major rivers of Scythia. The largest and most important of these was the settlement of Kamianka, built in the late 5th century BC and protected by ramparts and steep banks of the Borysthenēs river. The Kamianka site was the location of the seasonal royal headquarters and the aristocrats and royalty residing in the city's acropolis, which contained stone houses and buildings built over stone foundations. It was also the residence of a farmer population and of metalsmiths. The houses of these farmers and metalsmiths were single-storeyed, with gable-rooves, ranged from 40 to 150 metres square in size and could include multiple rooms, and had clay-painted and felt-fabric adorned walls made of beams buried vertically in the ground; Kamianka also contained square pit houses made of pole constructions with recessed surfaces.
Smaller Scythian settlements also existed, where were cultivated large amounts of crops such as wheat, millet, and barley.
Scythian garments were sewn together from several pieces of cloth, and generally did not require the use of fibulae to be held in place, unlike the clothing of other ancient European peoples. Scythian dress consisted of combination of various leathers and furs designed for efficiency and comfort on horseback, and was expensively and richly decorated with brightly coloured embroidery and applique work as well as facings of pearl and gold. The Scythians wore clothing typical of the steppe nomads, which tended to be soft, warm, and close-fitting, made from wool and leather and fur and felts, and decorated with appliquéd and golden ornaments. Scythians wore jewellery usually made of gold, but sometimes also of bronze.
Scythian men grew their hair long and their beards to significant sizes. Nothing is known about the hairstyles of Scythian women. The Scythians were acquainted with the use of soap, which they used to wash their heads. Scythian women cleaned themselves using a paste made from the wood of cypress and cedar, ground together with frankincense, and water on a stone until it acquired a thick consistency. The women then applied this paste over themselves and removed it after a day, leaving their skin clean, glossy, and sweet-smelling. Scythian women also used cosmetics such as scented water and various ointments. These cleaning practices were especially performed after funerals. Scythian men and women both used mirrors, and bronze mirrors made in Pontic Olbia and whose handles were decorated with animal figures such as those of stags, panthers, and rams, were popular during the early Scythian periods.
The Scythians may have had bards who composed and recited oral poetry.
Scythian art stopped existing after the early 3rd century BC, and the art of the later Scythians of Crimea and Dobruja was completely Hellenised.
The Scythians were a people with a strong warrior culture, and fighting was one of the main occupations of Scythian men, so that war constituted a sort of national industry for the Scythians. Scythian men were all trained in war exercises and in archery from a young age. The Aroteres were an especially war-like Scythian tribe. However, the small number of depictions of warfare compared to the number of representations of peaceful pastoralist activities in Scythian art suggests that their war-like tendencies of the Scythians might have been exaggerated.
The Scythians had several war-related customs meant to transfer the power of defeated enemies to Scythian warriors. For example, every Scythian warrior would drink the blood of the first enemy they would kill. They collected the severed heads of their enemies and bring them to their king, where they were scalped. The scalps themselves were tanned and used as decorative handkerchiefs or towels, or fashioned into leather-covered drinking bowls. Meanwhile, enemy corpses were flayed, and the skin was made into saddles, while the skin and fingernails from the enemies' right hands was used to make gōrytoi.
When not used, Scythian bows and arrows were kept in a combined quiver-bowcase called a gōrytos. Scythian gōrytoi hung from belts at the left hip, with the arrows usually taken using the bow hand and drawn on the bowstring using the right hand, although the Scythians were skilled at ambidextrous archery. Scythian bows and arrows might have required the use of thumb rings to be drawn, although none have been found yet, possibly because they might have been made of perishable materials.
In addition to the bow and arrow, the Scythians also used weapons such as iron spears, long swords, short swords borrowed from Georgian Bronze Age weaponry, bimetallic pickaxes, called sagaris, war axes, lances, darts, lassoes, and slings. The Scythians used locally-made small hide or wicker or wooden shields reinforced with iron strips, often decorated with central plaques.
