Alan Neely writes that, "wherever Christianity (or any other faith) is carried from one culture to another, intentionally or not, consciously or not, it is either adapted to that culture or it becomes irrelevant." In his book Christian Mission, Neely provides multiple historical examples of adaptation, accommodation, indigenization, inculturation, autochthonization and contextualization as the means of successful Christianization through missions. Neely's definitions are these:
James P. Hanigan writes that individual conversion is the foundational experience and the central message of Christianization, adding that Christian conversion begins with an experience of being "thrown off balance" through cognitive and psychological "disequilibrium", followed by an "awakening" of consciousness and a new awareness of God. Hanigan compares it to "death and rebirth, a turning away..., a putting off of the old..., a change of mind and heart". The person responds by acknowledging and confessing personal lostness and sinfulness, and then accepting a call to holiness thus restoring balance. This initial internal conversion is only the beginning of Christianization; it is followed by practices that further the process of Christianizing the individual's lifestyle, which according to Hanigan, will include ethical changes.
While Christian theologians such as the fourth century Augustine and the ninth century Alcuin maintained that conversion must be voluntary, there are historical examples of coercion in conversion. Constantine used both law and force to eradicate the practice of sacrifice and repress heresy though not specifically to promote conversion. Theodosius also wrote laws to eliminate heresies, but made no requirement for pagans or Jews to convert to Christianity. However, the sixth century Eastern Roman emperor Justinian I and the seventh century emperor Heraclius attempted to force cultural and religious uniformity by requiring baptism of the Jews. In 612, the Visigothic King Sisebut, prompted by Heraclius, declared the obligatory conversion of all Jews in Spain. In the many new nation-states being formed in Eastern Europe of the Late Middle Ages, some kings and princes pressured their people to adopt the new religion. And in the Northern crusades, the fighting princes obtained widespread conversion through political pressure or military coercion.
The normal practice in the ancient church was baptism by immersion of the whole head and body of an adult, with the exception of infants in danger of death, until the fifth or sixth century. Historian Philip Schaff has written that sprinkling, or pouring of water on the head of a sick or dying person, where immersion was impractical, was also practiced in ancient times and up through the twelfth century. Infant baptism was controversial for the Protestant Reformers, but according to Schaff, it was practiced by the ancients and is neither required nor forbidden in the New Testament.
Christianization has at times involved appropriation, removal and/or redesignation of aspects of native religion and former sacred spaces. This was allowed, or required, or sometimes forbidden by the missionaries involved. The church adapts to its local cultural context, just as local culture and places are adapted to the church, or in other words, Christianization has always worked in both directions: Christianity absorbs from native culture as it is absorbed into it.
Some scholars have suggested that characteristics of some pagan gods — or at least their roles — were transferred to Christian saints after the fourth century. Demetrius of Thessaloniki became venerated as the patron of agriculture during the Middle Ages. According to historian Hans Kloft, that was because the Eleusinian Mysteries, Demeter's cult, ended in the 4th century, and the Greek rural population gradually transferred her rites and roles onto the Christian saint.
In both Jewish and Roman tradition, genetic families were buried together, but an important cultural shift took place in the way Christians buried one another: they gathered unrelated Christians into a common burial space, as if they really were one family, "commemorated them with homogeneous memorials and expanded the commemorative audience to the entire local community of coreligionists" thereby redefining the concept of family.
In the fourth century, there were no conversions of temples in the city of Rome itself. It is only with the formation of the Papal State in the eighth century, (when the emperor's properties in the West came into the possession of the bishop of Rome), that the conversions of temples in Rome took off in earnest.
According to Dutch historian Feyo L. Schuddeboom, individual temples and temple sites in the city of Rome were converted to churches primarily to preserve their exceptional architecture. They were also used pragmatically because of the importance of their location at the center of town.
In the 300 years prior to the reign of Constantine, Roman authority had confiscated various church properties. For example, Christian historians recorded that Hadrian (2nd century), when in the military colony of Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem), had constructed a temple to Aphrodite on the site of the crucifixion of Jesus on Golgotha hill in order to suppress veneration there. Constantine was vigorous in reclaiming such properties whenever these issues were brought to his attention, and he used reclamation to justify the destruction of Aphrodite's temple. Using the vocabulary of reclamation, Constantine acquired several more sites of Christian significance in the Holy Land.
In Eusebius' church history, there is a bold claim of a Constantinian campaign to destroy the temples, however, there are discrepancies in the evidence. Temple destruction is attested to in 43 cases in the written sources, but only four have been confirmed by archaeological evidence. Historians Frank R. Trombley and Ramsay MacMullen explain that discrepancies between literary sources and archaeological evidence exist because it is common for details in the literary sources to be ambiguous and unclear. For example, Malalas claimed Constantine destroyed all the temples, then he said Theodisius destroyed them all, then he said Constantine converted them all to churches.
Additional calculated acts of desecration – removing the hands and feet or mutilating heads and genitals of statues, and "purging sacred precincts with fire" – were acts committed by the common people during the early centuries. While seen as 'proving' the impotence of the gods, pagan icons were also seen as having been "polluted" by the practice of sacrifice. They were, therefore, in need of "desacralization" or "deconsecration". Antique historian Peter Brown says that, while it was in some ways studiously vindictive, it was not indiscriminate or extensive. Once temples, icons or statues were detached from 'the contagion' of sacrifice, they were seen as having returned to innocence. Many statues and temples were then preserved as art. Professor of Byzantine history Helen Saradi-Mendelovici writes that this process implies appreciation of antique art and a conscious desire to find a way to include it in Christian culture.
The "Venerable Bede" was a Christian monk (672–735) who wrote what sociologist and anthropologist Hutton Webster describes as "the first truly historical work by an Englishman" describing the Christianization of Britain. Pope Gregory I had sent Augustine and several helpers as missionaries to Kent and its powerful King Ethelbert. One of those helpers, Abbott Mellitus, received this letter from Gregory on the proper methods for converting the local people.
Christianization of the Irish landscape was a complex process that varied considerably depending on local conditions. Ancient sites were viewed with veneration, and were excluded or included for Christian use based largely on diverse local feeling about their nature, character, ethos and even location.
Outside of Scandinavia, old names did not fare as well.
The practice of replacing pagan beliefs and motifs with Christian, and purposefully not recording the pagan history (such as the names of pagan gods, or details of pagan religious practices), has been compared to the practice of damnatio memoriae.
There is agreement among twenty-first century scholars that Christianization of the Roman Empire in its first three centuries did not happen by imposition. Christianization emerged naturally as the cumulative result of multiple individual decisions and behaviors.
While enduring three centuries of on-again, off-again persecution, from differing levels of government ranging from local to imperial, Christianity had remained 'self-organized' and without central authority. In this manner, it reached an important threshold of success between 150 and 250, when it moved from less than 50,000 adherents to over a million, and became self-sustaining and able to generate further growth. There was a significant rise in the absolute number of Christians in the third century.
According to historian Michelle Renee Salzman, there is no evidence to indicate that conversion of pagans through force was an accepted method of Christianization at any point in Late Antiquity. Evidence indicates all uses of imperial force concerning religion were aimed at heretics (who were already Christian) such as the Donatists and the Manichaeans and not at non-believers such as Jews or pagans.
However, Constantine must have written the laws that threatened and menaced pagans who continued to practice sacrifice. The element of pagan culture most abhorrent to Christians was sacrifice, and altars used for it were routinely smashed. Christians were deeply offended by the blood of slaughtered victims as they were reminded of their own past sufferings associated with such altars. Richard Lim writes that "Putting an end to blood sacrifice ... thus became the singular goal of Christianization (Barnes 1984; Bradbury 1994, 1995)".
There is no evidence that any of the horrific punishments included in the laws against sacrifice were ever enacted. There is no record of anyone being executed for violating religious laws before Tiberius II Constantine at the end of the sixth century (574–582). Still, Bradbury notes that the complete disappearance of public sacrifice by the mid-fourth century "in many towns and cities must be attributed to the atmosphere created by imperial and episcopal hostility".