Some Scythian warriors wore rich protective armour and belts made of metal plates. Commoner warriors used leather or hide armour. Aristocrats used scale armour made of scales of bone, bronze, and iron sewn onto leather along the top edge. This style, also used to protext horses, had been borrowed from West Asia. Helmets were in various types: cast bronze helmets with an opening for the face, called "Kuban type," were made by the Caucasian peoples; these were replaced by Greek-made Attic, Corinthian, Chalcidic, and Thracian helmets in the 6th century BC; and composite scale helmets made of iron or bronze plates started being used in the later 6th century BC. Greek-made greaves were imported from the 5th century BC.
The Scythians looked similar to the populations of Europe, and depictions of Scythian men in Persian sculptures and on Scythian gold objects show them as stocky and powerfully built, with strong facial features and long and thick wavy hair.
Upper class Scythians were particularly tall with the men usually being over 1.80 metres tall, sometimes reaching 1.90 metres, and on some rarer occasions being even more than 2 metres tall.
The difference in height between these upper class Scythians and the Scythian commoners was of around 10 to 15 centimetres, with the height difference being a symbol of status among the upper-class men. Analysis of skeletons shows that Scythians had longer arm and leg bones and stronger bone formation than present-day people living in their former territories.
Due to his unfamiliarity with Scythian dress, Pseudo-Hippocrates inaccurately claimed that the Scythians suffered from hypermobility of the joints.
The Scythians (specifically Western or Pontic Scythians, as in differentiation from Eastern Scythian Saka) primarily emerged from the Bronze and Iron Age population of the Pontic-Caspian and Central Asian Steppe (Western Steppe Herders or "Steppe_MLBA") associated with the Andronovo culture. Western Scythians carried diverse West Eurasian and East Eurasian maternal lineages. Initially, the Western Scythians carried only West Eurasian maternal haplogroups, however the frequency of East Eurasian haplogroups rises to 26% in samples dated from the 6th-2nd centuries BCE. The East Eurasian maternal lineages were likely brought by individuals sharing affinities with modern-day Nganasan people, as well as the ancient Okunevo culture.
The relationships of the various Scythian kings with each other are not known for certain, although the historian and anthropologist Anatoly Khazanov suggests that the Scythians had been ruled by the same dynasty from the time of their stay in West Asia until the end of their kingdom in the Pontic steppe, and that Madyes and the later Scythian kings Spargapeithes and Ariapeithes belonged to the same dynasty, and Ellis Minns suggested in 1913 that Idanthyrsus was probably the father of Ariapeithes.
Meanwhile, the scholar Askold Ivantchik instead considers Madyes, Spargapeithes, and Ariapeithes to have each belonged to a different dynasty.
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Melyukova 1990, p. 104Melyukova 1995, p. 35Melyukova 1995, p. 27Cunliffe 2019, p. 119 - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
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Alekseyev 2005, p. 44. - Alekseyev, Andrey Yu. (2005). "Scythian Kings and 'Royal' Burial-Mounds of the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC". In Braund, David (ed.). Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and the Early Roman Empire (sixth Century BC - First Century AD). Exeter, United Kingdom: University of Exeter Press. pp. 39–56. ISBN 978-0-859-89746-4. Archived from the original on 24 September 2024. Retrieved 24 September 2024. https://www.academia.edu/37868414
Melyukova 1995, p. 29. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Alekseyev 2005, p. 42-43. - Alekseyev, Andrey Yu. (2005). "Scythian Kings and 'Royal' Burial-Mounds of the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC". In Braund, David (ed.). Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and the Early Roman Empire (sixth Century BC - First Century AD). Exeter, United Kingdom: University of Exeter Press. pp. 39–56. ISBN 978-0-859-89746-4. Archived from the original on 24 September 2024. Retrieved 24 September 2024. https://www.academia.edu/37868414
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Melyukova 1990, p. 109. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Melyukova 1990, p. 109. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Alekseyev 2005, p. 43. - Alekseyev, Andrey Yu. (2005). "Scythian Kings and 'Royal' Burial-Mounds of the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC". In Braund, David (ed.). Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and the Early Roman Empire (sixth Century BC - First Century AD). Exeter, United Kingdom: University of Exeter Press. pp. 39–56. ISBN 978-0-859-89746-4. Archived from the original on 24 September 2024. Retrieved 24 September 2024. https://www.academia.edu/37868414
Melyukova 1990, p. 109. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Jacobson 1995, p. 48. - Jacobson, Esther (1995). The Art of the Scythians: The Interpenetration of Cultures at the Edge of the Hellenic World. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Publishers. ISBN 978-9-004-09856-5.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 125. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Alekseyev 2005, p. 43. - Alekseyev, Andrey Yu. (2005). "Scythian Kings and 'Royal' Burial-Mounds of the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC". In Braund, David (ed.). Scythians and Greeks: Cultural Interaction in Scythia, Athens and the Early Roman Empire (sixth Century BC - First Century AD). Exeter, United Kingdom: University of Exeter Press. pp. 39–56. ISBN 978-0-859-89746-4. Archived from the original on 24 September 2024. Retrieved 24 September 2024. https://www.academia.edu/37868414
Cunliffe 2019, p. 126. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Olkhovsky 1995, p. 72. - Olkhovsky, Valery S. (1995). "3. Scythian Culture in the Crimea". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 63–81. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Olkhovsky 1995, p. 68. - Olkhovsky, Valery S. (1995). "3. Scythian Culture in the Crimea". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 63–81. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Cunliffe 2019, p. 125-126. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Parzinger 2004, p. 85. - Parzinger, Hermann (2004). Die Skythen [The Scythians] (in German). Munich, Germany: Verlag C.H.Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-50842-4.
Jacobson 1995, p. 43. - Jacobson, Esther (1995). The Art of the Scythians: The Interpenetration of Cultures at the Edge of the Hellenic World. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Publishers. ISBN 978-9-004-09856-5.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 129. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 157. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Melyukova 1995, p. 34. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 196. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 126. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 197. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Harmatta 1996, p. 182. - Harmatta, János (1996). "10.4.1. The Scythians". In Hermann, Joachim; Zürcher, Erik; Harmatta, János; Litvak, J. K.; Lonis, R. [in French]; Obenga, T.; Thapar, R.; Zhou, Yiliang (eds.). From the Seventh Century B.C. to the Seventh Century A.D. History of Humanity. Vol. 3. London, United Kingdom; New York City, United States; Paris, France: Routledge; UNESCO. pp. 181–182. ISBN 978-9-231-02812-0.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 121. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Melyukova 1995, p. 55. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Melyukova 1995, p. 29. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Batty 2007, p. 209. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Olkhovsky 1995, p. 72. - Olkhovsky, Valery S. (1995). "3. Scythian Culture in the Crimea". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 63–81. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Cunliffe 2019, p. 128. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Olkhovsky 1995, p. 72. - Olkhovsky, Valery S. (1995). "3. Scythian Culture in the Crimea". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 63–81. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 54. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 54. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Olbrycht 2000b, p. 117. - Olbrycht, Marek Jan (2000b). "Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations". In Pstrusińska, Jadwiga [in Polish]; Fear, Andrew (eds.). Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. pp. 101–140. ISBN 978-8-371-88337-8. Archived from the original on 25 September 2022. Retrieved 27 November 2021. https://www.academia.edu/11934986
Cunliffe 2019, p. 144. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 144. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Olbrycht 2000b, p. 117. - Olbrycht, Marek Jan (2000b). "Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations". In Pstrusińska, Jadwiga [in Polish]; Fear, Andrew (eds.). Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. pp. 101–140. ISBN 978-8-371-88337-8. Archived from the original on 25 September 2022. Retrieved 27 November 2021. https://www.academia.edu/11934986