The religious policy of the Eastern emperor Justinian I (527 to 565) reflected his conviction that a unified Empire presupposed unity of faith. Justinian's efforts at requiring and enforcing this have led Anthony Kaldellis to write that Justinian is often seen as a tyrant and despot. Unlike Constantine, Justinian did purge the bureaucracy of those who disagreed with him. He sought to centralize imperial government, became increasingly autocratic, and according to the historian Giovanni Mansi, "nothing could be done", not even in the Church, that was contrary to the emperor's will and command. In Kaldellis' estimation, "Few emperors had started so many wars or tried to enforce cultural and religious uniformity with such zeal".
Christianization spread through the Roman Empire and neighboring empires in the next few centuries, converting most of the Germanic barbarian peoples who would form the ethnic communities that would become the future nations of Europe. The earliest references to the Christianization of these tribes are in the writings of Irenaeus (130–202), Origen (185–253), and Tertullian (Adv. Jud. VII) (155–220).
In all cases, Christianization meant "the Germanic conquerors lost their native languages. ...[or] the syntax, the conceptual framework underlying the lexicon, and most of the literary forms, were thoroughly latinized".[dubious – discuss]
The Franks first appear in the historical record in the 3rd century as a confederation of Germanic tribes living on the east bank of the lower Rhine River. Clovis I was the first king of the Franks to unite all of the Frankish tribes under one ruler. The most likely date of his conversion to Catholicism is Christmas Day, 508, following the Battle of Tolbiac. He was baptized in Rheims. The Frankish Kingdom became Christian over the next two centuries.
Saxons went back and forth between rebellion and submission to the Franks for decades. Charlemagne (r. 768–814) placed missionaries and courts across Saxony in hopes of pacifying the region, but Saxons rebelled again in 782 with disastrous losses for the Franks. In response, the Frankish King "enacted a variety of draconian measures" beginning with the massacre at Verden in 782 when he ordered the decapitation of 4500 Saxon prisoners offering them baptism as an alternative to death. These events were followed by the severe legislation of the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae in 785 which prescribes death to those that are disloyal to the king, harm Christian churches or its ministers, or practice pagan burial rites. His harsh methods of Christianization raised objections from his friends Alcuin and Paulinus of Aquileia. Charlemagne abolished the death penalty for paganism in 797.
Christianity likely reached Britain around 200 with archaeology indicating that it continued as a minority faith into fourth century. Thereafter, Irish missionaries led by Saint Columba, based in Iona (from 563), converted many Picts.
Classicist J.H.D. Scourfield writes that Christianization in Italy in Late Antiquity is "most aptly described in terms of negotiation, accommodation, adaptation, [and] transformation". Christianization in Italy allowed for religious competition and cooperation, included syncretism both to and from pagans and Christians, and allowed secularism.
Christianization was slower in Greece than in most other parts of the Roman empire. There are multiple theories of why, but there is no consensus. What is agreed upon is that, for a variety of reasons, Christianization did not take hold in Greece until the fourth and fifth centuries. Christians and pagans maintained a self imposed segregation throughout the period. Historian and archaeologist Timothy E. Gregory has written in "The Survival of Paganism in Christian Greece: A Critical Essay" that J. M. Speiser successfully argued this was the situation throughout the country, and "rarely was there any significant contact, hostile or otherwise" between Christians and pagans in Greece.
Gregory adds his view that "it is admirably clear that organized paganism survived well into the sixth century throughout the empire and in parts of Greece (at least in the Mani) until the ninth century or later". Pagan ideas and forms persisted most in practices related to healing, death, and the family.
The reorganization of the Church as a cult institution in the region took a considerable amount of time. The Balkans were brought back into the Christian orbit only after the recovery of the Byzantine Empire and through the activity of Byzantine missionaries. The earliest church vocabulary of Middle Greek origin in Albanian dates to the 8th–9th centuries, at the time of the Byzantine Iconoclasm, which was started by the Byzantine Emperor Leo III the Isaurian. In 726 Leo III established de jure the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople over the Balkans, as the Church and the State established an institution. The Eastern Church expanded its influence in the area along with the social and political developments. Between the 7th and 12th centuries a powerful network of cult institutions were revived completely covering the ecclesiastical administration of the entire present-day Albanian-speaking compact area. In particular an important role was played by the Theme of Dyrrhachium and the Archdiocese of Ohrid. Survived through the centuries, the Christian belief among Albanians became an important cultural element in their ethnic identity. Indeed, the lack of Old Church Slavonic terms in Albanian Christian terminology shows that the missionary activities during the Christianization of the Slavs did not involve Albanian-speakers. In a text compiled around the beginning of the 11th century in the Old Bulgarian language, the Albanians are mentioned for the first time with their old ethnonym Arbanasi as half-believers, a term which for Eastern Orthodox Christian Bulgarians meant Catholic Christian. The Great Schism of 1054 involved Albania separating the region between Catholic Christianity in the north and Orthodox Christianity in the south.
Christianization took many generations and was not a uniform process. Byzantine historian Robert Thomson writes that it was not the officially established hierarchy of the church that spread Christianity in Armenia; "It was the unorganized activity of wandering holy men that brought about the Christianization of the populace at large". The most significant stage in this process was the development of a script for the native tongue.
In Central and Eastern Europe of the 8th and 9th centuries, Christianization was an integral part of the political centralization of the new nations being formed. In Eastern Europe, the combination of Christianization and political centralization created what Peter Brown describes as, "specific micro-Christendoms". Bulgaria, Bohemia (which became Czechoslovakia), the Serbs and the Croats, along with Hungary, and Poland, voluntarily joined the Western, Latin church, sometimes pressuring their people to follow. Full Christianization of the populace often took centuries to accomplish. Conversion began with local elites who wanted to convert because they gained prestige and power through matrimonial alliances and participation in imperial rituals. Christianization then spread from the center to the edges of society.
Historian Ivo Štefan has written, "Although Christian authors often depicted the conversion of rulers as the triumph of the new faith, the reality was much more complex. Christianization of everyday life took centuries, with many non-Christian elements surviving in rural communities until the beginning of the modern era".
In the Christianization process of Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia territories, the two Byzantine missionary brothers Saints Constantine-Cyril and Methodius played the key roles beginning in 863. They spent approximately 40 months in Great Moravia continuously translating texts and teaching students. Cyril developed the first Slavic alphabet and translated the gospel into the Old Church Slavonic language. Old Church Slavonic became the first literary language of the Slavs and, eventually, the educational foundation for all Slavic nations. In 869 Methodius was consecrated as (arch)bishop of Pannonia and the Great Moravia regions.
What was Bohemia forms much of the Czech Republic, comprising the central and western portions of the country.
According to historians Franciszek Longchamps de Bérier and Rafael Domingo: "A pre-Christian Poland never existed. Poland entered history suddenly when some western lands inhabited by the Slavs embraced Christianity". The dynastic interests of the Piasts produced the establishment of both church and state in Great Poland (Greater Poland, also known as "Wielkopolska" in Polish, is a historical region of west-central Poland. Its chief and largest city is Poznań.). The "Baptism of Poland" (Polish: Chrzest Polski) in 966, refers to the baptism of Mieszko I, the first ruler. Mieszko's baptism was followed by the building of churches and the establishment of an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Mieszko saw baptism as a way of strengthening his hold on power, with the active support he could expect from the bishops, as well as a unifying force for the Polish people.
Stephen suppressed rebellion, organized both the Hungarian State (with strong royal authority), and the church, by inviting missionaries, and suppressing paganism by making laws such as requiring people to attend church every Sunday. Soon the Hungarian Kingdom had two archbishops and 8 bishops, and a defined state structure with province governors that answered to the King. Saint Stephen was the first Hungarian monarch elevated to sainthood for his Christian characteristics and not because he suffered a martyr's death. Hungarian Christianity and the kingdom's ecclesiastical and temporal administrations consolidated towards the end of the 11th century.
Christianization of Scandinavia is divided into two stages by Professor of medieval archaeology Alexandra Sanmark. Stage 1 involves missionaries who arrived in pagan territory in the 800s, on their own, without secular support. Historian Florence Harmer writes "Between A.D. 960 and 1008 three Scandinavian kings were converted to Christianity". The Danish King Harald Gormsen (Bluetooth) was baptized c. 960. The conversion of Norway was begun by Hákon Aðalsteinsfostri between 935 and 961, but the wide-scale conversion of this kingdom was undertaken by King Olaf Tryggvason in c. 995. In Sweden, King Olof Erikson Skötkonung accepted Christianity around 1000.
According to Peter Brown, Scandinavians adopted Christianity of their own accord c.1000. Anders Winroth explains that Iceland became the model for the institutional conversion of the rest of Scandinavia after AD 1000. Winroth demonstrates that Scandinavians were not passive recipients of the new religion, but converted to Christianity because it was in their political, economic, and cultural interests to do so.
Stage 2 began when a secular ruler took charge of Christianization in their territory, and ended when a defined and organized ecclesiastical network was established. By 1350, Scandinavia was an integral part of Western Christendom.
One result of the northern crusades, according to historian Aiden Lilienfeld, was that: "[ . . . ] The conquering forces of the Northern Crusades brought more territory under German control than nearly any other concerted expansion in the history of the Holy Roman Empire"—emphasizing that duty to the faith could often go hand-in-hand, from the perspective of prospective crusaders, with political and material benefit.
Combining their personal priorities with a need to permanently stop the raiding, they requested permission to subdue the Baltic instead. In 1147, Eugenius' Divini dispensatione, gave the eastern nobles full crusade indulgences to do so. The Northern, (or Baltic), Crusades followed, taking place, off and on, with and without papal support, from 1147 to 1316.
According to Fonnesberg-Schmidt: "While the theologians maintained that conversion should be voluntary, there was a widespread pragmatic acceptance of conversion obtained through political pressure or military coercion". There were often severe consequences for populations that chose to resist, though in some instances local rulers were able to successfully plead a case for withholding attempts at the forcible Christianization of the populace—both ruler and crusaders cognizant of the risk of armed rebellion (and hence disruption of profitable trade or tribute), were such attempts to proceed.
The Teutonic Order was a mostly German crusading organization from the Christian Holy Land founded by members of the Knights Hospitaller. Medieval historian Aiden Lilienfeld says "In 1226, however, the Duke of Mazovia ... granted the Order territory in eastern Prussia in exchange for help in subjugating pagan Baltic peoples". Over the course of the next 200 years, the Order expanded its territory to cover much of the eastern Baltic coast.
The Teutonic Order eventually fell to Poland-Lithuania in 1525. Lilienfeld says "After this, the Order's territory was divided between Poland-Lithuania and the Hohenzollern dynasty of Brandenburg, putting an end to the monastic state and the formal Northern Crusade. All of the Order's most powerful cities–Danzig (Gdansk), Elbing (Elblag), Marienburg (Malbork), and Braunsberg (Braniewo)–now fall within Poland in the 21st century, except for Koenigsburg (Kaliningrad) in Russia."
Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary had become part of western Latin Christianity, while the Rus' adopted Christianity from Byzantium, leading them down a different path. A specific form of Rus' Christianity formed quickly.
The Rus' dukes maintained exclusive control of the church which was financially dependent upon them. The prince appointed the clergy to positions in government service; satisfied their material needs; determined who would fill the higher ecclesiastical positions; and directed the synods of bishops in the Kievan metropolitanate. This new Christian religious structure was imposed upon the socio-political and economic fabric of the land by the authority of the state's rulers. According to Andrzej Poppe, Slavic historian, it is fully justifiable to call the Church of Rus' a state church. The Church strengthened the authority of the Prince, and helped to justifiy the expansion of Kievan empire into new territories through missionary activity.
Christian clergy translated religious texts into local vernacular language which introduced literacy to all members of the princely dynasty, including women and the general populace. Monasteries of the twelfth century became key spiritual, intellectual, art, and craft centers. Under Vladimir's son Yaroslav I the Wise (1016–1018, 1019–1054), a building and cultural boom took place. The Church of Rus' gradually developed into an independent political force in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
History also connects Christianization with opposition to colonialism. Historian Lamin Sanneh writes that there is an equal amount of evidence of both missionary support and missionary opposition to colonialism through "protest and resistance both in the church and in politics". In Sanneh's view, missions were "colonialism's Achilles' heel, not its shield". He goes on to explain this is because, "Despite their role as allies of the empire, missions also developed the vernacular that inspired sentiments of national identity and thus undercut Christianity's identification with colonial rule". According to historical theologian Justo Gonzales, colonialism and missions each sometimes aided and sometimes impeded the other.
Different state actors created colonies that varied widely. Some colonies had institutions that allowed native populations to reap some benefits. Others became extractive colonies with predatory rule that produced an autocracy with a dismal record.
A catastrophe was wrought upon the Amerindians by contact with Europeans. Old World diseases like smallpox, measles, malaria and many others spread through Indian populations. Historian Barry Strauss and the coauthors of "Western Civilization The Continuing Experiment", have stated that, "In most of the New World, 90 percent or more of the native population was destroyed by wave after wave of previously unknown afflictions. Explorers and colonists did not enter an empty land but rather an emptied one".
Portugal practiced extractive colonialism, and was the first to get involved in the pre-existing slave trade. Historian Kenneth Morgan writes that, "the Portuguese and the Spanish dominated the early phase of transatlantic slavery".
Early attempts at Christianization in India were not very successful, and those who had been converted were not well instructed. In the church's view, this led them into "errors and misunderstandings" that were often defined as heresy. In December 1560, the state controlled Portuguese Inquisition arrived in Goa, India. This was largely the result of the crown's fear that converted Jews were becoming dominant in Goa and might ally with Ottoman Jews to threaten Portuguese control of the spice trade. After 1561, the Inquisition had a practical monopoly over heresy, and its "policy of terror ... was reflected in the approximately 15,000 trials which took place between 1561 and 1812, involving more than 200 death sentences".
Spanish missionaries are generally credited with championing efforts to initiate protective laws for the Indians and for working against their enslavement. This led to debate on the nature of human rights. In 16th-century Spain, the issue resulted in a crisis of conscience and the birth of modern international law. Jesuit opposition to the enslavement of native Amerindians inadvertently contributed to the proliferation of black African slaves in their place.
Great Britain's colonial expansion was for the most part driven by commercial ambitions and competition with France. Investors saw converting the natives as a secondary concern. Historian of British history and culture, Laura Stevens, writes that British missions were "more talk than walk". From the beginning, the British talked (and wrote) a great deal about converting native populations, but actual efforts were few and feeble. Historian Jacob Schacter says these missions were universally Protestant, were based on belief in the traditional duty to "teach all nations", the sense of "obligation to extend the benefits of Christianity to heathen lands" (just as Europe itself had been "civilized" centuries before), and a "fervent pity" for those who had never heard the gospel. Schacter adds that "ambivalent benevolence" was at the heart of most British and American attitudes toward Native Americans. The British did not create widespread conversion.
The beginning of American Protestant missions abroad followed the sailing of William Carey from England to India in 1793 after the Great awakening.
Some imperial practices, (combined with pre-existing conditions in the colonial states), have had negative long-term effects on the colonial states, socially and politically, as well as on economic development, the development of democracy, and the ability of local governments to accomplish policy goals. The political legacies of colonialism include political instability, violence and ethnic exclusion, which is also linked to civil strife and civil war, while contact with the colonial slave trade has had additional harmful effects.
According to political scientists Alexander de Juan and Jan Henryk Pierskalla, the legacy of Protestant Christianization is largely one of beneficial long-term effects in the areas of human capital, political participation, and democratization. De Juan and Pierskalla add that "Sociologists have identified the key role of Christian missionaries, in particular Protestant missionaries, in generating a democratic legacy for many former colonies, through the spread of literacy, mass printing, and voluntary organizations..."
Sanneh writes that "The translated scripture ... has become the benchmark of awakening and renewal" in Africa. According to anthropologist Elizabeth Isichei, it is the transition to literacy that translation of scripture and missionary schools created that engendered much of the transformation that followed. In Sanneh's view, this means that western missionaries pioneered the "largest, most diverse and most vigorous movement of cultural renewal in [the] history" of Africa.