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Harmatta 1996, p. 181Alekseyev 2005, p. 44Batty 2007, p. 210Ivantchik 2018 - Harmatta, János (1996). "10.4.1. The Scythians". In Hermann, Joachim; Zürcher, Erik; Harmatta, János; Litvak, J. K.; Lonis, R. [in French]; Obenga, T.; Thapar, R.; Zhou, Yiliang (eds.). From the Seventh Century B.C. to the Seventh Century A.D. History of Humanity. Vol. 3. London, United Kingdom; New York City, United States; Paris, France: Routledge; UNESCO. pp. 181–182. ISBN 978-9-231-02812-0.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 55. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Melyukova 1990, p. 106. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Melyukova 1995, p. 29. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 198. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Batty 2007, p. 210. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Melyukova 1990, p. 106. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Melyukova 1995, p. 29Ivantchik 2018Cunliffe 2019, p. 55Cunliffe 2019, p. 150 - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 198Melyukova 1990, p. 106Jacobson 1995, p. 34Melyukova 1995, p. 29Olbrycht 2000b, p. 118Alekseyev 2005, p. 44Batty 2007, p. 211Ivantchik 2018Cunliffe 2019, p. 55Cunliffe 2019, p. 129 - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Batty 2007, p. 211. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Melyukova 1990, p. 107. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Melyukova 1995, p. 29. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Olbrycht 2000b, p. 118. - Olbrycht, Marek Jan (2000b). "Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations". In Pstrusińska, Jadwiga [in Polish]; Fear, Andrew (eds.). Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. pp. 101–140. ISBN 978-8-371-88337-8. Archived from the original on 25 September 2022. Retrieved 27 November 2021. https://www.academia.edu/11934986
Cunliffe 2019, p. 56. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 129. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Jacobson 1995, p. 44Melyukova 1995, p. 29Batty 2007, p. 211Ivantchik 2018Cunliffe 2019, p. 129 - Jacobson, Esther (1995). The Art of the Scythians: The Interpenetration of Cultures at the Edge of the Hellenic World. Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Publishers. ISBN 978-9-004-09856-5.
Cunliffe 2019, p. 129. - Cunliffe, Barry (2019). The Scythians: Nomad Warriors of the Steppe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-82012-3.
Melyukova 1995, p. 29. - Melyukova, Anna I. (1995). "2. Scythians of Southeastern Europe". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 27–61. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Olkhovsky 1995, p. 72. - Olkhovsky, Valery S. (1995). "3. Scythian Culture in the Crimea". In Davis-Kimball, Jeannine; Bashilov, Vladimir A.; Yablonsky, Leonid T. [in Russian] (eds.). Nomads of the Eurasian Steppes in the Early Iron Age. Berkeley, United States: Zinat Press. pp. 63–81. ISBN 978-1-885979-00-1.
Olbrycht 2000b, p. 118Alekseyev 2005, p. 45Batty 2007, p. 204Batty 2007, pp. 213–214Ivantchik 2018 - Olbrycht, Marek Jan (2000b). "Remarks on the Presence of Iranian Peoples in Europe and Their Asiatic Relations". In Pstrusińska, Jadwiga [in Polish]; Fear, Andrew (eds.). Collectanea Celto-Asiatica Cracoviensia. Kraków: Księgarnia Akademicka. pp. 101–140. ISBN 978-8-371-88337-8. Archived from the original on 25 September 2022. Retrieved 27 November 2021. https://www.academia.edu/11934986
Parzinger 2004, p. 85. - Parzinger, Hermann (2004). Die Skythen [The Scythians] (in German). Munich, Germany: Verlag C.H.Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-50842-4.
Melyukova 1990, p. 107Jacobson 1995, p. 44Melyukova 1995, p. 30Olkhovsky 1995, p. 72Harmatta 1996, p. 182Olbrycht 2000b, pp. 110, 117–118Ivantchik 2018Cunliffe 2019, p. 111 - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Batty 2007, p. 213. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Batty 2007, p. 213. - Batty, Roger (2007). Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-198-14936-1.
Melyukova 1990, p. 107. - Melyukova, A. I. (1990). "The Scythians and Sarmatians". In Sinor, Denis (ed.). The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 97–117. ISBN 978-0-521-24304-9. https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory0000unse_w0y6
Ivantchik 2018. - Ivantchik, Askold (2018). "Scythians". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York City, United States: Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation; Brill Publishers. Archived from the original on 17 August 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2022. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/scythians
Sulimirski 1985, p. 197. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
Sulimirski 1985, p. 199. - Sulimirski, T. (1985). "The Scyths". In Gershevitch, I. (ed.). The Median and Achaemenian Periods. The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol. 2. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 149–199. ISBN 978-1-139-05493-5.
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