In 1900 under colonial rule there were just under 9 million Christians in Africa. By 1960, and the end of colonialism there were about 60 million. By 2005, African Christians had increased to 393 million, about half of the continent's total population at that time. Population in Africa has continued to grow with the percentage of Christians remaining at about half in 2022. According to Isichei, "The expansion of Christianity in twentieth-century Africa has been so dramatic that it has been called 'the fourth great age of Christian expansion'."
Whether Kimbanguism is a political or a religious movement is resolved by making a distinction between the genuine Kimbanguists and the pseudo-Kimbanguists, also known as the Ngunzists. Of first importance to genuine Kimbanguism is unquestioning acceptance of the intercession of Christ. Measured according to Reformation criteria, the Church of Jesus Christ of this Earth by the Prophet Simon Kimbangu (EJCSK) is a Christian religion. However, as James W. Fernandez says, it is a mistake to identify Christianity only with its European version.
In Tanzania, a child is not a full member of society until they reach adulthood. Adulthood begins at puberty, but a man fully enters adult society by marrying, a woman by giving birth, and the transition from childhood to adulthood is marked by initiation rites. For the Maasai, this includes circumcision of both boys and girls.
Anne Marie Stoner-Eby writes, "The Christianization of initiation rites in the Anglican Diocese of Maasai in what is now southeastern Tanzania is arguably the most famous instance of 'adaptation' in African mission Christianity."
It has long been assumed that Vincent Lucas, Bishop of Maasai (1926–1944), initiated the Christianizing of the initiation rites in an effort to adapt, and not destroy African cultural life, publishing what became a famous essay on 'The Christian Approach to Non-Christian Customs'.
Initiation was one of a chief's most important and prestigious responsibilities, but long before 'adaptation' became a missionary watchword, Maasai clergy had taken advantage of a crucial increase in their numbers to place jando la kikristo (Christian initiation) in place of unyago wa lupanda (Lupanda initiation in ancestor worship) by 1913.
Eastern Maghrib was one of the first three places in the world where Christians were a majority.
Just as Christianization had a role in colonialism, it has also played a central role in decolonization moving former colonies toward independence. Shifting beliefs about Christianity's role in empire began in France in the 1930s and 40s. Christians were rethinking the relationship between religion and politics. From the 1960s onward, this new understanding of theology combined with Christian activism, was instrumental in motivating indigenous people, such as the Algerians, to work toward and fight for independence from foreign governments. This in turn, influenced global trends. In some colonial societies, Christian missionaries played a transformative role in the development of decolonization and post-colonial Christianity, where in others, the nature of the Christian missionary presence shaped the pattern of decolonization as one of violence and opposition.
In the post-colonial world, it has become necessary for Christianization to break free of its colonial moorings, says Sanneh. Mark Boyle writes that:
Dana L. Robert has written that one third of the world's population is now Christian in a huge variety of forms. The geographic range, cultural diversity and organizational variety of these many types of Christians includes traditional Catholics in Brazil, Apostles in Zimbabwe, Coptic Christians still surviving in Egypt, new Pentecostals in Ghana, established Lutherans in Germany, and secret House church believers in China.
In the early twenty-first century, Christianity has been declining in the West and growing in former colonial lands. Sanneh says Christianity has become the most diverse, pluralist, fastest growing religion in the world.
Joseph Tse-Hei Lee observes that, historically, Christianity has long had a tendency to flourish in areas where there is suffering, dislocation and warfare, and that this is evident in its modern development in China. Chaoshan in northeastern Guangdong Province has transitioned from a state of disintegration in the late Imperial era (960–1895) to one of modern entrepreneurial cosmopolitanism with the aid of Christianization. Indigenization happened quickly and Christianization has survived through family lineage networks, which function like a single corporate unit, and native congregations.
Christianity grew as a grassroots movement in rural areas first, through self-propagation and native agency. This led to an overlap of religious, kinship and territorial identities, so that when the socio-political order shattered, the church was able to step in. Lee sees this as revealing "the importance of the church as a major building block and a viable civic institution in the midst of widespread chaos and unrest".
Lim 2012, p. 497. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Butler 1990, p. 18. - Butler, Jon (1990). Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (illustrated, revised, reprint ed.). Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-05601-5.
Plummer 2005, p. 33. - Plummer, Robert L. (2005). "The Great Commission in the New Testament". In Rainer, Thom S.; Lawless, Charles (eds.). The Challenge of the Great Commission: Essays on God's Mandate for the Local Church. Pinnacle Publishers. pp. 33–47. ISBN 978-0-97423-061-0.
Robert 2009, p. 1. - Robert, Dana L. (2009). Christian Mission: How Christianity Became a World Religion (illustrated ed.). John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-631-23619-1.
Robert 2009, p. 1. - Robert, Dana L. (2009). Christian Mission: How Christianity Became a World Religion (illustrated ed.). John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-631-23619-1.
Abulafia 2017, p. xi. - Abulafia, David (2017) [2002]. "Introduction". In Abulafia, David; Berend, Nóra Berend (eds.). Medieval Frontiers: Concepts and Practices. Routledge Taylor and Francis Group. ISBN 978-1-351-91858-9.
Neely 2020, p. 4. - Neely, Alan (2020). Christian Mission. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-8819-5.
Neely 2020, p. 4. - Neely, Alan (2020). Christian Mission. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-8819-5.
Neely 2020, p. 4. - Neely, Alan (2020). Christian Mission. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-8819-5.
Neely 2020, p. 5. - Neely, Alan (2020). Christian Mission. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-8819-5.
The earliest accommodation was made by the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15:1-29 when accepting Gentiles. Pope Gregory's seventh century letter to Mellitus can be seen as another example (there are also numerous examples of those who disagreed with Gregory and followed the "eradication" approach instead.)[8]
Neely 2020, p. 6. - Neely, Alan (2020). Christian Mission. Wipf and Stock Publishers. ISBN 978-1-7252-8819-5.
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MacCormack 1997, p. 655. - MacCormack, Sabine (1997). "Sin, citizenship, and the salvation of souls: The impact of Christian priorities on late-Roman and post-Roman society". Comparative Studies in Society and History. 39 (4): 644–673. doi:10.1017/S0010417500020843. S2CID 144021596. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/comparative-studies-in-society-and-history/article/abs/sin-citizenship-and-the-salvation-of-souls-the-impact-of-christian-priorities-on-lateroman-and-postroman-society/CDC0967161D70A6D12244E3F9FCC18BE
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Jensen 2012, p. 371. - Jensen, Robin M. (2012). "Material and Documentary Evidence for the Practice of Early Christian Baptism". Journal of Early Christian Studies. 20 (3): 371–405. doi:10.1353/earl.2012.0019. S2CID 170787102. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fearl.2012.0019
Schaff 1882, p. 469. - Schaff, Philip (1882). History of the Christian Church, Volume 3. Pennsylvania State University.
Schaff 1882, p. 470. - Schaff, Philip (1882). History of the Christian Church, Volume 3. Pennsylvania State University.
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Baldovin 2000, p. 583. - Baldovin, J. F. (2000). "The Celebration of the Eucharist: the Origin of the Rite and the Development of its Interpretation (Book Review)". Theological Studies [s. l.] 61 (3): 583. doi:10.1177/004056390006100330. S2CID 220492390. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F004056390006100330
Alfsvåg 2022, p. 1. - Alfsvåg, K. (2022). "The Role of Confirmation in Christian Initiation". Journal of Youth and Theology. 1 (2): 251–270. doi:10.1163/24055093-bja10036. hdl:11250/3051856. S2CID 252339347. https://doi.org/10.1163%2F24055093-bja10036
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Goodenough 1962, p. 138. - Goodenough, Erwin R. (1962). "Catacomb Art". Journal of Biblical Literature. 81 (2): 113–142. doi:10.2307/3264749. JSTOR 3264749. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3264749
Testa 1998, p. 80. - Testa, Judith Anne (1998). "10, The Christian Catacombs". Rome is Love Spelled Backward (Roma Amor): Enjoying Art and Architecture in the Eternal City. Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-87580-576-4.
Testa 1998, p. 82. - Testa, Judith Anne (1998). "10, The Christian Catacombs". Rome is Love Spelled Backward (Roma Amor): Enjoying Art and Architecture in the Eternal City. Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN 978-0-87580-576-4.
Goodenough 1962, p. 125. - Goodenough, Erwin R. (1962). "Catacomb Art". Journal of Biblical Literature. 81 (2): 113–142. doi:10.2307/3264749. JSTOR 3264749. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3264749
The Ichthys, Christian Fish, also known colloquially as the Jesus Fish, was an early Christian symbol. Early Christians used the Ichthys symbol to identify themselves as followers of Jesus Christ and to proclaim their commitment to Christianity. Ichthys is the Ancient Greek word for "fish", which explains why the sign resembles a fish;[59] the Greek word ιχθυς is an acronym for the phrase transliterated as "Iesous Christos Theou Yios Soter", that is, "Jesus Christ, God's Son, the Savior". There are several other possible connections with Christian tradition relating to this symbol: that it was a reference to the feeding of the multitude; that it referred to some of the apostles having previously been fishermen; or that the word Christ was pronounced by Jews in a similar way to the Hebrew word for fish (though Nuna is the normal Aramaic word for fish, making this seem unlikely).[59] /wiki/Ichthys
Forbes 2008, p. 30. - Forbes, Bruce David (2008). Christmas: A Candid History (illustrated, reprint ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25802-0.
Salzman 2002, pp. 200–219. - Salzman, Michele Renee (2002). The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctvk12r62. ISBN 978-0-674-00641-6. JSTOR j.ctvk12r62. https://books.google.com/books?id=9JGzYaUQyt4C
Kloft 2010, p. 25. - Kloft, Hans (2010). Mysterienkulte der Antike. Götter, Menschen, Rituale [Mystery Cults of Antiquity. Gods, Humans, Rituals] (in German). Munich: C.H. Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-44606-1.
Kloft 2010, p. 25. - Kloft, Hans (2010). Mysterienkulte der Antike. Götter, Menschen, Rituale [Mystery Cults of Antiquity. Gods, Humans, Rituals] (in German). Munich: C.H. Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-44606-1.
Abruzzi 2018, p. 24. - Abruzzi, William (2018). Mithraism and Christianity. doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.36486.52804. http://www.drabruzzi.com/Mithraism%20and%20Christianity.htm
Yasin 2005, p. 433. - Yasin, Ann Marie (2005). "Funerary Monuments and Collective Identity: From Roman Family to Christian Community". The Art Bulletin. 87 (3): 433–457. doi:10.1080/00043079.2005.10786254. S2CID 162331640. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00043079.2005.10786254
Hellerman 2009, p. 6. - Hellerman, Joseph H. (2009). When the Church Was a Family: Recapturing Jesus' Vision for Authentic Christian Community. Nashville: B&H Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-4336-6843-2.
Hanson 1978, p. 257. - Hanson, R. P. C. (1978). "The transformation of pagan temples into churches in the early Christian centuries". Journal of Semitic Studies. 23 (2): 257–267. doi:10.1093/jss/23.2.257. https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fjss%2F23.2.257
Scholarship has been divided over whether this was a general effort to demolish the pagan past, simple pragmatism, or perhaps an attempt to preserve the past's art and architecture.[67]
Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 181–182. - Schuddeboom, Feyo L. (2017). "The Conversion of Temples in Rome". Journal of Late Antiquity. 10 (1). Johns Hopkins University Press: 166–186. doi:10.1353/jla.2017.0005. S2CID 165142999. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjla.2017.0005
Lavan 2011, pp. xx–xxvi. - Lavan, Luke (2011). Lavan, Luke; Mulryan, Michael (eds.). The Archaeology of Late Antique "paganism". Brill. p. xxiv. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9.
Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxxix. - Lavan, Luke; Mulryan, Michael, eds. (2011). The Archaeology of Late Antique 'Paganism'. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9. https://books.google.com/books?id=Nz5z_AsU_jkC
Markus 1990, p. 142. - Markus, Robert Austin (1990). The End of Ancient Christianity (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-33949-0.
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Schuddeboom 2017, p. 179. - Schuddeboom, Feyo L. (2017). "The Conversion of Temples in Rome". Journal of Late Antiquity. 10 (1). Johns Hopkins University Press: 166–186. doi:10.1353/jla.2017.0005. S2CID 165142999. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjla.2017.0005
Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 181–182. - Schuddeboom, Feyo L. (2017). "The Conversion of Temples in Rome". Journal of Late Antiquity. 10 (1). Johns Hopkins University Press: 166–186. doi:10.1353/jla.2017.0005. S2CID 165142999. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjla.2017.0005
Wiemer 1994, p. 523. - Wiemer, Hans-Ulrich (1994). "Libanius on Constantine". The Classical Quarterly. 44 (2): 511–524. doi:10.1017/S0009838800043962. JSTOR 639654. S2CID 170876695. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0009838800043962
Loosley 2012, p. 3. - Loosley, Emma (2012). The Architecture and Liturgy of the Bema in Fourth- To-Sixth-Century Syrian Churches (illustrated ed.). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-23182-5.
Bayliss 2004, p. 30. - Bayliss, Richard (2004). Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84171-634-3. https://www.academia.edu/3165829
Bradbury 1994, p. 132. - Bradbury, Scott (1994). "Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century". Classical Philology. 89 (2): 120–139. doi:10.1086/367402. S2CID 159997492. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F367402
Bradbury 1994, p. 123. - Bradbury, Scott (1994). "Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century". Classical Philology. 89 (2): 120–139. doi:10.1086/367402. S2CID 159997492. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F367402
Lavan & Mulryan 2011, pp. xxvii, xxiv. - Lavan, Luke; Mulryan, Michael, eds. (2011). The Archaeology of Late Antique 'Paganism'. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9. https://books.google.com/books?id=Nz5z_AsU_jkC
At the sacred oak and spring at Mamre, a site venerated and occupied by Jews, Christians, and pagans alike, the literature says Constantine ordered the burning of the idols, the destruction of the altar, and erection of a church on the spot of the temple.[80] The archaeology of the site shows that Constantine's church, along with its attendant buildings, only occupied a peripheral sector of the precinct, leaving the rest unhindered.[81] In Gaul of the fourth century, 2.4% of known temples and religious sites were destroyed, some by barbarians.[82] In Africa, the city of Cyrene has good evidence of the burning of several temples; Asia Minor has produced one weak possibility; in Greece the only strong candidate may relate to a barbarian raid instead of Christians. Egypt has produced no archaeologically confirmed temple destructions from this period except the Serapeum. In Italy there is one; Britain has the highest percentage with 2 out of 40 temples.[83] /wiki/Mamre
Trombley 1995a, pp. 166–168, 335–336. - Trombley, F. R. (1995a). Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370–529. Vol. I. New York: Brill. ISBN 978-9-00409-624-0.
Trombley 2001, pp. 246–282. - Trombley, Frank R. (2001). Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370–529. Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers. ISBN 978-9-00427-678-9.
Bayliss 2004, p. 110. - Bayliss, Richard (2004). Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84171-634-3. https://www.academia.edu/3165829
A number of elements coincided to end the temples, but none of them were strictly religious.[87] Earthquakes caused much of the destruction of this era.[88] Civil conflict and external invasions also destroyed many temples and shrines.[89] Economics was also a factor.[87][90][91]
The Roman economy of the third and fourth centuries struggled, and traditional polytheism was expensive and dependent upon donations from the state and private elites.[92] Roger S. Bagnall reports that imperial financial support of the Temples declined markedly after Augustus.[93] Lower budgets meant the physical decline of urban structures of all types.
This progressive decay was accompanied by an increased trade in salvaged building materials, as the practice of recycling became common in Late Antiquity.[94] Economic struggles meant that necessity drove much of the destruction and conversion of pagan religious monuments.[87][90][91]
There are only a few examples of Christian officials having any involvement in the violent destruction of pagan shrines. Sulpicius Severus, in his Vita, describes Martin of Tours as a dedicated destroyer of temples and sacred trees, saying "wherever he destroyed heathen temples, there he used immediately to build either churches or monasteries".[95] There is agreement that Martin destroyed temples and shrines, but there is a discrepancy between the written text and archaeology: none of the churches attributed to Martin can be shown to have existed in Gaul in the fourth century.[96]
In the 380s, one eastern official (generally identified as the praetorian prefect Cynegius), used the army under his control and bands of monks to destroy temples in the eastern provinces.[97] According to Alan Cameron, this violence was unofficial and without support from Christian clergy or state magistrates.[98][99]
/wiki/Sulpicius_Severus
Brown 1998, pp. 649–652. - Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
Brown 1998, p. 650. - Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
Bayliss 2004, pp. 39, 40. - Bayliss, Richard (2004). Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84171-634-3. https://www.academia.edu/3165829
Brown 1998, p. 650. - Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. 303. - Lavan, Luke; Mulryan, Michael, eds. (2011). The Archaeology of Late Antique 'Paganism'. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9. https://books.google.com/books?id=Nz5z_AsU_jkC
Lim 2012, pp. 497–498. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Lim 2012, p. 498. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Brown 1998, pp. 652–653. - Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
By the time a fifth-century pope attempted to denounce the Lupercalia as 'pagan superstition', religion scholar Elizabeth Clark says "it fell on deaf ears".[106] In Historian R. A. Markus's reading of events, this marked a colonization by Christians of pagan values and practices.[107] For Alan Cameron, the mixed culture that included the continuation of the circuses, amphitheaters and games – sans sacrifice – on into the sixth century involved the secularization of paganism rather than appropriation by Christianity.[108] /wiki/Lupercalia
Brown 1998, pp. 652–653. - Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
Lim 2012, p. 497. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Herrin 2009, p. 213. - Herrin, Judith (2009). "Book Burning as purification". In Rousseau, Philip; Papoutsakis, Emmanuel (eds.). Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, Volume 2 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7546-6553-3.
Herrin 2009, p. 213. - Herrin, Judith (2009). "Book Burning as purification". In Rousseau, Philip; Papoutsakis, Emmanuel (eds.). Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, Volume 2 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7546-6553-3.
Herrin 2009, p. 213. - Herrin, Judith (2009). "Book Burning as purification". In Rousseau, Philip; Papoutsakis, Emmanuel (eds.). Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, Volume 2 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-0-7546-6553-3.
Webster 1917, p. 32. - Webster, Hutton (1917). Readings in Medieval and Modern History. D. C. Heath & Co. https://books.google.com/books?id=yzYNAAAAIAAJ&q=Readings+In+Medieval+And+Modern+History+Hutton+Webster
Webster 1917, pp. 33–34. - Webster, Hutton (1917). Readings in Medieval and Modern History. D. C. Heath & Co. https://books.google.com/books?id=yzYNAAAAIAAJ&q=Readings+In+Medieval+And+Modern+History+Hutton+Webster
Bede 2008, pp. volume 1 chapter 30. - Bede (2008) [1843]. The Complete Works of Venerable Bede: Ecclesiastical history. Vol. 3. Translated by Giles, John Allen. Harvard University. https://books.google.com/books?id=0DAYAAAAYAAJ
Webster 1917, p. 36. - Webster, Hutton (1917). Readings in Medieval and Modern History. D. C. Heath & Co. https://books.google.com/books?id=yzYNAAAAIAAJ&q=Readings+In+Medieval+And+Modern+History+Hutton+Webster
Farmer 1995, p. 26. - Farmer, David Hugh, ed. (1995). Benedict's Disciples. Gracewing. ISBN 978-0-85244-274-6.
Harney 2017, p. 104. - Harney, Lorcan (2017). "Christianising Pagan Worlds in Conversion-Era Ireland: Archaeological Evidence for the Origins of Irish Ecclesiastical Sites". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature. 117C: 103–30. doi:10.3318/priac.2017.117.07. S2CID 165970409. https://doi.org/10.3318%2Fpriac.2017.117.07
Harney 2017, pp. 120, 121. - Harney, Lorcan (2017). "Christianising Pagan Worlds in Conversion-Era Ireland: Archaeological Evidence for the Origins of Irish Ecclesiastical Sites". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature. 117C: 103–30. doi:10.3318/priac.2017.117.07. S2CID 165970409. https://doi.org/10.3318%2Fpriac.2017.117.07
Gregory 1986, p. 233. - Gregory, Timothy E. (1986). "The Survival of Paganism in Christian Greece: A Critical Essay". The American Journal of Philology. 107 (2): 229–242. doi:10.2307/294605. ISSN 0002-9475. JSTOR 294605. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F294605
Wood & Armstrong 2007, p. 34. - Wood, Ian N.; Armstrong, Guyda, eds. (2007). "Some historical re-identifications and the Christianization of Kent". Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals. Vol. 7. Brepols. pp. 27–35. ISBN 978-2-503-51087-3.
Harney 2017, p. 107. - Harney, Lorcan (2017). "Christianising Pagan Worlds in Conversion-Era Ireland: Archaeological Evidence for the Origins of Irish Ecclesiastical Sites". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature. 117C: 103–30. doi:10.3318/priac.2017.117.07. S2CID 165970409. https://doi.org/10.3318%2Fpriac.2017.117.07
Fletcher 1999, p. 254. - Fletcher, Richard (1999). The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-21859-8.
Weston 1942, p. 26. - Weston, Arthur Harold (1942). "December 25th, Christmas Day". The Classical Outlook. 20 (3): 26. JSTOR 44006370. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44006370
Harney 2017, pp. 119–121. - Harney, Lorcan (2017). "Christianising Pagan Worlds in Conversion-Era Ireland: Archaeological Evidence for the Origins of Irish Ecclesiastical Sites". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature. 117C: 103–30. doi:10.3318/priac.2017.117.07. S2CID 165970409. https://doi.org/10.3318%2Fpriac.2017.117.07
Willibald 1916, pp. 63–64. - Willibald (1916). Life of Saint Boniface. Translated by Robinson, Gerge W. (reprint ed.). Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-67428-826-3.
Hardt 2001, pp. 219–232. - Hardt, Matthias (2001). "11, Hesse, Elbe, Saale and the frontiers of the Carolingian empire". The Transformation of Frontiers From Late Antiquity to the Carolingians. Brill. pp. 219–232. ISBN 978-90-04-11115-8.
Dean 2015, pp. 15–16. - Dean, Sidney E. (2015). "Felling the Irminsul: Charlemagne's Saxon Wars". Medieval Warfare. 5 (2): 15–20. JSTOR 48578430. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48578430
Dean 2015, p. 16. - Dean, Sidney E. (2015). "Felling the Irminsul: Charlemagne's Saxon Wars". Medieval Warfare. 5 (2): 15–20. JSTOR 48578430. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48578430
Dean 2015, pp. 16–17. - Dean, Sidney E. (2015). "Felling the Irminsul: Charlemagne's Saxon Wars". Medieval Warfare. 5 (2): 15–20. JSTOR 48578430. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48578430
Sørensen 1990, p. 394. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Sørensen 1990, pp. 395–397. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Sørensen 1990, p. 400. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Sørensen 1990, pp. 400, 402. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Sørensen 1990, pp. 400–401. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Sørensen 1990, p. 401. - Sørensen, John Kousgård (1990). "The change of religion and the names". Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis. 13: 394–403. doi:10.30674/scripta.67188. https://doi.org/10.30674%2Fscripta.67188
Strzelczyk 1987, p. 60. - Strzelczyk, Jerzy (1987). Od Prasłowian do Polaków (in Polish). Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza. ISBN 978-83-03-02015-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=zAxKAAAAIAAJ
Runciman 2004, p. 6. - Runciman, W. G. (2004). "The Diffusion of Christianity in the Third Century AD as a Case-Study in the Theory of Cultural Selection". European Journal of Sociology. 45 (1): 3–21. doi:10.1017/S0003975604001365. S2CID 146353096. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0003975604001365
Collar 2013, p. 6. - Collar, Anna (2013). Religious Networks in the Roman Empire (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2.
Collar 2013, pp. 6, 36, 39. - Collar, Anna (2013). Religious Networks in the Roman Empire (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2.
Collar 2013, p. 325. - Collar, Anna (2013). Religious Networks in the Roman Empire (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-04344-2.
Harnett 2017, pp. 200, 217. - Harnett, Benjamin (2017). "The Diffusion of the Codex". Classical Antiquity. 36 (2). University of California Press: 183–235. doi:10.1525/ca.2017.36.2.183. JSTOR 26362608. https://doi.org/10.1525%2Fca.2017.36.2.183
Hopkins 1998, p. 193. - Hopkins, Keith (1998). "Christian Number and Its Implications". Journal of Early Christian Studies. 6 (2): 185–226. doi:10.1353/earl.1998.0035. S2CID 170769034. https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fearl.1998.0035
Runciman 2004, p. 3. - Runciman, W. G. (2004). "The Diffusion of Christianity in the Third Century AD as a Case-Study in the Theory of Cultural Selection". European Journal of Sociology. 45 (1): 3–21. doi:10.1017/S0003975604001365. S2CID 146353096. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0003975604001365
Runciman 2004, p. 4. - Runciman, W. G. (2004). "The Diffusion of Christianity in the Third Century AD as a Case-Study in the Theory of Cultural Selection". European Journal of Sociology. 45 (1): 3–21. doi:10.1017/S0003975604001365. S2CID 146353096. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0003975604001365
Siecienski 2017, p. 3. - Siecienski, A. Edward (2017). Constantine: Religious Faith and Imperial Policy (illustrated ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-97611-4.
There have, historically, been many different scholarly views on Constantine's religious policies.[145] For example Jacob Burckhardt has characterized Constantine as being "essentially unreligious" and as using the Church solely to support his power and ambition. Drake asserts, "critical reaction against Burckhardt's anachronistic reading has been decisive".[146] According to Burckhardt, being Christian automatically meant being intolerant, while Drake says that assumes a uniformity of belief within Christianity that does not exist in the historical record.[147]
Brown calls Constantine's conversion a "very Roman conversion".[148] "He had risen to power in a series of deathly civil wars, destroyed the system of divided empire, believed the Christian God had brought him victory, and therefore regarded that god as the proper recipient of religio".[148] Brown says Constantine was over 40, had most likely been a traditional polytheist, and was a savvy and ruthless politician when he declared himself a Christian.[149]
Leithart 2010, p. 302. - Leithart, Peter J. (2010). Defending Constantine The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2722-0.
Wiemer 1994, p. 523. - Wiemer, Hans-Ulrich (1994). "Libanius on Constantine". The Classical Quarterly. 44 (2): 511–524. doi:10.1017/S0009838800043962. JSTOR 639654. S2CID 170876695. https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0009838800043962
Drake 1995, pp. 7–9. - Drake, H. A. (1995). "Constantine and Consensus". Church History. 64 (1): 1–15. doi:10.2307/3168653. JSTOR 3168653. S2CID 163129848. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3168653
Bradbury 1994, pp. 122–126. - Bradbury, Scott (1994). "Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century". Classical Philology. 89 (2): 120–139. doi:10.1086/367402. S2CID 159997492. https://doi.org/10.1086%2F367402
Leithart 2010, p. 304. - Leithart, Peter J. (2010). Defending Constantine The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2722-0.
Brown 2003, p. 74. - Brown, Peter (2003). The rise of Western Christendom: triumph and diversity, A.D. 200-1000 (2nd ed.). Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-22137-1.
Thompson 2005, pp. 87, 93. - Thompson, Glen L. (2005). "Constantius II and the First Removal of the Altar of Victory". In Jean-Jacques Aubert; Zsuzsanna Varhelyi (eds.). A Tall Order: Writing the Social History of the Ancient World – Essays in honor of William V. Harris. Munich: K.G. Saur. pp. 85–106. doi:10.1515/9783110931419. ISBN 978-3-598-77828-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=1Yog3cY8sxoC
Leithart 2010, p. 302. - Leithart, Peter J. (2010). Defending Constantine The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2722-0.
Brown 2003, p. 74. - Brown, Peter (2003). The rise of Western Christendom: triumph and diversity, A.D. 200-1000 (2nd ed.). Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-22137-1.
Drake 1995, pp. 3, 7. - Drake, H. A. (1995). "Constantine and Consensus". Church History. 64 (1): 1–15. doi:10.2307/3168653. JSTOR 3168653. S2CID 163129848. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3168653
Bayliss 2004, p. 243. - Bayliss, Richard (2004). Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84171-634-3. https://www.academia.edu/3165829
Southern 2015, pp. 455–457. - Southern, Patricia (2015). The Roman Empire from Severus to Constantine (second, revised ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-49694-6.
Lim 2012, pp. 499–500. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Stocking 2000, p. 135 fn.68. - Stocking, Rachel L. (2000). Bishops, councils, and consensus in the Visigothic Kingdom, 589-633. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-47211-133-6.
García-Arenal & Glazer-Eytan 2019, p. 19. - García-Arenal, Mercedes; Glazer-Eytan, Yonatan (2019). Forced conversion in Christianity, Judaism and Islam: coercion and faith in premodern Iberia and beyond. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-41682-6.
Salzman 2006, pp. 268–269.
Marcos 2013, pp. 1–16. - Marcos, M. (2013). "The Debate on Religious Coercion in Ancient Christianity" (PDF). Chaos e Kosmos. 13: 1–16. http://www.chaosekosmos.it/pdf/2013_15.pdf
In his 1984 book, Christianizing the Roman Empire: (A.D. 100–400), and again in 1997, Ramsay MacMullen argues that widespread Christian anti–pagan violence, as well as persecution from a "bloodthirsty" and violent Constantine (and his successors), caused the Christianization of the Roman Empire in the fourth century.[163][164] Salzman describes MacMullen's book as "controversial".[164] In a review of it, T. D. Barnes has written that MacMullen's book treats "non-Christian evidence as better and more reliable than Christian evidence", generalizes from pagan polemics as if they were unchallenged fact, misses important facts entirely, and shows an important selectivity in his choices of what ancient and modern works he discusses.[165]
David Bentley Hart also gives a detailed discussion of MacMullen's "careless misuse of textual evidence".[166]
Schwarz says MacMullen is an example of a modern minimalist.[167] Schwarz suggests that minimalism is beginning to show signs of decline because it tends to understate the significance of some human actions, and so makes assumptions that are hard to support.[168] As a result, "MacMullen's account of Christianization as basically an aggregation of accidents and contingencies" is not broadly supported.[169]
In Gaul, some of the most influential textual sources on pagan-Christian violence concerns Martin, Bishop of Tours (c. 371–397), the Pannonian ex-soldier who is "solely credited in the historical record as the militant converter of Gaul".[170]
These texts have been criticized for lacking historical veracity, even by ancient critics, but they are still useful for illuminating views of violence held in late fourth century Gaul.[171]
The portion of the sources devoted to attacks on pagans is limited, and they all revolve around Martin using his miraculous powers to overturn pagan shrines and idols, but not to ever threaten or harm people.[172]
Salzman concludes "None of Martin's interventions led to the deaths of any Gauls, pagan or Christian. Even if one doubts the exact veracity of these incidents, the assertion that Martin preferred non-violent conversion techniques says much about the norms for conversion in Gaul" at the time Martin's biography was written.[173]
Archaeologist David Riggs writes that evidence from North Africa reveals a tolerance of religious pluralism and a vitality of traditional paganism much more than it shows any form of religious violence or coercion: "persuasion, such as the propagation of Christian apologetics, appears to have played a more critical role in the eventual "triumph of Christianity" than was previously assumed".[174][175]
According to Raymond Van Dam, "an approach which emphasizes conflict flounders as a means for explaining both the initial attractions of a new cult like Christianity, as well as, more importantly, its persistence".[176] In the twenty first century, this model of early Christianization has become marginalized.[177]
/wiki/Ramsay_MacMullen
Bradbury 1995, pp. 331, 346. - Bradbury, Scott (1995). "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice". Phoenix. 49 (4): 331–56. doi:10.2307/1088885. JSTOR 1088885. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1088885
Lim 2012, p. 498. - Lim, Richard (2012). "33 Christianization, Secularization, and the Transformation of Public Life". In Rousseau, Philip (ed.). A Companion to Late Antiquity. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-118-29347-8.
Digeser 2000, pp. 168–169. - Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma (2000). The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius & Rome. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-3594-2.
Thompson 2005, p. 93. - Thompson, Glen L. (2005). "Constantius II and the First Removal of the Altar of Victory". In Jean-Jacques Aubert; Zsuzsanna Varhelyi (eds.). A Tall Order: Writing the Social History of the Ancient World – Essays in honor of William V. Harris. Munich: K.G. Saur. pp. 85–106. doi:10.1515/9783110931419. ISBN 978-3-598-77828-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=1Yog3cY8sxoC
Bradbury 1995, pp. 345–356. - Bradbury, Scott (1995). "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice". Phoenix. 49 (4): 331–56. doi:10.2307/1088885. JSTOR 1088885. https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1088885
Irmscher 1988, p. 165. - Irmscher, Johannes (1988). "Non-christians and sectarians under Justinian: the fate of the inculpated". Collection de l'Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité. 367 (1): 165–167. https://www.persee.fr/doc/ista_0000-0000_1988_ant_367_1_1722
Anastos 1967, pp. 13–41. - Anastos, Milton (1967). "The Edict of Milan (313): A Defence of Its Traditional Authorship and Designation". Revue des études byzantines. 25 (1): 13–41. doi:10.3406/rebyz.1967.1383. https://www.persee.fr/doc/rebyz_0766-5598_1967_num_25_1_1383
Kaldellis 2012, pp. 1–3. - Kaldellis, Anthony (2012). Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-0241-0.
Kaldellis 2012, p. 2. - Kaldellis, Anthony (2012). Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-0241-0.
Stern 1998, p. 151. - Stern, Craig A. (1998). "Justinian: Lieutenant of Christ, Legislator for Christendom". Regent University Law Review. 11 (1). SSRN 2642313. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2642313
Mansi 1762, p. 970B. - Mansi, Giovanni Domenico (1762). Concilia. Vol. VIII. https://books.google.com/books?id=3CVPAAAAYAAJ
Kaldellis 2012, p. 3. - Kaldellis, Anthony (2012). Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-0241-0.
Irmscher 1988, p. 166. - Irmscher, Johannes (1988). "Non-christians and sectarians under Justinian: the fate of the inculpated". Collection de l'Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité. 367 (1): 165–167. https://www.persee.fr/doc/ista_0000-0000_1988_ant_367_1_1722
Lichtenberger & Raja 2018, pp. 85–98. - Lichtenberger, Achim; Raja, Rubina (2018). "From synagogue to church: The Appropriation of the Synagogue of Gerasa/Jerash under Justinian". Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum. 61. https://web.s.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=00752541&AN=143716816&h=Yo0W9z2ddrwkGVt3WXyvPXgogSCzsmWhGHNmrhL1bnKGvgIpAQC12yya2fmz771Afsc%2bUUsHSjgnhjNz%2f%2bU5nA%3d%3d&crl=c&resultNs=AdminWebAuth&resultLocal=ErrCrlNotAuth&crlhashurl=login.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26profile%3dehost%26scope%3dsite%26authtype%3dcrawler%26jrnl%3d00752541%26AN%3d143716816
Clark 2011, pp. 1–4. - Clark, Gillian (2011). "Augustine and the merciful Barbarians". In Mathisen, Ralph W.; Shanzer, Danuta (eds.). Romans, Barbarians, and the Transformation of the Roman World: Cultural Interaction and the Creation of Identity in Late Antiquity (illustrated ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. pp. 1–4. ISBN 978-0-7546-6814-5.
Cusack 1998, p. 56 fn.50. - Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (reprint ed.). A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-304-70155-1.
Cusack 1998, p. 35. - Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (reprint ed.). A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-304-70155-1.
Cusack 1998, p. 37. - Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (reprint ed.). A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-304-70155-1.
Cusack 1998, pp. 78, 101. - Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (reprint ed.). A&C Black. ISBN 978-0-304-70155-1.
Fletcher 1999, pp. 236–238. - Fletcher, Richard (1999). The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-21859-8.
Lenski 1995, p. 55. - Lenski, Noel (1995). "The Gothic Civil War and the Date of the Gothic Conversion". Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 36 (1). https://www.academia.edu/5869500
Roe 1980, p. 101. - Roe, H. (1980). "Rome and the Early Germans: Some Sociolinguistic Observations". Florilegium. 2 (1): 101–120. doi:10.3138/flor.2.006. https://doi.org/10.3138%2Fflor.2.006
Lund 2022, p. 113. - Lund, James (2022). "Religion and Thought". In Johnson, Wendell G.; Barbe, Katharina (eds.). Modern Germany. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6454-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=NQ9hEAAAQBAJ
Lund 2022, p. 113. - Lund, James (2022). "Religion and Thought". In Johnson, Wendell G.; Barbe, Katharina (eds.). Modern Germany. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6454-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=NQ9hEAAAQBAJ
Lund 2022, p. 113. - Lund, James (2022). "Religion and Thought". In Johnson, Wendell G.; Barbe, Katharina (eds.). Modern Germany. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6454-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=NQ9hEAAAQBAJ
Brown 2003, p. 137. - Brown, Peter (2003). The rise of Western Christendom: triumph and diversity, A.D. 200-1000 (2nd ed.). Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-22137-1.
Danuta 1998, pp. 29–57. - Danuta, Shanzer (March 1998). "Dating the Baptism of Clovis: The bishop of Vienna vs the bishop of Tours". Early Medieval Europe. 7 (1): 29–57. doi:10.1111/1468-0254.00017. S2CID 161819012. https://doi.org/10.1111%2F1468-0254.00017
Padberg 1998, p. 48. - Padberg, Lutz von (1998). Die Christianisierung Europas im Mittelalter (in German). Stuttgart: Reclam. ISBN 978-3-15-017015-1. OCLC 493859593. https://books.google.com/books?id=s0HFQAAACAAJ
Padberg 1998, pp. 45–48, 53. - Padberg, Lutz von (1998). Die Christianisierung Europas im Mittelalter (in German). Stuttgart: Reclam. ISBN 978-3-15-017015-1. OCLC 493859593. https://books.google.com/books?id=s0HFQAAACAAJ
Lund 2022, p. 113. - Lund, James (2022). "Religion and Thought". In Johnson, Wendell G.; Barbe, Katharina (eds.). Modern Germany. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6454-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=NQ9hEAAAQBAJ
Grave goods, which of course are not a Christian practice, have been found until that time; see: Padberg (1998), p. 59 /wiki/Grave_goods
Riché 1993, p. 87. - Riché, Pierre (1993). The Carolingians: a family who forged Europe. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-3062-8.
Lund 2022, p. 113. - Lund, James (2022). "Religion and Thought". In Johnson, Wendell G.; Barbe, Katharina (eds.). Modern Germany. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-4408-6454-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=NQ9hEAAAQBAJ
Riché 1993, pp. 105, 161. - Riché, Pierre (1993). The Carolingians: a family who forged Europe. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-3062-8.
Barbero 2004, p. 46. - Barbero, Alessandro (2004). Charlemagne: Father of a Continent. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-23943-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=_U4lDQAAQBAJ
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As in all preceding cultures, Christianity in Africa has been influenced by local African culture just as local African culture has absorbed aspects of Christianity.[430] Whether a church is 'orthodox' or 'syncretistic' is not an academic question, yet it remains a concern for anthropologists attempting to record a history of religious changes in Africa.[430] Isichei writes that the history of religion focuses on "what is central to religion: belief, ritual and the religious community" while still recognizing that religion is of central importance to contemporary world history.[431]
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